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PRRSENTCD BY 



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Napoleon in his Coronation Robes. 



BOURRIENNE^S MEMOIES 



OF 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 



AMPLIFIED FROM THE WORKS OF 



LAS CASES, KOVIGO, CONSTANT, GOURGAUD, RAPP, 



A.ND 0TH3R CELEBSATED TP-ENCH WRITEBS. 



AN APPENDIX, 



EMBKACING THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE EMPEROR'S LIFE, FROM 1815 UNTIL HIS DEATH 

AT ST. HELENA ; ALSO, A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT OF THE EXHUMATION OF HIS 

REMAINS, AND THEIR FINAL DISPOSITION, IN ACCORDANCE WITH 

HIS LAST WISH, IN THE HOTEL DES INVALIDES. 

CONDENSED FROM THE WORKS OF 

O'MEARA, ANTOMMAECHI, NAPIEE. SCOTT, HORNE, &c. 



EDITED BY W, C. AEMSTEON&. 



HARTFORD: 

PUBLISHED BY SILAS ANDRUS & SON. 

1851. 



U5t 



ENTERED, ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YE.AR 1S50, BY 

SILAS ANDRUS & SON, 

IN THE CLERJv'S OFFICE OF THE DISTRICT COURT OF CONNTICTICUT. 



FOCXDRY OF , • PRESS OP 

S. ANDRUS AND SON, WALTER S. WILLIAMS, 

HARTFORD. HARTFORD. 



J.INEWAY A. HILL, Stereolr/per, 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



A NEW EDITION of a work so well known and widely read as Bour- 
rienne's ^Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte,' would seem to require some 
statement of its claims to superiority over any other yet issued. In 
discharging this duty, the editor is content to mention a few facts in 
relation to the work and to his own connexion with it, leaving the 
reader to judge of the correctness of his views concerning the peculiar 
merits of the present edition. 

The opportunities possessed by Bourrienne of becoming well ac- 
quainted with the character of Napoleon, were incomparably greater 
than those enjoyed by most others. Their intimacy commenced at 
that early age when friendship is regarded as something more than a 
name — when the better feelings of humanity gush up from the purest 
recesses of the heart, and are untainted by that selfishness which too 
often warps and distorts them in after-life. In habits of daily social 
and political intercourse with the subject of these '■Memoirs' — on 
terms of easy familiarity with him in private — occupying a situation 
requiring that mutual confidence should be unlimited — it is no marvel 
that he was able to enter into the minuiice. of the character he so 
graphically depicts, and to impart to his work an interest which no 
.other author has so fully attained. 

But there were many transactions of importance connected with the 
life of Napoleon which Bourrienne has neglected to record, and the 
particulars of which it was not in his power to give until after they had 
been furnished to the world by others. These have been selectecT from 



4 EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

such sources as are esteemed authentic, and are arranged in their 
proper places — i. e. chronologically — either as notes or incorporated in 
the text; materially amplifying the original, and presenting in con- 
secutive order every prominent event which distinguished the career 
of Napoleon — as scholar, subaltern, general, consul, emperor, and exile. 

Incidental to the additions which have been made to the work of 
Bourrienne will be found a variety of interesting matter, from which 
may be gathered an outline history of France in the stormy time of 
the Revolution, and in the successive periods of the Directory, the Con- 
sulate, and the Empire. The biographies of many distinguished person- 
ages, who occupied prominent positions in the time of Napoleon, have 
also been entered upon so far as they have a reference to his; and, in 
like manner, the events of the world's changeful history have been given, 
so far as they stood in relation to him, influencing his actions, or receiving 
from him the "impress of their destiny." The advantages consequent 
upon including such collateral circumstances, are too apparent to require 
any comment : they are appreciable by all classes of readers, as tending 
to gratify a natural curiosity which is inseparable from the desire of 
knowledge. It is, of course, impossible to state occurrences with that 
minuteness which would be expected in a work of more general scope ; 
but sufficient will be found to afford a tolerably correct idea of every 
notable transaction in which France was concerned during the eventful 
period of Napoleon's participation in her affairs. 

The Appendix, upon which more than ordinary care has been bestowed, 
embraces an interesting collection of facts and documents, which will 
be found at all times both useful and instructive. Every occurrence 
worth relating, from the period of Napoleon's return from Elba until he 
breathed his last at St. Helena, has been scrupulously preserved ; and 
anecdotes, illustrative of the bearing of those occurrences upon his 
ever-active and sensitive mind, have been interwoven in such a manner 
as to relieve the monotony almost necessarily attendant on a mere detail 
of ordinary or extraordinary incidents. Of course, this portion has 
been mostly culled from the works of those who participated with him 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 5 

in the eventful scenes which they describe. But besides the "pith and 
marrow" of O'Meara, Las Cases, Antommarchi, &c., it also includes 
much important matter not before published in this country, and which 
has recently been issued from the English press. 

All that is deemed essential to a full comprehension of the splendid 
reception with which France at last honoured the remains of her great 
Emperor, will also be found in the Appendix ; and an endeavour has 
been made to present the details in so clear a manner, that the reader 
may obtain as vivid a conception of the gorgeous ceremonies of that 
occasion, as can be conveyed by mere description. 

In compiling the necessary additions* to Bourrienne, and the great 
variety of interesting particulars which make up the Appendix, the editor 
makes no pretensions to having accomplished more than any other 
individual of ordinary capacity and industry could have done ; yet it is 
something which has not been previously undertaken, and without 
which, Bourrienne, in comparison with some authors of a later period, 
would lose a great portion of the estimation in which he has been justly 
held fbr so many years. 

The difficulties inseparable from the supervision and compilation of a 
work which involves the account of so many actions and events, so many 
designs and policies, so many complicated feelings and interests — all 
ramifying over a prodigious extent of the civilized world — may well 
render the editor diffident of his success. But he can honestly say, 
that he has striven to his utmost to present every subject in its true 
colours, as nearly as unbiased judgment could decide between coflicting 
statements. In almost every work consulted, it was evident that the 
authors had allowed their personal or political predilections to exercise 

* These additions consist, for the most part, o' mportant details of prominent 
events, which were so well known at the time the Memoirs were originally given to 
the world, as not to have entered into the plan of this author. Incidents and charac- 
ters are also included with which Bourrienne could not have been personally acquainted, 
and it is well known that he professes to relate but few circumstances except such aa 
came under his immediate observation. 



g EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

too great an influence over their statements. While, in the main, they 
preserved an outline of truth, they sometimes also so distorted well- 
known facts, as to convey impressions calculated to favour the peculiar 
views entertained by each writer. 

Of the real character of Napoleon, both in public and private, and of 
the true history of his actions, we have endeavoured to embody, from 
the material at command, as clear, just, and succinct a view, as has yet 
been published in this country or abroad ; and it is confidently hoped that 
the task has been accomplished in such a manner as will render this 
work acceptable to "the future as well as the present times." 

w. c. A. 

Hartfokd, Octoler, 1850. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. PAGE. 

BiKTH and Parentage of Napoleon Bonaparte ; his Education at Brienne ; his Early Taste for 
Military Amusements ; enters the Militai-y College of Paris ; his Observations on the System 
of Instruction pursued there ; he obtains his First Commission ; witnesses the breaking out 
of tlie Revolution ; returns to Corsica, . . . . . . . .13 

CHAPTER II. 

Sent on a Mission to Genoa ; his Arrest ; Proposal to send him to La Vendee ; is struck off the 
List of General Officers ; the 13th Vendemaire ; the Day of the Sections ; Marries Josephine ; 
appointed to command the Army of Italy ; Battles of Monte Notte ; Millesimo ; Mondo^i ; 
Peace granted to Sardinia, ....>..... 27 

CHAPTER III. 
The Fi-ench cross the Po; the Bridge of Lodi; MUan occupied; Mantua besieged; Battles 
of Lonato, CastigUone, Roveredo, Primolano, Bassano, St. George, Ai-cola, Eivoli, and La 
Fevorita ; Surrender of Mantua ; Treaty of ToUenttno, . . . . . .39 

CHAPTER IV. 

state of Venice ; Battle of TagUamento ; the Austrians retreat ; Treaty of Leoben ; Bom-rienne 
joins the Army; Reasons for Delay; Leaves Sens for Italy; Insurrection in the Venetian 
States ; Reflections on Venice, ......... 59 

CHAPTER V. 

My Arrival and Reception at Leoben; Arrival at MUan; Negotiations with Austria; Bona- 
parte complains to the Du-ectory ; Royalist Clubs ; sends La Valette, Augereau, and Bema- 
dotte to Pai-is ; 18th Fructidor, ......... 65 

CHAPTER VI. 
Effect of the 18th Fructidor; Treaty of Campo-Formio ; leaves Italy; Arrival at Rastadt; In- 
trigues against Josephine ; Grand Reception at Paris by the Directory ; Egyptian Expedition 
projected ; Bonaparte's Arrival at Toulon ; Departure for Egypt, . . . .71 

CHAPTER VII. 
The Expedition to Egypt; Arrival at Malta; the Fleet escapes Nelson ; Alexandria taken; the 
Battle of the Pyramids; Cairo smrenders; the French Fleet destroyed at Abouliir . . 79 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Revolt at Cairo; Expedition to Syria; Bonaparte at Suez; El-Arish; Jaffa; Acre; Sir Sidney 
Smith; Retreat from Acre ; the Turks destroyed at Aboukir ; Bonaparte's Departure from. Egypt, 83 

CHAPTER IX. 

Voyage fVom Egypt; Danger of Capture; Lands at Frejus; Joy of the People; State of the 
Comitry ; Bonaparte anives at Paris; his Intrigues; Plot and Conspiracy; the 18th Brumaire; 
Bonaparte First Consul, .......... 100 



8 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER X. PAGE. 

Portrait of Bonaparte; his Domestic Manners; his Habits; his Prejudices; his Opinions; Re- 
marks on Josephine ; Murat ; Murat married to Caroline Bonaparte, .... 114 

CHAPTER XI. 
First Acts of the First Consul ; Suppression of the Festivals ; Modest Budget ; Visits the Temple, 
and Discharges the Hostages; General Latour-Foissac; the Recall of the Exiles, . . 131 

CHAPTER XII. 

Secret Police ; Fouch6 ; Removal to the Tuileries ; Review ; Assumes the Prerogative of Mercy; 
Contribution from Hamburg ; Josephine's Debts ; Evening Walks with Bonaparte ; Taste for 
Monuments and Improvements, ......<.. 138 

CHAPTER XIII. 
Louis XVHL writes to Bonaparte ; Bonaparte's Answer ; Conversation on the subject ; Bonar 
parte and Paul I. ; Lord Whitworth ; Paul's Admiration of Bonaparte, . . . .150 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Negotiations for Peace ; Negotiations xmsuccessful ; Preparations for War ; Bonaparte departs 
from Paris ; at Dijon ; Passes the Great St. Bernard ; Battle of Marengo, . , .156 

CHAPTER XV. 

Results of the Battle of Marengo ; Bonaparte returns to Paris ; is received with Enthusiasm ; 
Conspii-acies formed against him ; Infernal Machuie ; Arbitrary Condemnations, . . 176 

CHAPTER XVI, 

Austria, bribed by England, refuses to ratify the Treaty of Peace ; Rupture of the Armistice ; 
Battle of Hohenlinden ; Congress at Luneville ; Peace between France and Austria ; Death of 
Paul I. of Russia ; the Fi'ench Defeated in Egypt, and Evacuate the country ; Negotiations 
•with England ; Peace of Amiens, ......... 183 

CHAPTER XVII. 
The Peace of Amiens glorious for France ; Expedition to St. Domingo ; is Unsuocessful and Dis- 
astrous ; First Symptoms of Bonaparte's Malady ; Josephine's Intrigues for the Marriage of Hor- 
tense ; Hortense married to Louis ; Falsehood contradicted ; Bonaparte President of the Cisal- 
pine Republic ; Peace of Amiens signed ; his Dislike to the Liberty of the Press ; General 
Sebastiani sent to Constantinople; his Report; Legion of Honour; Consulate for Life, . 150 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
Bonaparte authorized to appoint his Successor ; Barbmity of Lucien ; his Theatricals ; the Con- 
sul's Private Theatre ; Lost Watch; Canova; Disgrace of Fouch6; Josephine's Regret and 
Fears; Injustice done to her Memory at St. Helena; Prosperity of France; MiUtary Gk)vern- 
ment; Bonaparte's Quarrel with Lannes ; Disgrace of Bourrienne, . . . .309 

CHAPTER XIX. 

The First Consul's doubts respecting the continuance of Peace ; the Discontent of England; her 
Bad Faith ; Bonaparte and Lord Whitworth ; Bonapai-te's Message to the Senate ; Causes of 
the Discontent of England ; Lord Whitworth's Departure ; Complaints of the English Govern- 
ment; My Interview with Bonaparte ; Fauche-Borel ; Moreau and Pichegru ; Reports respect- 
ing Hortense ; Death of the Duke d'Enghien ; Josephine's Grief, . . . .230 

CHAPTER XX. 

Consequences of the Death of the Duke d'Enghien ; Pichegru an'ested ; his Death ; Moreau ; 
his Treatment in Prison ; the Trial of Georges, Moreau, and others ; their Sentence, . . 244 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER SXI. PAGE. 

Tfie Empire Rehearsal ; Secret Negotiations with the Senate ; Hereditary Succession proposed by 
the Tribune Ciu-ee ; the Piwposition adopted by the Tiibune ; Address of the Senate ; the 
Emperor's Reply; Revival of old Fonnulas and Titles ; the Creation of the Marshals ; the Invar 
sion of England never seriously contemplated ; the Fete of the 14th of July; Church Festivals 
a Waste of Time ; Grand Ceremonial at the Invalids ; Depai-ture for Boulogne ; Distribution 
of the Crosses of the Legion of Honour ; Intrepidity of two English Sailors ; Negotiations 
with the Pope ; the Pope ai'rives at Fontaiubleau ; the Coronation ; Distribution of the Eagles 
in the Champ-de-Mars, .......... 251 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Remarkable Events contemporary with Napoleon's Coronation ; his Letter to the King of Eng- 
land ; Acts of HostOity against Spain on the part of England ; Opening of the Sittings of the 
Legislative Body ; my Appointment as Minister to Hambm-g ; Interview with Napoleon ; his 
Views respecting Italy; Demands of the Holy See ; Napoleon's Depai-ture for Italy; Last Inter- 
view with the Pope at Tm-in ; Alessandi'ia ; Napoleon crowned King of Italy at Milan ; Symp- 
toms of Dissatisfaction on the part of Austria and Russia ; Napoleon retm-ns to Paris, and 
departs for Boulogne ; Unfortunate Result of a Naval Engagement ; my Depai'tui-e for Ham- 
bm-g ; Militai-y ObseiTations, and Indications of War, , ^ . . . . 265 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Difficulties of my Situation at Hambm-g ; Warlike Preparations in Austria ; Najwleon's Com- 
plaints agauist the Emperor of Austria ; Napoleon at Sti-asbm-g ; Captain Bemai-d's Reconnoi- 
tering Expedition ; Rapidity of Napoleon's Operations ; the French Anny before Ulm ; Capit- 
ulation of Ulm ; Napoleon before and after Victory ; his Address to the Captive Generals ; 
Abstract of the Causes which led to the Renewal of Hostilities— their Consequences, . 276 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

The Emperor's Proclamation ; Ten Thousand Prisoners taken by Murat ; Mission of M. de 
GiiUay ; the first French Eagles taken by the Russians ; Bold Adventui-e of Lannes and Miu-at ; 
the Fi-ench enter Vienna ; the Battle of Austerlitz, ...... 287 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Interview of Napolecm and the Emperor of Austria; Treaty of Pi-esbm'g; Consequences of the 
Campaign; Conduct of Prussia; Battle of Trafalgar; Financial Difficulties; Ouvrard; his 
Chai-acter and Treatment by the Emperor, ........ 298 

CHAPTER XXVI, 

The King of Sweden ; Projects in Holland ; Negotiations for Peace ; Mr. Fox, British Minister ; 
Intended Assassination of Napoleon ; Propositions made through Lord Yannouth ; the Em- 
peror retm-ns to Paris ; Creation of the new Nobility, ...... 308 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Menaces of Prussia ; Hostilities commenced between France and Prussia ; Battle of Jena ; Death 
of the Duke of Brmawick, .......... 313 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
Triumph of the French Armies ; Generous Conduct of Napoleon towai'ds the Pitoce of Hatzfeld ; 
Blucher my Prisoner: his Cliaracter ; Pi-iuce Paul of Wu-temberg also a Prisoner ; Negotiations 
for Peace ; the Demands of Napoleon rejected ; Displeasure of the King of Sweden, . . 319 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

The Berlin Decrees ; Remarks on the Continental System ; its Tendencies to produce Napoleon's 
FaU, 326 



10 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXS. PAGE. 

Deputation of the Senate to Berlin ; New System of War ; Napoleon mai'ches to meet the Rus- 
sians; Murat enters Warsaw; Excitement in Poland; Military Preparations; the Battle of 
Eylau ; Gardanne'a Mission to Persia ; Fall of Dantzic ; Battle of Friedland, . . . 330 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Interview between the two Emperora at Tilsit ; the Treaty of Tilsit : its Coijseqiiences ; the King- 
dom of Westphalia fomided ; the Duchy of Warsaw ; King of Saxony ; Bombardment of 
Copenhagen ; Napoleon's Retm-n to Paiis ; Suppression of the Tribimate ; Affairs of Portugal ; 
the Code Napoleon ; Introduction of French Laws into Germany, .... 340 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Disturbed State of Spain ; Godoy, Prince of Peace ; Differences between the Kmg of Spain and 
his Son ; both appeal to Napoleon : are deceived, and Induced to abdicate ; Mui'at at Madrid ; 
his Ambition ; the Crown of Spain destined for Joseph ; Summary of Events ; Insm'rection 
in Spain and Portugal ; Landing of the British ; Junot defeated ; Convention of Cintra, . 349 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Arbitrary Conduct of the French Military Governors ; General Dupas at Hambiu-g ; the Code 
of Commerce ; Conquests by Senatus Consulta ; Creation of the Imperial Nobility ; Restora- 
tion of the Univereity ; Italy aggi-andized at the Expense of the Pope ; the Interview at Erfiut 
between the Emperors Napoleon and Alexander, ....... 302 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Eomana's Defection; Napoleon's Journey to Italy; Adoption of Eugene; Louis, King of Hol- 
land ; Displeases Napoleon ; Abdicates tu favour of his Son ; Holland united to France, , 368 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

Napoleon arrives in Spain; the French successful every where; Sir John Moore's Retreat; 
Napoleon leaves Spain; Austria declai-es War; Napoleon heads his Army in Germany; 
Austrian Disasters ; Vienna taken, ......... 377 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 
The Papal States united to France ; the Battle of Talavera ; Sir Arthur Wellesley ; Staps' Attempt 
to assassinate the Emperor at Schoenbruim ; his Examination and Death ; Influence of this 
Attempt on the Conclusion of Peace ; Treaty of Schoenbrxmn ; Napoleon returns to Paris, , 3So 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Napoleon divorces Josephine, and marries Maiia-Louisa ; the Hanse Towns refuse to pay new 
French Troops ; Decree for burning EngUsh Merchandise ; my Recall to Paris ; Union of the 
Hanse Towns with France ; Visit to Malmaison ; Grief of Josephine, . » . . 391 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. • 

The French unsuccessful in Spain ; Hostility of the People ; State of France ; Birth of the King 
of Rome ; Certainty of War with Russia ; War in Spain neglected ; Preparaticms for War ; 
Removal of the Pope to Fontainbleau, ........ 396 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

Departiu-e of Napoleon and Maria-Louisa for Dresden; Napoleon and Alexander desire War ; 
Attempt to detach Sweden from her Alliance with Russia, . , , . . 401 

CHAPTERXL. 

Reflections on Poland ; Disasters in Russia ; Mallet's Conspiracy ; Motives of Napoleon's Return 
to Paris; his Exertions to repair his Losses; War still resolved on, .... 404 



CONTENTS. 11 

CHAPTER XLI. PAGE. 

Discontent in France and the Provinces; Hamburg evacuated: is occupied by the Cossacks ; 
Napoleon's new Ai-my; Reoccupation of Hamburg; Congress at Prague, . . . 409 

CHAPTER XLII. 

Ruptuie of the Conferences at Prague ; Defection of Jomini ; Battles of Dresden and Leipsic ; 
Prince Poniatowsld killed ; Defection of Austria and Bavaria ; fresh Levy of Men ; Siege of 
Hamburg : is defended by Davoust ; Distress of the Inhabitants, .... 414 

CHAPTER SLIII. 

Prince Eugene and the Affairs of Italy; Murat's Perfidy: declares War against France; the 
National Guard of Paris enrolled ; the Emperor's Address, ..... 421 

CHAPTER XLIT. 

The Congress of Chatillon ; Ruptm-e of the Conferences ; the Prussians repulsed ; Battles of 
Brienne and Craonne ; Capture of a Convoy ; the Council of Regency ; Departure of the 
Empress ; Mai-mont's Defence of Paris ; Capitulation of Paris ; Popular Expression in Favour 
of the Bourbons ; Deputation to the Emperor Alexander, ..... 435 

CHAPTERXLV. 

The Allied Sovereigns enter Paris ; Alexander's Declaration ; Provisional Government appoint- 
ed ; Napoleon negotiates ; his Conditional Abdication ; his Wish to retract, . . . 436 

CHAPTER XLVI. 

Conference of the Marshals with Alexander ; Mutiny in the Corps of Marmont : they return to 
Order ; Unconditional Abdication reqiiii'ed of Napoleon ; Farewell Interview between Napo- 
leon and Macdonald ; Unconditional Abdication signed, ...... 447 

CHAPTER XLVII. 
Tranquillity of Paris ; Arrival of the Count d'Artois : his Entry into Paris ; Arrival of the Em- 
peror of Austria ; Maria-Lotiisa : her Departure for Vienna ; Italy, and Eugene, . . 453 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 

Napoleon consents to proceed to Elba ; his Farewell to his Troops ; his Journey ; embarks for 
Elba, . .■ 457 

CHAPTER XLIX. 
Changes produced by time ; Louis XVIII. lands at Calais ; Berthier's Addi'ess to the King ; the 
ICing enters Paris ; Unexpected Dismissal from my Post ; Signs of a Commotion ; Symptoms 
of an Approaching Crisis ; Landing of Bonaparte ; Bourrienne Prefect of Police ; Council of the 
Tuileries ; Evident Understanding between Murat and Bonaparte ; Plans laid at Elba ; Louis 
XVni. leaves Paris ; Departure from France ; Bonaparte returns to Paris ; Aspect of France, 463 

CHAPTER L. 

Assurance of Protection from Bonaparte ; Recollection of old Persecutions ; Seals placed upon 
my Effects : Useless Search ; Extracts from the Letters of M. de Talleyrand on the State of 
Affairs ; Napoleon prepares for War : departs for the Army ; HostiUties commence, and are 
terminated by the Battle of Waterloo ; the King returns to Paris ; my Departui-e from Ham- 
bmg, and Arrival at Paris; Fouch6 Jlinister ; my Appointment as President of the Yonne, 
and Election as Deputy : named Counsellor and Minister of State, .... 476. 



12 CONTENTS. 



APPENDIX. 

CHAPTER I. PACE. 

Preliminary Remarks ; Situation of France and Belgimn ; the Duke of Wellington at Brussels ; 
Rapid Concentration of an Ai-my by Napoleon ; Blucher assembles his Army ; Encounter at 
Quatre-bras ; Details of the Battle of Waterloo ; its Disastrous Results to the French ; the 
English and Pi-ussiana equally entitled to the Honours of the Victory, .... 485 

CHAPTER II. 

The Consequences of the Battle of Waterloo ; the Chambers meet, and adopt several important 
resolutions, submitted by La Fayette ; the Ministers make a detailed statement of recent disas- 
ters ; the Abdication of Napoleon considered a necessary measure ; he communicates his Act 
of Abdication : repau-s to Slalmaison, and thence to Rochefort ; Paris sm-rendered to the 
Allies ; Louis XVIII. reestablished upon the Throne ; Negotiations of Las Cases and Savary 
with Captain Maitland ; Napoleon determines to embark on board the Bellerophon ; Letter 
to the Prince Regent ; Reception by Captain Maitland ; Interview with Admu-al Hotham ; 
Napoleon and the Marines ; Sails for England ; Ai'rives at Torbay, whence the Bellerophon is 
ordered to anchor off Plymouth ; Meeting of Napoleon and the English Commissioners ; 
Attempt to remove him on shore by writ of Habeas Corpus ; Napoleon's Protest against the 
Decision of the English Government ; Selection of his Companions in Exile ; Examination 
of his Effects ; is transferred on board the Northumberland, and committed to the care of 
Admiral Cockburn ; Sails for St. Helena, . , . , , . . . 499 

CHAPTER III, 

Arrival at St. Helena ; General Description of the Island ; Napoleon's Residence at the Briars : 
his Pastimes ; Removal to Longwood ; Boimdaries assigned for Recreation ; Domestic Arrange- 
ments ; Exercises for Health ; Arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe : his Interview with Napoleon ; 
Annoyances ; Unpleasant Altercations with the Governor ; Arrival of Sir Pultuey Malcolm 
with Commissioners from the Em'opean Powera ; Treaty of the Allied Sovereigns ; " Bona- 
parte's Detention Bill;" Lord and Lady Holland; Reduction of Expenses at Longwood; 
Building Materials and Fm-niture sent to St. Helena ; Napoleon's Opinion of this Measm-e ; his 
Treasures ; Description of his Apartment ; the Imperial Plate sold to supply Deficiencies ; Fur- 
ther Restrictions ; Santini ; Las Coses enti-apped and banished ; Removal of Doctors O'Meara 
and Stokoe ; Arrival of Dr. Antommarchi ; Napoleon turns Gardener ; Fails rapidly ; Dictates 
his Will : his Death ; Post-mortem Examination ; Funeral, ..... 516 

CHAPTER IV. 

Arrangements made for ti-ansporting the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena ; Communication 
from Lord Palmerston ; Prince de JoLnviUe appointed to command the Expedition ; its De- 
partm-e from France and arrival at St. Helena ; Exhumation and Reception of the Remains ; 
Report of the Commissioners ; Retm-n to France ; Ceremonies along the Route to Pai-is ; Final 
Disposition in the Chapel of the Invalides, ....... 549 



MEMOIRS 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 



CHAPTER I. 



Birth and Parentage of Napoleon Bonaparte; his Education at Brienne; his Early Taste for 
Military Amusements ; enters the Militaiy College of Paris ; his Observations on the System of 
Instruction pursued there; he obtains his First Commission; witnesses the breaking out of the- 
Revolution ; returns to Corsica. 

The desire of speculating upon an illustrious name could alone 
have given birth to the numerous publications under the title of 
'memiors,' of 'secret histories,' and of 'rhapsodies,' which have 
appeared about Napoleon. On reading them, we are at a loss to 
determine whether we ought to be most surprised at the audacity 
of the writers, or the good-nature of their readers. But, in fact,. 
contemporary biography is for the most part an imposture, and 
the history of a great man, written during his life, is either a 
panegyric or a satire. 

Posterity will not be divided in their judgment of Napoleon 
as his contemporaries have been. In a future age, the recollec- 
tions of his splendid triumphs will have been very much weak- 
ened; but, at the same time, the evils which his sixty victories 
have brought upon the great European family, will have been 
forgotten. His wars and his conquests will be estimated s'olely 
by their results ; his policy, by the utility and permanency of the 
institutions which he created, and their harmony with the age in 
which he lived. 

It will be asked, whether he might not have chosen a career 
less painfully splendid, but more marked by wisdom, than that of 
war; and whether he was right in preferring the renown which 
always accompanies great military glory, to the reputation, less 
brilliant, but more desirable, of having powerfully contributed to 
the happiness of mankind. 

2 



14 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

An historian will one day arise, who will do justice to his 
merit : as for myself, I do not even pretend to aspire to the honour 
of being his biographer ; I am only about to relate all that I know 
of this extraordinary man, and which I believe I know well — that 
which I have seen and heard, and of which I have preserved 
numerous notes. With confidence I call him an extraordinary 
man; — who, owing every thing to himself, acquired the most 
absolute sway over a great and enlightened nation, obtained so 
many victories, subdued so many states, distributed crowns to his 
family, made and unmade kings, and who became nearly the most 
ancient sovereign in Europe, and who was, without doubt, the 
most distinguished of his age : such an individual cannot be called 
an ordinary man. 

The reader must not expect to find in these Memoirs an unin- 
terrupted series of all the events which marked the great career 
of Napoleon; nor details of all the battles, with the recital of 
which so many eminent men have usefully and ably occupied 
themselves. 1 shall say little about whatever I did not see or 
hear myself, and which is not supported by official documents- 
Napoleon Buonaparte was born at Ajaccio, in Corsica, on the 
15th of August, 1769. The name was written Buonaparte; but 
during the first campaign in Italy he dropped the u, merely to 
render the spelling conformable with the pronunciation, and to 
abridge his signature. It has been said that he suppressed a 
year in his age, and that he was born in 1768; but this is untrue. 
He always told me that the 15th of August, 1769, was his birth- 
day ; and as I was born on the 9th of July in that year, our prox- 
imity of age seemed to strengthen our union and friendship when 
at the military school of Brienne. 

Napoleon was the second son of Charles Marie de Buonaparte, 
a noble, deputy of the noblesse of Corsica, and Lsetitia Ramolino, 
his wife: there were five brothers — Joseph, Napoleon, Lucien, 
Louis, and Jerome; and three sisters — Eliza, Caroline, and Pau- 
line. Five others must have died in infancy, for we are informed 
that his mother had thirteen children, and became a widow at 
the age of thirty.* 

Bonaparte was undoubtedly a man of good family. I have seen 
an authentic account of his genealogy, which he obtained from 
Tuscany. A great deal has been written about the civil dissen- 
sions which forced his family to leave Italy, and take refuge in 

* Bonaparte ever, in after life acknowledged with gratitude the obligations he was 
under to his mother, and expressed his belief that he owed his subsequent elevation 
principally to her early lessons; and, indeed, laid it down as a maxim, that the future 
"good or bad conduct of a child depends entirely on the mother." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 15 

Corsica. On this subject, I have nothing to state. His father 
was poor, and he himself received his education at the public 
expense, an advantage of which many honourable families 
availed themselves. A memorial, addressed by his father, Charles 
Buonaparte, to M. de Segur, then Minister of War, states, that 
his fortune had been reduced by an attempt to drain the salt 
marshes, and by the injustice of the Jesuits, by whom he had 
been deprived of his inheritance. The object of this memorial 
was to solicit a sub-lieutenant's commission for Napoleon, who 
was then fourteen years of age ; and to get Lucien, his third 
son, admitted a king's scholar at the military college of Brienne. 
The answer returned by the minister to this memorial was, "that 
his request was inadmissible so long as his second son remained 
at the military school at Brienne. Two brothers cannot be placed 
at the same time in the military schools." When Napoleon had 
completed his fifteenth year, he was sent to Paris, until he should 
attain the requisite age for entering the army. 

Much has been said, and in an opposite spirit, of Bonaparte's 
boyhood; he has been described in terms of enthusiastic praise, 
and the most ridiculous condemnation. This will always be the 
case with those individuals whom genius or other favourable 
circumstances have elevated above their fellow-men. It is absurd 
to endeavour to find in an infant the germ of great crimes or of 
eminent virtues. He used to laugh heartily at those tales which 
bedecked him with virtues or loaded him with crimes, just as their 
authors were actuated by admiration or hatred. I recollect, how- 
ever, an anecdote which has been given to the public with various 
modifications, and which has become familiar to most readers. 

During the winter of 1783-4, so memorable for .the heavy falls 
of snow, which blocked up the roads and covered the country to 
a depth of six or eight feet, Napoleon was greatly at a loss for 
those out-door amusements and retired walks in which he used 
to take so much delight. During play-hours he had no alterna- 
tive but to mix with the crowd of his school-fellows, and to walk 
with them up and down the area of an immense hall. To relieve 
himself from this monotonous parade, he contrived to stir up the 
whole school to amuse themselves in a different manner, by form- 
ing passages through the snow in the great court-yard, and 
erecting horn- works, sinking trenches, raising parapets, &c., &c. 
"Our works being completed," said he, "we can divide ourselves 
into parties, enact a species of siege, and I, as the inventor of 
this new amusement, undertake to direct the attack." The pro- 
posal was joyfully acceded to by his school-fellovv^s, and imme- 
diately put into execution. This mimic combat was carried on 



16 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. . 

during a period of fifteen days, and did not cease until, by gravel 
and small stones having got mixed with the snow which formed 
our bullets, many of the students, besiegers as well as besieged, 
were severely wounded. I recollect that I myself was a consid- 
erable sufferer from this kind of shot. 

Bonaparte and I were nine years old when our friendship 
commenced. We soon became very intimate, for there was a 
certain sympathy of heart between us. I enjoyed this intimacy 
and friendship without interruption until 1784, when he was 
transferred from the military school at Brienne to that of Paris. 
I was one of those youthful companions who could best accom- 
modate themselves to his stern and severe character. His 
natural reserve, his disposition to meditate on the subjugation of 
Corsica, and the impressions which he had received in his youth 
respecting the misfortunes of his country, and of his family, led 
him to seek solitude, and rendered his general demeanour some- 
what disagreeable ; but this was more in appearance than in 
reality. Our equality of age placed us together in the classes of 
languages and the mathematics. His ardent desire to acquire 
knowledge was remarkable from the very commencement of his 
studies. When he first came to the college, he only spoke the 
Corsican dialect, from which circumstance he already excited a 
lively interest. The Sieur Dupius, then vice-principal, a gentle- 
man of polished manners, and an excellent grammarian, undertook 
to give him lessons in the French language. His pupil repaid 
his care so well, that in a very short time he had also learned 
the first rudiments of Latin. But to this language he had such 
an aversion, that in his fifteenth year he was still in the fourth 
class. In the Latin, I left him very speedily ; but I could never 
get before him in the mathematical class, in which, in my opinion, 
he was, beyond dispute, the ablest in the whole school. I used 
sometimes to help him with his Latin themes and versions; and 
in return he assisted me in the solution of problems, which he 
demonstrated with a readiness and facility that perfectly astonished 
me ; but to themes and translations he had a great aversion. 

At Brienne, Bonaparte was remarkable for the dark colour of 
his complexion, which the climate of France afterwards very 
much changed, as well as for his piercing and scrutinizing glance, 
and for the style of his conversation, both with his masters and 
companions. His conversation almost always bore the appear- 
ance of ill-humour, and he was certainly not very sociable. This 
I think may be attributed to the misfortunes of his family during 
his childhood, and the impressions made on his mind by the sub- 
jugation pf his country. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 17 

The students were invited by turns to dine with Father Benton, 
the principal of the school. One day, it being Bonaparte's turn to 
enjoy this indulgence, some of the professors who were at table, 
knowing his admiration for Paoli, purposely spoke disrespectfully 
of him. " Paoli," Bonaparte replied, "was a great man ; he loved his 
country ; and I never shall forgive my father, who was his adjutant, 
for consenting to the union of Corsica with France. He ought to 
have followed Paoli's fortunes, and to have fallen with him." 

Generally speaking, Bonaparte was not liked by his companions, 
and they certainly did not flatter him. He associated but little 
with them, and rarely took part in their amusements. The sub- 
mission of his country to France seemed to disturb his mind, and 
led him to keep away from the boisterous exercises of his school- 
fellows. I, however, was almost always with him. During play- 
hours he withdrew to the library, where he read with great eager- 
ness books of history, particularly Polybius and Plutarch. He 
ran over Arrian with great delight, but had little taste for Quintus 
Curtius. I have often left him in the library to join the sports of 
my companions. 

The temper of the young Corsican was not improved by the 
railleries of the students, who were fond of ridiculing his name, 
Napoleon, and his country. He has often said to me, "I will do 
these French all the mischief in my power:" and when I have 
endeavoured to pacify him, he would say, "But you never insult 
me ; you love me." 

Father Patrauld, our mathematical professor, was much attached 
to Bonaparte, and he had great reason to be proud of him as a 
pupil. The other professors, in whose classes he was not distin- 
guished, took little notice of him. He had no taste for the study 
of languages, polite literature, or the fine arts ; and as there were 
no indications of his ever becoming a scholar, the pedants of the 
establishment were inclined to consider him stupid. It has often 
been reported that he received a careful education at Brienne; 
but this is untrue, for at that time the monks were incapable of 
giving it. I must confess, that the extended information of the 
present day is, to me, a painful contrast with the limited educa- 
tion I received at the military college. I am only surprised that 
the establishment should have produced a single able man. 

Though Bonaparte had seldom reason to speak well of his 
fellow-students, yet he was above complaining against them ; and 
when in his turn he had to see to the performance of any duty 
which they neglected, he preferred to go into confinement himself 
than to denounce the culprits. 

Bonaparte, during his life, has performed a sufficiency of great 
B 2* 



18 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

actions to render it unnecessary to dilate upon the pretended won- 
ders of his boyhood. I should be unjust were I to say that he 
was an ordinary boy; I have never considered him as such. I 
am bound to declare, on the contrary, that, amidst a crowd of 
competitors, he was a very distinguished scholar. 

I have read, in some biographical account of him, that when 
about fourteen years of age he happened to be at a party where 
some one eulogized Turenne, and a lady observed that he certainly 
was a great man, but that she would have liked him better had he 
not burned the Palatinate. "What signifies that," said he, "if the 
burning was necessary to the object he had in view?" This may 
be very pretty, but it is a mere fiction. Bonaparte was fourteen 
in 1783; he was then at Brienne, where we saw no company, 
and least of all the company of ladies. 

Bonaparte was fifteen years and two months old when he went 
to the military college of Paris. I accompained him in a chaise to 
Nogent-sur-Seine ; and we parted with mutual regret. We did 
not again meet until 1792. We continued our correspondence 
during these eight years, but so little did I anticipate the high 
destinies, which, after his elevation, it has been said his youth 
indicated, that I have not kept one of the letters which he wrote 
me during this period. I destroyed the whole so soon as they were 
answered. I only recollect that, in a letter which he wrote to 
me about a year after his arrival in Paris, he called upon me to 
fulfil a promise which I had made at Brienne to enter the army 
with him. Like him and with him I had passed through a course 
of study necessary for the service of the artillery : and I had even 
gone, in 1787, for three months to Metz, in order to join practice 
to theory. But a strange ordinance, issued in 1778, by M. de 
Segur, required, as a proof of the necessary talent, that aspirants 
for the honour of serving their king and country should have at 
least four quarters of nobility on their escutcheons. My mother, 
who had been told that we had at least a dozen, immediately set 
off for Paris to find a M. d'Ogny, of the Heralds' office, to whom 
she presented the lettei's patent of her husband, who had died six 
weeks before I was born. She showed that Louis XIII. had, in 
1640, granted a patent of nobility to Fauvelet de Villemont, who, 
in 1586, had kept several districts in Burgundy in obedience to 
the king, at the peril of his life and to the ruin of his fortune ; and 
that his family had filled the first places in the magistracy, down- 
wards from the fourteenth century. All was correct : but it was 
observed that the patent of nobility had not been duly registered 
by the parliament ; and to remedy this omission, they demanded a 
fee of twelve thousand francs. This my mother refused to pay, 
and there the matter rested. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 19 

On his arrival at the mihtary school of Paris, he found the 
whole establishment on so brilliant and expensive a footing, that 
he immediately addressed a memorial on the subject to the Vice- 
principal Berton. He showed that the system of education was 
pernicious, and far from being calculated to fulfil the object which 
every wise government must have in view. He complained that 
the mode of Ufe was too expensive and deUcate for "poor gentle- 
men," and could not prepare them for returning to their modest 
homes, or for the hardships of the camp. Instead of the numer- 
ous attendants by whom they were surrounded — their dinners of 
two courses, and their horses and grooms — he suggested that they 
should be obliged to perform the little necessary services for them- 
selves, such as brushing their clothes, &c., and that they should eat 
the coarse bread made for soldiers. Temperance and sobriety, he- 
added, would render them robust, and enable them to bear the 
severity of the seasons, to brave the fatigues of war, and to inspire 
the respect and obedience of the soldiers under their command. 
Thus reasoned Napoleon at the age of sixteen, and time showed 
that he never departed from these principles. The establishment 
of the military school at Fontainebleau is a positive proof of this. 

Napoleon, being of a restless and observing disposition, speaking 
his opinion openly and with energy, did not remain long at the 
military school of Paris. His superiors, annoyed by the decision, 
of his character, hastened the period of his examination, and he 
obtained the first vacant sub-lieutenancy in a regiment of artillery. 
As for myself, I left Brienne in 1787, and as I could not enter the 
artillery, from the circumstance above stated, I proceeded in the 
following year to Vienna, with a letter of recommendation to M. 
de Montmorin, soliciting employment in the French embassy, then 
at the court of Austria. After having been initiated in the first 
steps of diplomacy, I was advised by M. de Noailles to go to one 
of the German universities, to study the law of nations and for- 
eign languages. I accordingly repaired to Leipsic. 

I had scarcely got there, when the French revolution broke out. 
Alas! the reasonable reforms which the age demanded, and which 
liberal and right-thinking men desired, were very different from 
that total overthrow and destruction of the state which followed, 
and the long series of crimes which darken the pages of French; 
history. 

In the month of April, 1792, I returned to Paris, where I again 
met Bonaparte, and renewed the friendship of our youthful days. 
I had not been fortunate, and adversity pressed heavily upon him ; 
his resources frequently failed him. We passed our time as two 
young men of three- and- twenty may be supposed to have done, 



20 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

who had little money and less occupation. He was worse off in 
this respect than myself; we started some new project every day, 
nnd were on the look out for some profitable speculation, but 
every thing failed us. At this time he was soliciting employment 
from the minister at war, and I at the office for foreign affairs. 
I was, for the moment, the most fortunate of the two. 

While we were thus spending our time in an unprofitable man- 
ner, the 20th of June arrived — a sad prelude to the 10th of August. 
We met by appointment, at a restaurateur's in the Rue St. Honor6, 
near the Palais Royal. On going out we saw a mob approaching, 
in the direction of the market-place, which Bonaparte estimated 
at from five to six thousand men. They were a parcel of black- 
guards, armed with weapons of every description, and shouting 
the grossest abuse, while they proceeded at a rapid rate towards 
the Tuilleries. This mob appeared to consist of the vilest and 
most profligate of the population of the suburbs. " Let us follow 
the rabble," said Bonaparte. We got the start of them, and took 
up our station on the terrace, bordering the river. It was there 
that he was an eye-witness of the scandalous scenes that ensued; 
and it would be difficult to describe the surprise and indignation 
which they excited in him. Such weakness and forbearance, he 
said, could not be excused; but when the king showed himself at 
a window which looked out upon the garden, with the red cap, 
which one of the .mob had just placed upon his head, he could 
no longer repress his indignation: "What madness!" he loudly 
exclaimed; "how could they allow that rabble to enter? why do 
they not sweep away four or five hundred of them with the cannon ? 
and then the rest would take themselves off very quickly." 

When we sat down to dinner, he discussed with great good 
sense the causes and consequences of this unrepressed insurrec- 
tion. He foresaw, and developed with sagacity, all that would fol-' 
low; and in this he was not mistaken. The 10th of August soon 
arrived ; as for myself, I received an appointment a few days after 
the 20th of June, as secretary of legation at Stuttgardt, to which 
city I set out on the 2d of August, and did not again see my young 
and ardent friend until 1795. He told me that my departure would 
hasten his own for Corsica; we separated, with feeble hopes, as 
it appeared at the time, of ever meeting again. It was after the 
fatal 10th of August that Bonaparte visited Corsica; he did not 
return until 1793. 

It was during my absence from France, that Bonaparte, in the 
rank of cliief of battalion, performed his first campaign, and con- 
tributed so powerfully to the taking of Toulon. Of this period 
of his life I have no personal knowledge, and, therefore, I shall 
not speak of it as an eye-witness 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 31 

To connect the narrative of Bourrienne, and to complete this 
interesting part of Bonaparte's history, we give the accompanying 
extract from another account of his hfe : 

General Paoli, who had lived in England ever since the termi- 
nation of that civil war in which Charles Buonaparte, the father 
of Napoleon, had served under his banner, was cheered, when 
the French revolution first broke out, with the hope that liberty 
was about to be restored to Corsica. He came to Paris, was 
received with applause as a tried friend of freedom, and appointed 
governor of his native island, which, for some time, he ruled wisely 
and happily. But as the revolution advanced, Paoli, like most 
other wise men, became satisfied that license was more likely to 
be established by its leaders, than law and rational liberty ; and 
avowing his aversion to the growing principles of Jacobinism, 
and the scenes of tumult and bloodshed to which they gave rise, 
he was denounced in the National Assembly as the enemy of 
France. An expedition was sent to deprive him of his govern- 
ment, under the command of La Combe, Michel, and Salicetti, 
one of the Corsican deputies to the Convention ; and Paoli called 
on his countrymen to take arms in his and their own defence. 

It was at this time (1793) that Bonaparte had leave of absence 
from his regiment, and was in Corsica, on a visit to his mother. 
Paoli, who knew him well, did all he could to enlist him in his 
cause ; but Napoleon had satisfied himself that Corsica was too 
small a country to maintain independence ; and that she must fall 
under the rule either of France or England ; and that her interests 
would be best served by adhering to the former. He therefore 
resisted all Paoli's offers, and tendered his sword to the service of 
Salicetti. He was appointed provisionally to the command of a 
battalion of national guards; and the first military service on 
which he was employed was the reduction of a small fortress, called 
the Torre di Capitello, near Ajaccio. He took it; but was soon 
besieged in it, and he and his garrison, after a gallant defence, and 
living for some time on horse-flesh, were glad to evacuate the tower, 
and escape to the sea. The English government now began to- 
reinforce Paoli, and the cause of the French party seemed to be 
for the moment desperate. The Bonapartes were banished from 
Corsica; and their mother and sisters took refuge first at Nice, 
and afterwards at Marseilles, where for some time they suffered all 
the inconveniences of exile and poverty. Napoleon rejoined his 
regiment. He had chosen France for his country; and seems, in, 
truth, to have preserved little or no affection for his native soil. 

Bonaparte's first military service occurred, as we have seen, in* 
the summer of 1793. The king of France had been put to death. 



22 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

on the 21st of January, in that year; and in less than a month 
afterwards, the Convention had declared war against England. 
The murder of the king, alike cruel and atrocious, had in fact 
united the princes of Europe against the revolutionary cause, and 
within France itself a strong reaction took place. The people of 
Toulon, the great port and arsenal of France on the Mediterra- 
nean, partook the sentiments, and invited the English and Spanish 
fleets off their coast to come to their assistance, and garrison their 
city. The allied admirals took possession accordingly of Toulon, 
and a motley force of English, Spanish, and Neapolitans, prepared 
to defend the place. In the harbour and roads there were found 
about twenty-five ships of the line, and the city contained immense 
naval and military stores of every description, so that the defection 
of Toulon was regarded as a calamity of the first order by the 
revolutionary government. 

This event occurred in the midst of that period which has 
received the name of the reign of terror. Whatever else the 
government wanted, vigour to repel aggressions from without was 
displayed in abundance. Two armies immediately marched upon 
Toulon ; and after a series of actions, in which the passes in the 
hills behind the town were forced, the place was at last invested, 
and a memorable siege commenced. 

It was conducted with little skill, first by Cartaux, a vain cox- 
comb, who had been a painter, and then by Doppet, an ex-physician 
and a coward. Cartaux had not yet been superseded, when Bona- 
parte made his appearance at head-quarters, with a commission to 
assume the command of the artillery. It has been said that he 
owed his appointment to the private regard of Salicetti; but the 
high testimonials he had received from the military academy were 
more likely to have served him ; nor is it possible to suppose that he 
had been so long in the regiment of La Fere, without being appre- 
ciated by some of his superiors. However this may have been, 
he was received almost with insolence by Cartaux, who, strutting 
about in a uniform covered with gold lace, told him his assistance 
was not wanted ; but he was welcome to partake in his glory. 

It was during the siege of Toulon, that Napoleon, while con- 
structing a battery under the enemy's fire, had occasion to prepare 
a despatch, and called out for some one who could use a pen. A 
young Serjeant, named Junot, leaped out, and leaning on the 
breastwork, wrote as he dictated. As he finished, a shot struck 
the ground by his side, scattering dust in abundance over him and 
every thing near him. "Good," said the soldier, laughing, "this 
time we shall spare our sand." The cool gayety of this pleased 
Bonaparte; he kept his eye on the man; and Junot became after- 
wards Marshal of France and Duke of Abrantes. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 23 

SIEGE OF TOULON. 

EXTKACTED FROM THE MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON, DICTATED AT ST. HELENA. 

Napoleon, on his arrival, found the head-quarters at Beausset. 
They were busy making preparations to burn the aUied squadrons 
in the road of Toulon ; and the next day the commandant of the 
artillery went with the general-in-chief to visit the batteries. 
What was his surprise to find a battery of six twenty-four pound- 
ers planted a quarter of a league from the passes of Ollioules, at 
three gun-shots from the English vessels, and two from the shore ; 
and all the volunteers of the Cote d'Or and the soldiers of the 
regiment of Burgundy occupied with heating the balls at all the 
hastides ! (country-houses.) He did not conceal his astonishment. 

The first care of the commandant of the artillery was to get 
together a great number of officers in that department, whom the 
circumstances of the revolution had removed. At the end of six 
weeks, he was enabled to assemble, organize, and supply a park of 
two hundred pieces of artillery. Colonel Gassendi was placed 
at the head of the arsenal of constructions at Marseilles. The 
batteries were advanced, and placed on the most advantageous 
points of the shore ; and their effect was such, that some large 
vessels were dismasted, several smaller ones sunk, and the enemy 
forced to abandon that part of the road. 

The commandant of the artillery, who for the space of a month 
had been carefully reconnoitring the ground, and had made him- 
self perfectly acquainted with all its localities, proposed the plan 
of attack which occasioned the reduction of Toulon. He regarded 
all the propositions of the Committee of Fortifications as totally 
useless, under the circumstances of the case; and it was his opinion, 
that a regular siege was not at all necessary. 

In a word, he declared that it was not necessary to march 
against the place at all, but only to occupy the position which he 
had proposed ; and which was to be found at the extreme point 
of the promontory of Balagnier and I'Eguillette ; that he had dis- 
covered this position a month before, and pointed it out to the 
general-in-chief, assuring him that if he would occupy it with three 
battalions, he would take Toulon in four days ; that the English 
had become, since he first observed it, so sensible of its import- 
ance, that they had disembarked four thousand men there, had 
cut down all the wood that covered the promontory of Cair, which 
commanded the whole position, and had employed all the resources 
of Toulon, even the galley-slaves, in order to intrench themselves 
there; making it, as they expressed themselves," a little Gibraltar." 



24 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

But that the point, which a month ago might have been seized 
and occupied without opposition, now required a serious attack ; 
that it would not be advisable to risk an assault, but to form bat- 
teries, mounted with twenty-four pounders and mortars, in order 
to destroy the epaulments, which were constructed of wood, to 
break down the palisades, and throw a shower of shells into the 
interior of the fort; and that then, after a vigorous fire for eight- 
and-forty hours, the work should be stormed by picked troops. 

In conformity to the plan proposed, the French raised five or six 
batteries against Little Gibraltar, and constructed platforms for 
fifteen mortars. A battery had also been raised of eight twenty- 
four pounders and four mortars against Fort Malbosquet, the con- 
struction of which was a profound secret to the enemy, as the men 
who were employed on the work were entirely concealed from 
observation by a plantation of olives. 

General O'Hara, who commanded the allied army at Toulon, 
was greatly surprised at the erection of so considerable a battery 
close to a fort of such importance as Malbosquet, and gave orders 
that a sortie should be made at break of day. The battery was 
situated in the centre of the left of the army: the troops in that 
part consisted of about six thousand men ; occupying the line from 
Fort Rouge to Malbosquet, and so disposed as to prevent all indi- 
vidual communication, though too much scattered to make an 
effectual resistance in any given point. 

An hour before day. General O'Hara sallied out of the garrison 
with six thousand men; and, meeting with no obstacle, his skir- 
mishers only being engaged, spiked the guns of the battery. 

In the mean while, the drums beat the generale at head-quarters, 
and Dugommier with all haste rallied his troops : the commandant 
of artillery posted himself on a little headland behind the battery, 
on which he had previously established a depot of arms. A com- 
munication from this point to the battery had been effected, by 
means of a boyau which was substituted for the trench. Perceiving 
from this point that the enemy had formed to the right and left of 
the battery, he conceived the idea of leading a battahon which was 
stationed near him through the boyau. By this plan he succeeded 
in coming out unperceived among the brambles close to the bat- 
tery, and immediately commenced a brisk fire upon the English, 
whose surprise was such, that they imagined it was their own 
troops on the right, who through some mistake were firing on those 
on the left. General O'Hara hastened towards the French to 
rectify the supposed mistake, when he was wounded in the hand 
by a musket-ball, and a sergeant seized and dragged him prisoner 
into the boyau ; the disappearance of the English general was so 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 25 

sudden that his own troops did not know what had become of him. 
— In the mean time, Dugommier, with the troops he had ralUed, 
placed himself between the town and the battery : this movement 
disconcerted the enemy, who forthwith commenced their retreat. 
They were hotly pursued as far as the gates of the fortress, which 
they entered in the greatest disorder, and without being able to 
ascertain the fate of their general. Dugommier was slightly 
wounded in this affair. A battalion of volunteers from the Isere 
distinguished itself during the day. 

Dugommier determined that a decisive attack should be made 
upon Little Gibraltar: the commandant of the artillery accord- 
ingly threw seven or eight thousand shells into the fort, while 
thirty twenty-four-pounders battered the works. 

On the 18th of December, at four in the afternoon, the troops left 
their camps, and marched towards the village of Seine: the plan 
was to attack at midnight, in order to avoid the fire of the fort and 
the intermediate redoubts. At length, after a most furious attack, 
Dugommier, who according to his usual custom headed the leading 
column, was obliged to give way ; and in the utmost despair he cried 
out, ''I am a lost man." Success was indeed every way important 
in those days, for the want of it usually conducted the unfortu- 
nate general to the scaffold. 

The fire of the cannonading and musquetry continued. Captain 
Muiron of the artillery, a young man full of bravery and resources, 
and who was perfectly acquainted with the position, availed him- 
self so well of the windings of the ascent, that he conducted his 
troops up the mountain without sustaining any loss. He debouched 
at the foot of the fort: he rushed through an embrasure: his sol- 
diers followed him — and the fort was taken. The English and 
Spanish cannoniers were all killed at their guns, and Muiron 
himself was dangerously wounded by a thrust from the pike of an 
English soldier. 

As soon as they were masters of the fort, the French imme- 
diately turned the cannon against the enemy. 

At break of day the French marched on Balagnier and I'Eguil- 
lette: the enemy had already evacuated those positions. The 
twenty-four pounders and the mortars were brought to mount 
these batteries, whence they hoped to cannonade the combined 
fleets before noon ; but the commandant of the artillery deemed 
it impossible to fix them there. They were of stone, and the 
engineers who had constructed them had committed an error, in 
placing a large tower of masonry just at their entrance, so near 
the platforms that whatever balls might have struck them would 
have rebounded on the gunners, besides the splinters and rubbish. 

3 



26 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

They therefore planted pieces of cannon on the heights behind the 
batteries. They could not open their fire until the next day ; but 
no sooner did Lord Hood, the English admiral, see that the French 
had possessed themselves of these positions, than he made signal 
to weigh anchor and get out of the roads. 

He then went to Toulon to make it known that there was not 
a moment to be lost in getting out to sea directly. The weather 
was dark and cloudy, and every thing announced the approach of 
the Libeccio (or south-west) wind, so terrible at this season. The 
council of the combined forces immediately met ; and, after 
mature deliberation, they unanimously agreed that Toulon was no 
longer tenable. They accordingly proceeded to take measures, as 
well for the embarkation of the troops, as for burning and sinking 
such French vessels as they could not carry away with them, and 
setting fire to the marine establishments : they likewise gave notice 
to all the inhabitants, that those who wished to leave the place 
might embark on board the English and Spanish fleets. 

In the night, Fort Pone was blown up by the English, and an 
hour afterwards a part of the French squadron was set on fire. 
Nine seventy-four-gun ships and four frigates or corvettes became 
a prey to the flames. 

The fire and smoke from the arsenal resembled the eruption of 
a volcano, and the thirteen vessels which were burning in the 
road were like so many magnificent displays of fireworks. The 
masts and forms of the vessels were distinctly marked by the blaze, 
which lasted many hours, and formed an unparalleled spectacle. 
It was a heart-rending sight to the French to see such grand 
resources and so much wealth consumed within so short a period. 
They feared, at first, that the English would blow up Fort La 
Malgue, but it appeared that they had not time to do so. 

The commandant of artillery then went to Malbosquet. The 
fort was already evacuated. He ordered the field-pieces to sweep 
the ramparts of the town, and heighten the confusion by throwing 
shells from the howitzers into the port, until the mortars, which 
were upon the road with their carriages, could be planted in the 
batteries, and shells thrown from them in the same direction. 

During all this time the batteries of I'Eguillette and Balagnier 
kept up an incessant fire on the vessels in the road. Many of the 
English ships were much damaged, and a great number of trans- 
ports with troops on board were sunk. The batteries continued 
their fire all night, and at break of day the English fleet was seen 
out at sea. By nine o'clock in the morning a high Libeccio wind 
got up, and the English ships were forced to put into the Hyeres. 

The news of the taking of Toulon caused a sensation in Provence 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 27 

and throughout France, the more hvely as such success was unex- 
pected and ahnost unhoped-for. From this event Napoleon's repu- 
tation commenced ; he was made brigadier-general of artillery in 
consequence, and appointed to the command of that department 
in the Army of Italy. General Dugommier was appointed com- 
mander-in-chief of the Army of the Eastern Pyrenees. 



CHAPTER II. 



Sent on a Mission to Genoa ; his Arrest ; Proposal to send him to La Vendee ; is struck off the List of 
General Officers ; the 13th Vendemaire ; the Day of the Sections ; Marries Josephine ; appointed 
to command the AiToy of Italy; Battles of Monte Notte; Millesuno; Mondovi; Peace granted to 
Sai'dinia. 

After the taking of Toulon, Bonaparte rapidly advanced in his 
profession. On the 13th of July, 1794, the representatives of the 
people, with the A!l'my of Italy, passed the following resolution : — 
"That General Bonaparte should proceed to Genoa, to confer, in 
conjunction with the charge d'affairs of the French republic, with 
the Genoese government, on the matters comprised in his instruc- 
tions." To the above were added private instructions to inform 
himself of the state of the fortresses of Genoa and Savona, and 
of the neighbouring country, and to become acquainted, as far as 
possible, with the conduct, civil and political, of the French ambas- 
sador, Tilly; and to collect all facts which might develope the 
intentions of the Genoese government relative to the coalition. 

This mission and the secret instructions evince the confidence 
with which Bonaparte, who had not completed his twenty-fifth 
year, had inspired men, who were deeply interested in making a 
prudent choice of their agents. 

He proceeded to Genoa, and there fulfilled the purposes of his 
mission. The 9th Thermidor arrived, and the deputies called 
Terrorists were superseded by Albitte and Salicetti. In the disor- 
der which then existed, they were either ignorant of the orders 
given to General Bonaparte, or they were inspired by envy at the 
rising glory of the young general of artillery. Be this as it may, 
these representatives of the people issued an order that General 
Bonaparte should be arrested, suspended from his rank, and 
arraigned before the Committee of Public Safety; and, extraordi- 
nary as it may appear, this resolution was founded on that very 
journey which Bonaparte executed by order of the representatives 
of the people 



28 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Had this decree been published three weeks sooner, and had 
Bonaparte been given up previously to the 9th Thermidor to the 
Committee of Public Safety, it is very probable that his career would 
have been at an end, and we should have seen perish on a scaffold, 
at the age of twenty-five, the man who was destined in the five- 
and-twenty years following to astonish the world by the vastness 
of his conceptions — his gigantic projects — the greatness of his 
military glory — his extraordinary good fortune; — his errors — his 
reverses — and his final overthrow. 

On being arrested, he addressed a very energetic note to Albitte 
and Salicetti, which had the effect of causing more particular 
inquiry to be made; and on the 20th of August, 1794, they issued 
a decree, declaring that they saw nothing to justify any suspicion 
of his conduct, and ordering that he should be provisionally set at 
liberty. He remained under arrest fifteen days. 

General Bonaparte returned to Paris, where I also shortly after- 
wards arrived from Germany. Our intimacy was resumed, and 
he gave me an account of all the principal events which had passed 
in the campaign of the South. He loved to taRc over his military 
achievements at Toulon. He spoke of his first successes with that 
feeling of pleasure and satisfaction which they naturally inspired. 

The government of the day wished to send him to La Vendee, 
as brigadier-general of infantry. Two reasons determined the 
youthful general to refuse this appointment. He considered the 
scene of action as unworthy of his talents, and he considered his 
projected removal from the artillery to the infantry as an insult. 
The last was that which he officially assigned for his refusal. In 
consequence of his refusal to accept the appointment offered him, 
the Committee of Public Safety decreed that he should be struck 
off the list of general officers in active employment. 

Deeply mortified at this unexpected blow, Bonaparte returned to 
private life, and found himself doomed to an inactivity intolerable 
to his ardent temperament and youthful energy. He lodged in the 
Rue de Mail, in a house near the Place de Victoires. We recom- 
menced the life which we had led previous to his departure for 
Corsica, in 1792. It was with pain that he resolved to wait 
patiently the removal of the prejudices which men in power had 
entertained against him ; and he hoped that in the perpetual changes 
which were taking place, power would at length pass into the hands 
of those who would be disposed to consider him with favour. At 
this time he frequently dined and spent the evening with me and 
my elder brother ; and on these occasions he rendered himself 
very agreeable bj^ his amiable manners and the charms of his con- 
versation. I called on him almost every morning, and I met at 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 29 

his lodgings several persons who were distinguished at the tinne ; 
and among others with Salicetti, with whom he used to maintain 
very animated conversations, and showed a wish to be left alone 
with him. Salicetti at one time sent him three thousand francs 
(£125) as the price of his carriage, which his poverty had laid 
him under the necessity of selling. I imagined that our young 
friend either was, or wished to become, a party in some political 
intrigue. He now became thoughtful, frequently melancholy and 
disturbed, and he waited daily with marked impatience the arrival 
of Salicetti, who, having become implicated in the insurrectionary 
movement of the 20th of May, 1795, was obliged to withdraw 
himself to Venice. Sometimes returning to more homely ideas, he 
envied the good fortune of his brother Joseph, who had just mar- 
ried Mademoiselle Clery, the daughter of a rich and respectable 
merchant at Marseilles. He would often say, " That Joseph, is a 
lucky fellow!" 

Meanwhile, time passed away, but nothing was done ; his pro- 
jects were unsuccessful, and his applications unattended to. This 
injustice embittered his spirit, and he was tormented with the 
desire to do something. To remain in the crowd, was intolerable. 
He resolved to leave France; and the favourite idea, which he 
never afterwards abandoned, that the East was the most certain 
path to glory, inspired him with the determination to proceed to 
Constantinople, and to make a tender of his services to the grand 
seignior. What dreams, what gigantic projects, did he not enter- 
tain, during this excitement of his imagination! He asked me to 
go with him, which I declined. I looked upon him as a young 
enthusiast, driven on to extravagant enterprises and desperate 
resolutions by his restless activity of mind, and by the irritating 
treatment which he had experienced, and, it may be added, his 
want of money. 

He did not blame me for refusing to accompany him, but said 
that he would be accompanied by Junot, Marmont, and some other 
officers with whom he had become acquainted at Toulon, and 
who would be willing to attach themselves to his fortunes. 

In accordance with this feeling, he drew up a note, which he 
addressed to Aubert and Coni, in which he requested to be sent, 
with a few officers of different services, but possessing collect- 
ively a perfect knowledge of the military art, under the patronage 
of the French government, for the purpose of placing the army 
of the grand seignior in a condition more suitable to the circum- 
stances of the times, as it seemed highly probable that the Porte 
might find itself in alliance with France, and assaulted by the con- 
tinental armies of Austria and Russia. 

3* 



30 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

No answer was returned to this application. Turkey remained 
unaided, and Bonaparte unoccupied. If, however, it had been 
endorsed, "granted," that word would probably have changed the 
fate of Europe. 

At length, Bonaparte was nominated to the command of a 
brigade of artillery in Holland ; but as there were indications of 
an approaching crisis, his services were called for on a nearer 
and more important field. 

The agitation continued till the 13th Vendemaire (Oct. 5, 1795), 
when the storm burst. This day, when the Sections of Paris 
attacked the Convention, must be considered as iniluencing, in a 
remarkable degree, the astonishing destiny of Bonaparte. This, 
although at the time not well understood, was the cause of those 
enormous disorders which afterwards convulsed Europe. The 
blood then shed fed the germs of his young ambition; and it must 
be admitted that the history of past ages presents few periods filled 
with events so extraordinary as those which occurred between 
the years 1795 and 1815. The man whose name serves in some 
measure as a remembrance of all these wonderful events, might 
well count upon immortality. 

Living retired at Sens since the month of July, I only learned 
from the journals and public report the cause of the insurrection of 
the Sections. I cannot therefore positively say what part Bona- 
parte may have taken in the plots which preceded the explosion. 
He ai^peared only a secondary actor in that bloody drama, to 
which he had been called by Barras, as second in command. 
The account of the events of that day, which I have given, was 
furnished to me by himself, in a letter in his own hand-writing, 
and which bears all his peculiarities of style. 

AVTOGRAFH LETTER OF EONAPAKTE TO M. BOURKIENNE. 

On the 13th, at five in the morning, the representative of the 
people, Barras, was nominated commander-in-chief of the army of 
the interior, and General Bonaparte second in command. 

The field artillery was still in the camp at Sablons, guarded 
only by one hundred and fifty men : the rest was at Marly, with 
two hundred men. The depot at Meudon was without any guard. 
At Feuillans were only some four-pounders, without gunners, and 
but twenty-four thousand cartridges. The magazines of provi- 
sions were in diflerent parts of Paris: the drums were beating the 
generale in many sections; that of the Theatre Francjais had 
advanced posts to the Pont-Neui' which was barricadoed. 

General Barras ordered the artillery to be brought trom the 
camp at Sablons to the Tuileries, and caused gunners to be sought 



MKMOIKH or NAI'OLKON JiONAiM RTi;. 31 

out i'rorn Ihc bal-tallons of HU, ujul in Ijx; ^ondarrncric, ufjfj, plaood 
them at tfie palace. He Hent to Meudon two Unwdrad men of the 
legion of police, which he brouglit from Versa,Jll<;s, fifty horHemtsn, 
and two comjjanies of veterans. He ordered the removal of the 
stores at Marly to M(;udon, an<i. sent for cartridges, and established a 
manulaf;tory for them at Mf^udon. He provid<;d for the subsistence 
of the arrrjy anrl the Convention for s(;veral days, ind(;pendent of 
the magayJnes in the s(;ctions. C^(;neral Verdier, who commanded 
at the PaJais-NationaJ, mana;uvr(;d with great coolness, arid was 
ordered not to fire until the last extremity. 

In the mean time, reports arrived from all sides tliat the sections 
were assembling in arms, and forming their columns: he disposed 
the troof)S to delend the Convention, and prej^ared his artillery to 
repulse the rebels. He f>la.r;ed cannon at Feuillans to batt(;r the 
street St. Horior6; two eight-pounrlers Wi^m j>laced at each open- 
ing, and, in case of mischanc<;, [^iecfjs wnra placed in reserve to 
take In Hank any column which might have forced a passage. 
He left in the Carrousel three (iight-[)ound howitzers, to play 
upon ttie houses from which they might fire upon the Convention. 
At four o'clock the rebel columns issued from all the streets, in 
order to form: the most inexperienced troops would have seized 
this critical moment to fall upon th(;m ; but tlie blood about to flow, 
was that of Frenclnnen ; it was ncjcessary to allow these misguided 
men, alnsady stained with the crime o) rebellion, to sully them- 
selves still more by shedding the first blood of their countrynien. 

At a quarter to five, tlu; reb(;ls were form(;d; they bega,n the 
attack on all points; they were every where r(jpulsed. French 
blood flowed; the crime, as well as the disgrace of that day, fell 
upon the Sections. 

Among the dead there were every where recognised emigrants, 
the old proprietaires, and nobles. Of the prisoners, the greatest 
part wen; Chouans of Chartitte. The Sections, however did not 
consider themscves beaten: they fell back on the Church of St. 
Roche, the Theatrr; of th(; Itcfmblic, and the Palace Vit/uWiA, and 
every were excited the inhabitants to arms. To spare the efFusion 
of blood, it was necessary to prevent them from rallying, arid to 
pursue them briskly; but without engaging in diflicult passes. 

The general ordered General Montchoisy, who was at the Place 
Revolution with the reserve, to form a column, and with two 
twelve-pounders, to march by the Jioulevard, turn the Place Ven- 
dome, and to form a junction with the picquet at head-quarters, 
and then to return in column. Genera] Jirune, with two howitzers, 
debouched by the streets of St. Nicaise and St. Honor6. General 
Cartaux brought two hundred men of his division, with a four- 



32 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

pounder, to the Place of the Palace Egalite. General Bonaparte, 
who had two horses killed under him, hastened to Feuillans. The 
columns put themselves in motion ; St. Roche and the Theatre of 
the Republic were forced; the rebels abandoned them. The rebels 
retired to the upper part of the street La Loi, where they barri- 
cadoed themselves; patrols were sent out, and cannon fired upon 
them occasionally during the night, which kept them in check. 

At day-break, the general being informed that certain students 
of St. Genevieve were on their march, with two pieces of cannon, 
to join the rebels, he sent a detachment of dragoons, who took the 
cannon, and brought them to the Tuileries. 

The Sections, though beaten, still showed a firm determination 
to resist ; they had barricadoed the streets of the Section Grenelle, 
and placed their cannon in the principal avenues. At nine o'clock, 
General Berruyer took a position in the Place Vendome,^ and with 
two eight-pounders bore upon the principal station of the Section 
le Pelletier. The Generals Vachet, Brune, and Duvigier, prepared 
their divisions for the attack; but the courage of the Sectionaries 
began to fail when they saw their retreat likely to be cut off; they 
evacuated their position, and forgot, on the appiearance of our sol- 
diers, the honour of French cavaliers, which they had affected to 
maintain. 

The section of Brutus continued to occasion uneasiness, and it 
was blockaded. Every where the patriots resumed courage, every 
where the poniards of the emigrants armed against their country 
disappeared, every where the people were convinced of their 
delusion and folly. 

The following day the sections of le Pelletier, and the Theatre 
Fran^ais, were disarmed.* 

* We attach another account of this remarkable event, that the reader may become 
better acquainted with the circumstances which produced it : 

The French nation were now heartily tired of the National Convention ; it had lost 
most of its distinguished members in the tumults and persecutions of the times ; and 
above all, it had lost respect by remaining for two years the slave and the tool of the 
Terrorists. 

A great part of the nation, there is no doubt, were at this time anxious to see the 
royal family restored, and the government settled on the model of 1791. Among the 
more respectable citizens of Paris in particular . such feelings were very prevalent. 
But many causes conspired to surround the adoption of this measure with difficulties, 
which none of the actually influential leaders had the courage, or perhaps the means, 
to encounter. The soldiery of the Republican armies had been accustomed to fight 
against the exiled princes and nobility, considered them as the worst enemies of France, 
and hated them personally. The estates of the church, the nobles, and the crown, had 
been divided and sold ; and the purchasers foresaw that, were the monarchy restored 
at this period, the resumption of the forfeited property would be pressed with all the 
powers of government. 

The Conventionalists themselves, however, had learned by this time that neither 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 33 

In this bulletin of the 13 th Vendemaire, it will be observed with 
what anxiety Bonaparte throws upon those whom he calls rebels, 

peace nor security could be expected, unless some form of government were adopted in 
which the legislative and the executive functions should at least appear to be separated. 
They were desirous, therefore, of proposing some system which might, in a certain 
degree, satisfy those who had been endeavouring to bring about the restoration of the 
monarchy ; and the new constitution of the year three of the Republic (1795) pre- 
sented the following features: 1. The executive power was to be lodged in five 
Directors, chosen from time to time, who were to have no share in the legislation. 
2. There was to be a Council of Five Hundred, answering, generally, to our House of 
Commons. And 3. a smaller assembly, called the Council of Ancients, intended to 
fiilfil, in some measure, the purposes of the House of Peers. 

The outline of this scheme might, perhaps, have been approved of; but the leading 
members of the Convention, from views personal to themselves, appended to it certain 
conditions which excited new disgust. They decreed, first, that the electoral bodies of 
France, in choosing representatives to the two new Councils, must elect at least two- 
thirds of the present members of Convention ; and, secondly, that if full two-thirds 
were not returned, the Convention should have the right to supply the deficiency out 
oif their own body. It was obvious that this machinery had no object but the continu- 
ance of the present legislators in power, and the nation, and especially the superior 
classes in Paris, were indignant at conduct which they considered as alike selfish and 
arbitrary. The royalist party gladly lent themselves to the diffusion of any discontents, 
and a formidable opposition to the measures of the existing government was organized. 

The Convention meantime continued their sittings, and, exerting all their skill and 
influence, procured from many districts of the country reports ac<;epting of the New 
Constitution, with all its conditions. The Parisians, being nearer and sharper observers, 
and having abundance of speakers and writers to inform and animate them, assembled 
in the several sections of the city, and proclaimed their hostility to the Convention and 
its designs. The National Guard, consisting of armed citizens, almost unanimously 
sided with the enemies of the Convention ; and it was openly proposed to march to the 
Tuileries, and compel a change of measures by force of anns. 

The Convention, perceiving their unpopularity and danger, began to look about them 
anxiously for the means of defence. There vvere in and near Paris five thousand regu- 
lar troops, on whom they thought they mi^ht rely, and who of course contemned the 
National Guard as only half-soldiers. They had besides some hundreds of artillery- 
men ; and they now organized what they called "the Sacred Band," a body of fifteen 
hundred ruffians, the most of tbem old and tried instruments of Robespierre. With 
these means they prepared to irrange a plan of defence ; and it was obvious that they 
did not want materials, provided they could find a skilful and determined head. 

The insurgent sections plrced themselves under the command of Danican, an old 
general of no great skill or reputation. The Convention opposed to him Menou ; and 
he marched at the head oisi column into the Section le Pelletier to disarm the National 
Guard of that district — one of the wealthiest of the capital. The National Guard 
were found drawn up in readiness to receive him at the end of the Rue Vivlenne ; and 
Menou, becoming alarmed, and hampered by the presence of some of the " Represent- 
atives of the people." entered into a parley, and retired without having struck a blow. 

The Convention judged that Menou was not master of nerves for such a crisis, and 
consulted eagerly about a successor to his command. Barras, one of their number, 
had happened to be present at Toulon, and to have appreciated the character of 
Bonaparte. He had, probably, been applied to by Napoleon in his recent pursuit of 
employment. Deliberating with Tallien and Carnot, his colleagues, he suddenly said, 
"I have the man whom you want: it is a Httle Corsican officer, who will not stand 
upon ceremony.' 

These words decided the fate of Napoleon and of France. Bonaparte had been in the 
Odeon Theatre when the affair of Le Pelletier occurred, had run out, and witnessed 

c 



34 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

the reproach of shedding the first blood. He labours to prove that 
his adversaries were the aggressors; but it is certain, that he 
always regretted that day. He has often told me, that he would 
give years of his life to have this page torn from his history. He 
had no doubt that the Parisians were much exasperated against 
him, and he could have wished that those words of Barras, which 
at the time gave him so much pleasure, had never been spoken : 
" It is to the able and prompt disposition of General Bonaparte, and 
to the ability with which he distributed the troops, that we owe 

the result. He now happened to be in the gallery, and heard the discussion concerning 
the conduct of Menou. He was presently sent for, and asked his opinion as to that 
officer's retreat. He explained what had happened, and how the evil might have been 
avoided, in a manner which gave satisfaction. He was desired to assume the com- 
mand, and aiTange his plan of defence as well as the circumstances might permit ; for 
it was already late at night, and the decisive assault on the Tuileries was expected to 
take place next morning. Bonaparte stated that the failure of the march of Menou 
had been chiefly owing to the presence of the " Representatives of the people," and 
refused to accept the command unless he received it free from all such interference. 
They yielded : Barras was named commander-in-chief; and Bonaparte second, with 
the virtual control. His first care was to dispatch Murat, then a major of chasseurs, to 
Sablons, five miles off, where fifty great guns were posted. The Sectionaries sent a 
stronger detachment for these cannon immediately afterwards ; and Murat, who passed 
them in the dark, would have gone in vain had he received his orders but a few minutes 
later. 

On the 4th of October (called in the revolutionary almanac the 13th Vendemaire) 
the affray accordingly occurred. Thirty thousand National Guards advanced, about 
two P. M., by different streets, to the siege of the palace: but its defence was now in 
far other hands than those of Louis XVI. 

Bonaparte, having planted artillery on all the bridges, had effectually secured the 
command of the river, and the safety of the Tuileries on one side. He had placed 
cannon also at all the crossings of the streets by which the National Guard could 
advance towards the other front ; and having posted his battalions in the garden of the 
Tuileries and the Place du Carrousel, he awaUed the avtack. 

The insurgents had no cannon ; and they came along the narrow streets of Paris in 
close and heavy columns. When one party reached the church of St. Roche, in the 
Rue St. Honor6, they found a body of Bonaparte's troops drawn up there, with two 
cannons. It is disputed on which side the firing began ; but in an instant the artillery 
swept the streets and lanes, scattering grape-shot am«ng the National Guards, and 
producing such confusion that they were compelled to give way. The first shot was a 
signal for all the batteries which Bonaparte had established; the quays of the Seine, 
opposite to the Tuileries, were commanded by his guns below the palace and on the 
bridges. In less than an hour the action was over. The insurgents fled in all 
directions, leaving the streets covered with dead and wounded ; the troops of the Con- 
vention marched into the various sections, disarmed the terrified inhabitants, and beforo 
nightfall every thing was quiet. 

This eminent service secured the triumph of the Conventionalists, who now, assumintr 
new names, continued in effect to discharge their old functions. Barras took his place 
at the head of the Directory, having Sieyes, Carnot, and other less celebrated persons, 
for his colleagues ; and the First Director took care to reward the hand to which he 
owed his elevation. Within five days from the day of the Sections Bonaparte was 
named second in command of the army of the interior; and shortly afterwards, Barras, 
finding his duties as Director sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the command-in- 
chief of the same army to his " httle Corsican officer." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 35 

the security of this palace (the Tuileries.)" This is very true; but 
it is not always agreeable that the truth should be told. 

The result of this civil contest brought Bonaparte forward, and 
elevated him above the crowd, and shortly after raised him to the 
command of that army which he ever afterwards led on to victory. 

While commandant of Paris, it is stated that Eugene Beauhar- 
nois, a boy of ten or twelve years of age, son of Viscount Beauhar- 
nois, who had been a general officer in the Republican armies, but 
put to death by Robespierre, presented himself to the general, and 
requested to have his father's sword restored to him. Bonaparte 
caused the request to be complied with;, and the tears of the boy,, 
as he received and kissed the relic, excited his attention. He 
treated the boy so kindly, that next day his mother, Josephine de 
Beauharnois, came to thank him; and her beauty and singular 
gracefulness of address made a strong impression upon him. The- 
acquaintance thus commenced speedily led to their marriage. 

I returned from Sens to Paris after the 13th Vendemaire and 
during the short time I was there, I saw Bonaparte less frequently 
than formerly. This I can only attribute to the multifarious duties 
of his new appointment. When I did meet him, it was either at 
breakfast or dinner. He one day desired me to observe a lady,, 
who sat nearly opposite to him, and asked my opinion of her. 
The way in which I answered his queston appeared to give him^ 
satisfaction. He spoke a good deal about her, her family, and her 
amiable qualities. He told me that he would probably marry her,- 
believing that a union with the young widow would contribute 
essentially to his happiness: and I easily gathered from his con- 
versation, that this marriage would powerfully second his ambition, 
His increasing intimacy with her whom he loved brought him in 
contact with the most influential persons of his time, and affi^rded 
him the means of realizing his pretensions. 

The marriage took place on the 9th of March, 1796, and he only 
remained in Paris twelve days after the ceremony. It was a union 
in which, with the exception of a few light clouds, there was much 
affection. Bonaparte never, to my acknowledge, gave cause of 
real sorrow to his wife. In addition to her beauty, Madame Bona- 
parte possessed many excellent qualities, and I am convinced 
that most of those who were intimate with her, had reason to speak 
in her favour; to few indeed did she ever give cause of complaint. 
Benevolence was in her a natural impulse, and she was kind and 
attached to those with whom she was acquainted ; but she was not 
sufficiently careful in the selection of those whom she confided 
in. It sometimes happened that her bounty and protection were 
bestowed on persons who did not deserve it. She nourished to; 



36 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

excess a taste for splendour and expense ; and this seemed to become 
SO much a habit, that she indulged in it without any motive. This 
often led to unpleasant differences between her and her husband; 
when the day of payment arrived, she never reported more than 
half the amount of the bills, and when the truth came out, she was 
exposed to just remonstrances. How many tears did she shed 
which might have been easily spared! 

Tranquillity was now restored in Paris ; and the Directory had 
leisure to turn their attention to the affairs of the Army of Italy , 
which were in a most confused and unsatisfactory condition. 
They determined to give it a new general, and Bonaparte was 
appointed to the splendid command. 

Bonaparte left Paris on the 21st of March, 1796, and, after pay- 
ing a short visit to his mother at Marseilles, arrived, after a rapid 
journey, at the head-quarters at Nice. At the age of twenty-six, 
he assumed the command of the Army of Italy; exulting in the 
knowledge that, if he should conquer, the honour would be all fiis 
own. He had worked for others at Toulon, at the Coldi Tende, 
and even in the affair of the Sections, as the first command had 
been nominally in the hands of Barras. Now he was burning 
with enthusiasm, and resolved to distinguish himself " You are too 
young," said one of the Directors, hesitating about his appoint- 
ment as general. "In a year," answered Napoleon, "I shall be 
either old or dead." The Directory, who had still some fears as to 
the youth of Napoleon, proposed, early in May, to appoint General 
Kellerman, who commanded the Army of the Alps, second in com- 
mand of the Army of Italy. This was far from being agreeable 
to Bonaparte; he wrote to Carnot, on the 24th of May : "Whether 
I shall be employed here or any where else is indifferent to me: to 
serve my country, and to merit from posterity a page in our his- 
tory, is all my ambition. If you join Kellerman and me in the 
command in Italy, you will undo every thing. He has more expe- 
rience than I, and knows how to make war better than I do, but 
both together we shall make it badly. I will not willingly serve 
with a man who considers himself the first general in Europe." 

"He found the army in numbers about fifty thousand; but 
wretchedly deficient in cavalry, in stores of every kind, in clothing, 
and even in food; and watched by an enemy greatly more 
numerous. It was under such circumstances that he at once 
avowed the daring scheme of forcing a passage to Italv, and 
converting the richest territory of the enemy himself into the 
theatre of war. 'Soldiers,' said he, 'you are hungry and naked: 
the Repubhc owes you much, but she has not the means to pay 
her debts. I am come to lead you into the most fertile plains 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 37 

that the sun beholds. Rich provinces, opulent towns, all shall 
be at your disposal. Soldiers! with such a prospect before you, 
can you fail in courage and constancy?' This was his first 
address to his army. The sinking hearts of the men beat high with 
hope and confidence when they heard the voice of the young and 
fearless leader; and Augereau, Massena, Serrurier, Joubert, Lan- 
nes — distinguished officers, who might themselves have aspired to 
the chief command — felt, from the moment they began to under- 
stand his character and system, that the true road to glory would 
be to follow the star of Napoleon. 

" The objects of the approaching expedition were three : first, to 
compel the king of Sardinia, who had already lost Savoy and Nice, 
but still maintained a powerful army on the frontiers of Piedmont, 
to abandon the alliance of Austria: secondly, to compel the emperor, 
by a bold invasion of Lombardy, to make such exertions in that 
quarter as might weaken those armies which had so long hovered 
on the Rhine; and, if possible, to stir up the Italian subjects of 
that crown to adopt the revolutionary system, and emancipate 
themselves for ever from its yoke. The third object, though more 
distant, was not less important. The influence of the Romish 
Church was considered by the Directory as the chief, though secret 
support of the cause of royalism within their own territory; and 
to reduce the Vatican into insignificance, or at least force it to 
submission and quiescence, appeared indispensable to the internal 
tranquillity of France. The revolutionary government, besides 
this general cause of hatred and suspicion, had a distinct injury to 
avenge. Their agent, Basseville, had three years before been assas- 
sinated in a popular tumult at Rome : the Papal troops had not 
interfered to protect him, nor the Pope to punish his murderers. 

Napoleon's plan for gaining access to the fair regions of Italy 
differed from that of all former conquerors : they had uniformly 
penetrated the Alps at some point or other of that mighty range of 
mountains : he judged that the same end might be accomplished more 
easily by advancing along the narrow stripe of comparatively level 
country which intervenes between those enormous barriers and 
the Mediterranean sea, and forcing a passage at the point where 
the last of the Alps melt, as it were, into the first and lowest of the 
Appenine range. No sooner did he begin to concentrate his troops 
towards this region, than the Austrain general, Beaulieu, took 
measures for protecting Genoa, and the entrance of Italy. He 
himself took post with one column of his army at Voltri, a town 
within ten miles of .Genoa: he placed D'Argenteau with another 
Austrian column at Monte Notte, a strong height farther to the 
westward ; and the Sardinians, under Colli, occupied Ceva — 

4 



38 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

which thus formed the extreme right of the whole Hne of the aUied 
army. The French could not advance towards Genoa but by con- 
fronting some one of the three armies thus strongly posted, and suffi- 
ciently, as Beaulieu supposed, in communication with each other. 

"It was now that Bonaparte made his first effort to baffle the 
science of those who fancied there was nothing new to be done in 
warfare. On the 10th of April, D'Argenteau came down upon 
Monte Notte, and attacked some French redoubts, in front of that 
mountain and the villages which bear its name, at Montelegino. 
At the same time General Cerveni and the French van were 
attacked by Beaulieu near Voltri, and compelled to retreat. The 
determined valour of Colonel Rampon, who commanded at Monte- 
legino, held D'Argenteau at bay during the 10th and 11th; and 
Bonaparte, contenting himself with watching Beaulieu, determined 
to -strike his effectual blow at the centre of the enemy's line. 
During the night of the 11th, various columns were marched upon 
Montelegino, that of Cervoni and that of Laharpe from the van 
of the French line, those of Augereau and Massena from its rear. 
On the morning of the 12th D'Argenteau, preparing to renew his 
attack on the redoubts of Montelegino, found he had no longer 
Rampon only and his brave band to deal with ; that French columns 
were in his rear, on his flank, and drawn up also behind the works 
at Montelegino; in a word, that he was surrounded. He was 
compelled to retreat among the mountains : he left his colours and 
cannon behind him, one thousand killed, and two thousand prison- 
ers. The centre of the allied army had been utterly routed before 
either the commander-in-chief at the left, or General Colli at the 
right of the line, had any notion that a battle was going on. — Such 
was the battle of Monte Notte, the first of Napoleon's fields. 

" The very next day after this victory, he commanded a general 
assault on the Austrian line. Augereau, with a fresh division, 
marched at the left upon Millesimo; Massena led the centre 
towards Dego ; and Laharpe, with the French right wing, manoeu- 
vred to turn the left flank of Beaulieu. 

"Augereau rushed upon the outposts of Millesimo, seized and 
retained the gorge which defends that place, and cut off Provera 
with two thousand Austrians, who occupied an eminence called 
Cossaria, from the main body of CoUi's army. Next morning 
Bonaparte himself arrived at that scene of the operations. He 
forced Colli to accept battle, utterly broke and scattered him, 
and Provera, thus abandoned, was obliged to yield at discretion. 

"Bonaparte rapidly followed up the advantages which he had 
gained, and succeeded in separating the Austrian and Sardinian 
armies. Both were again defeated, and the Sardinian army may 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 39 

be said to have been annihilated in their disastrous retreat; they 
lost the whole of their cannon, their baggage, and the best part 
of their troops. 

"The conqueror took possession of Cherasco, within ten miles 
of Turin, and there dictated the terms on which the King of Sar- 
dinia was to be permitted to retain any shadow of sovereign power. 

"Thus, in less than a month, did Napoleon lay the gates of 
Italy open before him. He had defeated in three battles forces 
much superior to his own; inflicted on them, in killed, wounded 
and prisoners, a loss of twenty-five thousand men ; taken eighty 
guns and twenty-one standards ; reduced the Austrians to inaction ; 
utterly destroyed the Sardinian king's army ; and lastly, wrested 
from his hands Coni and Tortona, the two great fortresses called 
'the keys of the Alps,' — and, indeed, except Turin itself, every 
place of any consequence in his dominions. This unfortunate 
prince did not long survive such humiliation. He was father-in- 
law to both of the brothers of Louis XVI., and, considering their 
cause and his own dignity as equally at an end, died of a broken 
heart, within a few days after he had signed the treaty of Cherasco. 

" The consummate genius of this brief campaign could not be 
disputed; and the modest language of the young general's des- 
patches to the Directory, lent additional grace to his fame. At 
this time the name ,of Bonaparte was spotless; and the eyes of 
all Europe were fixed in admiration on his career." 



CHAPTER III. 



The French cross the Po; the Bridge of Lodi; Milan occupied; Mantua besieged; Battles of 
Lonato, Castiglione, Roveredo, Primolano, Bassano, St. George, Areola, Rivoli, and La Favorita; 
Smxender of Mantua ; Treaty of ToUentino, 

Bonaparte, having become master of Piedmont, stopped for a 
short time to reorganize his army, previous to his descent into 
Lombardy. He pointed out to his victorious soldiers the rich 
and extensive plains which spread out before them; and, in an 
address which he circulated, he reminded them, that "Hannibal 
had forced the Alps, and that we have turned them. You were 
utterly destitute, and you have supplied all your wants. You 
have gained battles without cannon, passed rivers without bridges, 
performed forced marches without shoes, bivouacked without strong 
liquors, and often without bread. None but republican phalanxes, 
soldiers of liberty, could have endured such things. Thanks for 



40 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

your perseverance! But, soldiers, you have done nothing: for 
there remains much to do : Milan is not yet ours. The ashes of 
the conquerors of Tarquin are still trampled by the assassins of 
Basseville." 

The Austrian general had concentrated his army behind the 
Po, with the intention of preventing the enemy from passing that 
great river, and making his way to the capital of Lombardy. 

"Napoleon employed every device to make Beaulieu believe 
that he designed to attempt the passage of the Po at Valenza ; and 
the Austrian, a man of routhie, who had himself crossed the river 
at that point, was easily persuaded that these demonstrations were 
sincere. Meanwhile, his crafty antagonist executed a march of 
incredible celerity upon Placenza, fifty miles lower down the river; 
and appeared there on the 7th of May, to the utter consternation 
of a couple of Austrian squadrons, who happened to be recon- 
noitring in that quarter. He had to convey his men across that 
great stream in common ferry boats, and could never have suc- 
ceeded had there been any thing like an army to oppose him. 
Andreossi (afterwards so celebrated) was commander of the 
advanced guard: Lannes (who became afterwards the Marshal 
Duke of Montebello) was the first to throw himself ashore at the 
head of some grenadiers. The German hussars were driven 
rapidly from their position, and the passage of this great river was 
effected without the loss of a single man. 

"Beaulieu, as soon as he ascertained how he had been out- 
witted, advanced upon Placenza, in the hope of making the 
invader accept battle with the Po in his rear: but Bonaparte had 
no intention to await the Austrian on ground so dangerous, and 
was marching rapidly towards Fombio, where he knew he should 
have room to manoeuvre. The advanced divisions of the hostile 
armies met at that village on the 8th of May. The Imperialists 
occupied the steeples and houses, and hoped to hold out until 
Beaulieu could bring up his main body. But the French charged 
so impetuously with the bayonet, that the Austrian, after seeing 
one-third of his men fall, was obliged to retreat in great confusion, 
leaving all his cannon behind him, across the Adda. Behind this 
river Beaulieu now concentrated his army, establishing strong 
guards at every ford and bridge, and especially at Lodi, where as 
he guessed (for once rightly) the French general designed to force 
his passage. 

" The wooden bridge of Lodi formed the scene of one of the 
most celebrated actions of the war; and will ever be peculiarly 
mixed up with the name of Bonaparte himself It was a great 
neglect in Beaulieu to leave it standing when he removed his 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 41 

head-quarters to the east bank of the Adda: his outposts were 
driven rapidly through the old stragghng town of Lodi on the 
10th; and the French, sheltering themselves behind the walls and 
houses, lay ready to attempt the passage of the bridge. Beauheu 
had placed a battery of thirty cannon so as to sweep it com- 
pletely; and the enterprise of storming it in the face of this 
artillery, and the whole army drawn up behind, is one of the 
most daring on record. 

"Bonaparte's first care was to place as many guns as he could 
get in order in direct opposition to this Austrian battery. A furi- 
ous cannonade on his side of the river also now commenced. 
The general himself appeared in the midst of the fire, pointing 
with his own hand two guns in such a manner as to cut off the 
Austrians from the only path by which they could have advanced 
to undermine the bridge ; and it was on this occasion that the sol- 
diery, delighted with his dauntless exposure of his person, con- 
ferred on him his honorary nickname of The Little Corporal. In 
the mean time, he had sent General Beaumont and the cavalry to 
attempt the passage of the river by a distant ford (which they had 
much difficulty in eflJecting), and awaited with anxiety the moment 
when they should appear on the enemy's flank. When that took 
place, Beaulieu's line, of course, showed some confusion, and 
Napoleon instantly gave the word. A column of grenadiers, whom 
he had kept ready drawn up close to the bridge, but under shelter 
of the houses, were in a moment wheeled to the left, and their 
leading files placed upon the bridge. They rushed on, shouting 
Vive la Republique! but the storm of grape-shot for a moment 
checked them. Bonaparte, Lannes, Berthier, and Lallemagne, 
hurried to the front, and rallied and cheered the men. The 
column dashed across the bridge in despite of the tempest of fire 
that thinned them. The brave Lannes was the first who reached 
the other side, Napoleon himself the second. The Austrian artil- 
lerymen were bayoneted at their guns, before the other troops, 
whom Beaulieu had removed too far back, in his anxiety to avoid 
the French battery, could come to their assistance. Beaumont 
pressing gallantly with his horse upon the flank, and Napoleon's 
infantry forming rapidly as they passed the bridge, and charging 
on the instant, the Austrian line became involved in inexti'icable 
confusion, broke up, and fled. The slaughter on their side was 
great ; on the French there fell only two hundred men ; with 
such rapidity, and consequently with so little loss, did Bonaparte 
execute this dazzling adventure — ' the terrible passage,' as he him- 
self called it, 'of the bridge of Lodi.' 

" It was, indeed, terrible to the enemy. It deprived them of 

4* 



M 



42 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 



another excellent line of defence, and blew up the enthusiasm of the 
French soldiery to a pitch of irresistible daring. Beaulieu, never- 
theless, contrived to withdraw his troops in much better style than 
Bonaparte had anticipated. He gathered the scattered fragments 
of his force together, and soon threw the line of the Mincio, 
another tributary of the Po, between himself and his enemy. The 
great object, however, had been attained: the Austrian general 
escaped, and might yet defend Mantua, but no obstacle remained 
between the victorious invader and the rich and noble capital of 
Lombardy. The garrison of Pizzighitone, seeing themselves effect- 
ually cut off from the Austrian army, capitulated. The French 
cavalry pursued Beaulieu as far as Cremona, which town they 
seized; and Napoleon himself prepared to march at once upon 
Milan. 

"A revolutionary party had always existed there, as indeed in 
every part of the Austrian dominions beyond the Alps ; and the 
tri-colour cockade, the emblem of France, was now mounted by 
multitudes of the inhabitants. The municipality hastened to invite 
the conqueror to appear among them as their friend and protector; 
and on 14th of May, four days after Lodi, Napoleon accordingly 
entered, in all the splendour of a military triumph, the venerable 
and opulent city of the old Lombard kings. 

"He was not, however, to be flattered into the conduct, as to 
serious matters, of a friendly general. He levied immediately a 
heavy contribution (eight hundred thousand pounds sterling) at 
Milan — taking possession, besides, of twenty of the finest pictures 
in the Ambrosian gallery. 

"In modern warfare the works of art had hitherto been consid- 
ered as a species of property entitled in all cases to be held sacred ; 
and Bonaparte's violent and rapacious infraction of this rule now 
excited a mighty clamour throughout Europe. 

" Bonaparte remained but five days in Milan ; the citadel of that 
place still held out against him ; but he left a detachment to block- 
ade it, and proceeded himself in pursuit of Beaulieu. The Aus- 
trian had now planted the remains of his army behind the Mincio, 
having his left on the great and strong city of Mantua, which has 
been termed 'the citadel of Italy,' and his right at Peschiera, a 
Venetain fortress, of which he took possession in spite of the 
remonstrances of the doge. This position was the strongest that 
it is possible to imagine. The invader hastened once more to 
dislodge him. 

"The French Directory, meanwhile, had begun to entertain 
suspicions as to the ultimate designs of their young general, whose 
success and fame had already reached so astonishing a height. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 43 

They determined to check, if they could, the career of an ambi- 
tion which they apprehended might outgrow their control. Bona- 
parte was ordered to take half his army, and lead it against the 
Pope and the King of Naples, and leave the other half to terminate 
the contest with Beaulieu, under the orders of Kellerman. But he 
acted on this occasion with the decision which these Directors in 
vain desired to emulate. He answered by resigning his command. 
'One half of the army of Italy,' said he, 'cannot suffice to finish 
the matter with the Austrian. It is only by keeping my force 
entire that I have been able to gain so many battles and to be now 
in Milan. You had better have one bad general than two good 
ones.' The Directory durst not persist in displacing the chief 
whose name was considered as the pledge of victory. Napoleon 
resumed the undivided command, to which now, for the last time, 
his right had been questioned. 

"The French advanced on the Mincio; and the general made 
such disposition of his troops that Beaulieu doubted not he meant 
to pass that river, if he could, at Peschiera. Meantime, he had 
been preparing to repeat the scene of Placenza ; — and actually, on 
the 30th of May, forced the passage of the Mincio, not at Peschiera, 
but farther down at Borghetto. The Austrian garrison at Bor- 
ghetto in vain destroyed one arch of the bridge. Bonaparte supplied 
the breach with planks, and his men, flushed with so many victories, 
charged with a fury not to be resisted. Beaulieu was obliged to 
abandon the Mincio, as he had before the Adda and the Po, and to 
take up the new line of the Adige. 

" The Austrian had, in effect, abandoned for the time the open 
country of Italy. He now lay on the frontier, between the vast 
tract of rich provinces which Napoleon had conquered, and the 
Tyrol. The citadel of Milan, indeed, still held out ; but the force 
there was not great, and, cooped up on every side, could not be 
expected to resist much longer. Mantua, which possessed prodi- 
gious natural advantages, and into which the retreating general 
had flung a garrison of full fifteen thousand men, was, in truth, the 
last and only Italian possession of the imperial crown, which, as it 
seemed, there might still be a possibility of saving. Beaulieu 
anxiously waited the approach of new troops from Germany to 
attempt the relief of this great city ; and his antagonist, eager to 
anticipate the efforts of the imperial government, sat down imme- 
diately before it. 

" Mantua lies on an island, being cut off on all sides from the 
main land by the branches of the Mincio, and approachable only 
by five narrow causeways, of which three were defended by strong 
and regular fortresses or intrenched camps, the other two by gates. 



44 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

drawbridges, and batteries. Situated amidst stagnant waters and 
morasses, its air is pestilential, especially to strangers. The gar- 
rison were prepared to. maintain the position with their usual 
bravery; and it remained to be seen whether the French general 
possessed any new system of attack, capable of abridging the usual 
operations of the siege, as effectually as he had already done by 
those of the march and the battle. His commencement was alarm- 
ing; of the five causeways, by sudden and overwhelming assaults, 
he obtained four ; and the garrison were cut off from the main land, 
except only at the fifth causeway, the strongest of them all, named, 
from a palace near it. La Favorita. It seemed necessary, how- 
ever, in order that this blockade might be complete, that the 
Venetian territory, lying immediately beyond Mantua, should be 
occupied by the French. — The imperial general had, as we have 
seen, neglected the reclamations of the Doge, when it suited his 
purpose to occupy Peschiera. ' You are too weak,' said Bona- 
parte, when the Venetain envoy reached his head-quarters, 'to 
enforce neutrality on hostile nations such as France and Austria. 
Beaulieu did not respect your territory when his interest bade him 
violate it; nor shall I hesitate to occupy whatever falls within 
the line of the Adige.' In effect, garrisons were placed forthwith 
in Verona, and all the strong places of that domain. The tri- 
colour flag now waved at the mouth of the Tyrolese passes ; and 
Napoleon, leaving Serrurier to blockade Mantua, returned to 
Milan, where he had important business to arrange. 

" The King of Naples, utterly confounded by the successes of 
the French, was now anxious to procure peace, almost on what- 
ever terms, with the apparently irresistible Republic. Nor did it, 
for the moment, suit Bonaparte's views to contemn his advances. 
He concluded an armistice accordingly, which was soon followed 
by a formal peace, with the King of the Two Sicilies ; and the 
Neapolitan troops, who had recently behaved with eminent gal- 
lantry, abandoning the Austrian general, began their march to the 
South of Italy. 

" This transaction placed another of Napoleon's destined victims 
entirely within his grasp. With no friend behind him, the Pope 
saw himself at the mercy of the invader ; and in terror prepared 
to submit. Bonaparte demanded, as the price of peace, and 
obtained, a million sterling, a hundred of the finest pictures and 
statues in the papal gallery, a large supply of military stores, and 
the cession of Ancona, Ferrara, and Bologna, with their respective 
domains. 

"He next turned his attention to the grand duke of Tuscany: 
for the present, the Florentine museum and the grand duke's trea- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 45 

sury were spared; but Leghorn, the sea-port of Tuscany and great 
feeder of its wealth, was seized without ceremony ; the EngUsh 
goods in that town were confiscated to the ruin of the merchants ; 
and a great number of EngHsh vessels in the harbour made a nar- 
row escape. The grand duke, in place of resenting these injuries, 
was obliged to receive Bonaparte with all the appearances of 
cordiality at Florence ; and the spoiler repaid his courtesy by 
telling him, rubbing his hands with glee during the princely enter- 
tainment provided for him, 'I have just received letters from Milan ; 
the citadel has fallen; — your brother has no longer a foot of land 
in Lombardy.' 

"In the mean time, the general did not neglect the great and 
darling plan of the French government, of thoroughly revolution- 
izing the North of Italy, and establishing there a group of repub- 
lics. The peculiar circumstances of Northern Italy, as a land of 
ancient fame and high spirit, long split into fragments, and ruled, 
for the most part, by governors of German origin, presented many 
facilities for the realization of this design; and Bonaparte was 
urged constantly by his government at Paris, and by a powerful 
party in Lombardy, to hasten its execution. He, however, thought 
that more was to be gained by temporizing with both the govern- 
ments and the people of Italy than by any hasty measures of the 
kind recommended. He, therefore, temporized: content, in the 
mean time, with draining the exchequers of the governments, and 
cajoling from day to day the population. The Directory were 
with difficulty persuaded to let him follow his own course : but he 
now despised their remonstrances, and they had been taught 
effectually to dread his strength. 

" The Austrian government having in some measure recovered 
from the consternation produced by the rapid destruction of their 
army under Beaulieu, resolved to make a great effort to recover 
Lombardy. 

"Beaulieu had been too often unfortunate to be trusted longer: 
Wurmser, who enjoyed a reputation of the highest class, was sent 
to replace him : thirty thousand men were drafted from the armies 
on the Rhine to accompany the new general ; and he carried orders 
to strengthen himself farther, on his march, by whatever recruits 
he could raise among the warlike and loyal population of the Tyrol. 

" The consequences of thus weakening the Austrian force on 
the Rhine were, for the moment, on that scene of the contest, 
inauspicous. The French, in two separate bodies, forced the pas- 
sage of the Rhine — under Jourdan and Moreau ; before whom the 
imperial generals, Wartensleben and the Archduke Charles, were 
compelled to retire. But the skill of the archduke, ere long, 



46 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

enabled him to effect a junction with the columns of Wartensle- 
ben; and thus to fall upon Jourdan with a great superiority of 
numbers, and give him a signal defeat. Moreau, learning how 
Jourdan was discomfited, found himself compelled to give up the 
plan of pursuing his march farther into Germany, and executed 
that famous retreat through the Black Forest which has made his 
name as splendid as any victory in the field could have done. 

" Wurmser, when he fixed his head-quarters at Trent, mustered 
in all eighty thousand; while Bonaparte had but'thirty thousand, 
to hold a wide country, in which abhorrence of the French cause 
was now prevalent, to keep up the blockade of Mantua, and to 
oppose this fearful odds of numbers in the field. 

" Wurmser might have learned from the successes of Bonaparte 
the advantages of compact movement ; yet he was unwise enough 
to divide his great force into three separate columns, and to place 
one of these upon a line of march which entirely separated it from 
the support of the others — in other words, to interpose the waters 
of the Lago di Guarda between themselves and the march of their 
friends — a blunder not likely to escape the eagle eye of Napoleon. 

"He immediately determined to march against the division of 
Quasdonowich, and fight him where he could not be supported 
by the other two columns. This could not be done without 
abandoning for the time the blockade of Mantua. The guns were 
buried in the trenches during the night of the 31st July, and the 
French quitted the place with a precipitation which the advancing 
Austrians considered as the result of terror. 

"Napoleon meanwhile rushed against Quasdonowich, who had 
already come near the bottom of the Lake of Guarda. At Salo, 
close by the lake, and, farther from it at Lonato, two divisions of 
the Austrian column were attacked and overwhelmed. Augereau 
and Massena, leaving merely rear-guards at Borghetto and Pes- 
chiera, now marched also upon Brescia. The whole force of 
Quasdonowich must inevitably have been ruined by these com- 
binations, had he stood his ground; but by this time the celerity 
of Napoleon had overawed him, and he was already in full retreat 
upon his old quarters in the Tyrol. Augereau and Massena, 
therefore, counter-marched their columns, and returned towards 
the Mincio. They found that Wurmser had forced their i-ear- 
guards from their posts: that of Massena, under Pigeon, had 
retired in good order to Lonato; that of Augereau, under Val- 
lette, had retreated in confusion, abandoning Castiglione to the 
Austrians. 

"Flushed with these successes, old Wursmer now resolved to 
throw his whole force upon the French, and resume at the point 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 47 

of the bayonet his communication with the scattered column of 
Quasdonowich. He was so fortunate as to defeat the gallant 
Pigeon at Lonato, and to occupy that town. But this new suc- 
cess was fatal to him. In the exultation of victory, he extended 
his line too much towards the right ; and this over-anxiety to open 
the communication with Quasdonowich, had the effect of so weak- 
ening his centre, that Massena, boldly and skilfully seizing the 
opportunity, poured two strong columns on Lonato, and regained 
the position; whereon the Austrian, perceiving that his army was 
cut in two, was thrown into utter confusion. At Castiglione alone 
a brave stand was made. But Augereau, burning to wipe out the 
disgrace of Vallette, forced the position, though at a severe loss. 
Such was the battle of Lonato. Thenceforth nothing could sur- 
pass the discomfiture and disarray of the Austrians. They fled 
in all directions upon the Mincio, where Wurmser himself, mean- 
while, had been employed in revictualling Mantua. 

"Wurmser collected together the whole of his remaining force, 
and advanced to meet the conqueror. They met between Lonato 
and Castiglione. Wurmser was totally defeated, and narrowly 
escaped being a prisoner: nor did he without great difficulty regain 
Trent and Roveredo, those frontier positions from which his noble 
army had so recently descended with all the confidence of con- 
querors. In this disastrous campaign the Austrians lost forty thou- 
sand men ; Bonaparte probably under-stated his own loss at seven 
thousand. During the seven days which the campaign occupied, 
he never took ofl^ his boots, nor slept except by starts. The exer- 
tions which so rapidly achieved this signal triumph were such as 
to demand some repose ; yet Napoleon did not pause until he saw 
Mantua once more completely invested. The reinforcement and 
revictualling of that garrison were all that Wurmser could show 
in requital of his lost artillery, stores, and forty thousand men. 

"During this brief campaign the aversion with which the eccle- 
siastics of Italy regarded the French manifested itself in various 
quarters. At Pavia, Ferrara, and elsewhere, insurrections had 
broken out, and the spirit was spreading rapidly at the moment 
when the report of Napoleon's new victory came to reawaken ter- 
ror and paralyze revolt. 

" While he was occupied with restoring quiet in the country, 
Austria, ever constant in adversity, hastened to place twenty thou- 
sand fresh troops under the orders of Wurmser; and the brave 
veteran, whose heart nothing could chill, prepared himself to make 
one effort more to relieve Mantua, and drive the French out of 
Lombardy. His army was now, as before, greatly the superior in 
numbers ; and though the bearing of his troops was more modest, 



48 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

their gallantry remained unimpaired. Once more the old general 
divided his army; and once more he was destined to see it shat- 
tered in detail. 

*'He marched from Trent towards Mantua, through the defiles 
of the Brenta, at the head of thirty thousand ; leaving twenty thou- 
sand under Davidowich at Reveredo, to cover the Tyrol. Bona- 
parte instantly detected the error of his opponent. He suffered 
him to advance unmolested as far as Bassano, and the moment he 
was there, and consequently completely separated from Davido- 
wich and his rear, drew together a strong force, and darted on 
Roveredo, by marches such as seemed credible only after they had 
been accomplished. 

" The battle of Roveredo (Sept. 4) is one of Napoleon's most 
illustrious days. The enemy had a strongly entrenched camp in 
front of the town; and behind it, in case of misfortune, Galliano, 
^yith its castle seated on a precipice over the Adige, where that 
river flows between enormous rocks and mountains, appeared 
to offer an impregnable retreat. Nothing could withstand the 
ardour of the French. The Austrians, though they defended the 
entrenched camp with their usual obstinacy, were forced to give 
way by the impetuosity of Dubois and his hussars. Dubois fell, 
mortally wounded, in the moment of his glory. He waved his 
sabre, cheering his men onwards with his last breath. ' I die,' said 
he, ' for the Republic : only let me hear, ere life leaves me, that the 
victory is ours.' The French horse, thus animated, pursued the 
Germans, who were driven, unable to rally, through and beyond 
the town. Even the gigantic defences of Galliano proved of no 
avail. Height after height was carried at the point of the bayonet; 
seven thousand prisoners and fifteen cannon remained with the 
conquerors. 

"Wurmser heard with dismay the utter ruin of Davidowich; 
and doubted not that Napoleon would now march onwards into 
Germany, and joining Jourdan and Moreau, whose advance he had 
heard of, and misguessed to have been successful, endeavour to 
realize the great scheme of Garnot — that of attacking Vienna itself 
The old general saw no chance of converting what remained to 
him of his army to good purpose, but by abiding in Lombardy, 
where he thought he might easily excite the people in his emperor's 
favour, overwhelm the slender garrisons left by Bonaparte, and so 
cut off, at all events, the French retreat through Italy, in case they 
should meet with any disaster in the Tyrol or in Germany. Napo- 
leon had intelligence which Wurmser wanted. Wurmser himself 
was his mark; and he returned from Trent to Primolano, where 
the Imperialist's vanguard lay, by a forced march of not less than 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 49 

sixty miles performed in two days. The surprise with which this 
descent was received may be imagined. The Austrian van was 
destroyed in a twinkling. The French, pushing every thing before 
them, halted that night at Cismone — where Napoleon was glad to 
have a private soldier's ration of bread for his supper. Next day 
he reached Bassano, where the aged marshal once more expected 
the fatal rencounter. The battle of Bassano (Sept. 8) was a fatal 
repetition of those that had gone before it. Six thousand men laid 
down their arms. Quasdonowich, with one division of four thou- 
sand, escaped to Friuli; while Wurmser himself, retreating to 
Vicenza, there collected with difficulty a remnant of sixteen 
thousand beaten and discomfited soldiers. His situation was most 
unhappy; his communication with Austria wholly cut oft' — his 
artillery and baggage all lost — the flower of his army no more. 
Nothing seemed to remain but to throw himself into Mantua, and 
there hold out to the last extremity, in the hope, however remote, 
of some succours from Vienna ; and such was the resolution of 
this often-outwitted but never-dispirited veteran. 

"Bonaparte, after making himself master of some scattered corps 
which had not been successful in keeping up with Wurmser, 
reappeared once more before Mantua. The battle of St. George 
(so called from one of the suburbs of the city) was fought on the 
13th of September, and after prodigous slaughter, the French 
remained in possession of all the causeways ; so that the blockade 
of the city and fortress was thenceforth complete. The garrison, 
when Wurmser shut himself up, amounted to twenty-six thousand. 
Before October was far advanced the pestilential air of the place, 
and the scarcity and badness of provisions, had tilled his hospitals, 
and left him hardly half the number in fighting condition. The 
misery of the besieged town was extreme ; and if Austria meant 
to rescue Wurmser, there was no time to be lost. 

" The French party in Corsica had not contemplated without 
pride and exultation the triumphs of their countryman. His 
seizure of Leghorn, by cutting off" the supplies from England, 
greatly distressed the opposite party in the island, and an expedition 
of Corsican exiles, which he now despatched from Tuscany, was 
successful in finally reconquering the country. To Napoleon this 
acquisition was due; nor were the Directory insensible to its 
value. He, meanwhile, had heavier business on his hands. 

" The Austrian council well knew that Mantua was in excellent 
keeping; and being now relieved on the Rhenish frontier, by the 
failure of Jourdan and Moreau's attempts, were able to form once 
more a powerful armament on that of Italy. The supreme com- 
mand was given to Marshal Alvinzi, a veteran of high reputation. 
D 5 



50 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

He, having made extensive levies in Illyria, appeared at Friuli; 
while Davidowich, with the remnant of Quasdonowich's army, 
amply recruited among the bold peasantry of the Tyrol, and with 
fresh drafts from the Rhine, took ground above Trent. The mar- 
shal had in all sixty thousand men under his orders. Bonaparte 
had received only twelve new battalions, to replace all the losses 
of those terrible campaigns, in which three imperial armies had 
already been annihilated.* The enemy's superiority of numbers 
was once more such, that nothing, but the most masterly combina- 
tions on the part of the French general, could have prevented 
them from sweeping every thing before them in the plains of 
Lombardy. 

"Bonaparte heard in the beginning of October that Alvinzi's 
columns were in motion : he had placed Vaubois to guard Trent, 
and Massena at Bassano to check the march of the field-marshal: 
but neither of these generals was able to hold his ground. The 
troops of Vaubois were driven from that position of Galliano, the 
strength of which has been already mentioned, under circum- 
stances which Napoleon considered disgraceful to the character 
of the French soldiery. Massena avoided battle; but such was 
the overwhelming superiority of Alvinzi, that he was forced to 
abandon the position of Bassano. Napoleon himself hurried for- 
ward to sustain Massena : and a severe rencounter, in which either 
side claimed the victory, took place at Vicenza. The French, 
however, retreated, and Bonaparte fixed his head-quarters at 
Verona. The whole country between the Brenta and the Adige 
was in the enemy's hands; while the still strong and determined 
garrison of Mantua in Napoleon's rear, rendering it indispensable 
for him to divide his forces, made his position eminently critical. 

" His first care was to visit the discomfited troops of Vaubois. 
'You have displeased me,' said he; 'you have suffered yourselves 
to be driven from positions where a handful of determined men 
might have bid an army defiance. You are no longer French sol- 
diers ! You belong not to the Army of Italy.' At these words tears 
streamed down the rugged cheeks of the grenadiers. 'Place us 
but once more in the van,' cried they, 'and you shall judge 
whether we do not belong to the Army of Italy.' The general 
dropped his angry tone ; and in the rest of the campaign no troops 
more distinguished themselves than these. 

" Having thus revived the ardour of his soldiery, Bonaparte con- 
centrated his columns on the right of the Adige, while Alvinzi 
took up a very strong position on the heights of Caldiero, on the 

* To replace all his losses in the two last campaigns, he had received only seven 
tliousand recruits. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 51 

left bank, nearly opposite to Verona. In pursuance of the same 
system which had already so often proved fatal to his opponents, 
it was the object of Bonaparte to assault Alvinzi, and scatter his 
forces, ere they could be joined by Davidowich. He lost no time, 
therefore, in attacking the heights of Caldiero ; but in spite of all 
that Massena, who headed the charge, could do, the Austrians, 
strong in numbers and in position, repelled the assailants with 
great carnage. A terrible tempest prevailed during the action, 
and Napoleon, in his despatches, endeavoured to shift the blame 
to the elements. 

"The country behind Caldiero lying open to Davidowich, it 
became necessary to resort to other means of assault, or permit the 
dreaded junction to occur. The genius of Bonaparte suggested to 
him on this occasion a movement altogether unexpected. During 
the night, leaving fifteen hundred men under Kilmaine to guard 
Verona, he marched for some space rearwards, as if he had meant 
to retreat on Mantua, which the failure of his recent assault ren- 
dered not unlikely. But his columns were ere long wheeled again 
towards the Adige : and finding a bridge ready prepared, were at 
once placed on the same side of the river with the enemy, — but in 
the rear altogether of his position, amidst those wide-spreading 
morasses which cover the country about Areola. This daring 
movement was devised to place Napoleon between Alvinzi and 
Davidowich; but the unsafe nature of the ground, and the nar- 
rowness of the dykes, by which alone he could advance on Areola, 
rendered victory difficult, and reverse most hazardous. He divided 
his men into three columns, and charged at daybreak (Nov. 15) 
by the three dykes which conduct to Areola. The Austrian, not 
suspecting that the main body of the French had evacuated 
Verona, treated this at first as an affair of light troops ; but as day 
advanced, the truth became apparent, and these narrow passages^ 
were defended with the most determined gallantry. Augereau 
headed the first column that reached the bridge of Areola, and 
was there, after a desperate effort, driven back with great loss. 
Bonaparte, perceiving the necessity of carrying the point ere 
Alvinzi could arrive, now threw himself on the bridge, and seizing 
a standard, urged his grenadiers once more to the charge. 

"The fire was tremendous: once more the French gave way. 
Napoleon himself, lost in the tumult, was borne backwards, forced 
over the dyke, and had nearly been smothered in the morass, while 
some of the advancing Austrians were already between him and 
his baffled column. His imminent danger was observed: the sol- 
diers caught the alarm, and rushing forward, with the cry, 'Save 
the general,' overthrew the Germans with irresistible violence. 



52 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

plucked Napoleon from the bog, and carried the bridge. This 
was the first battle of Areola. 

" This movement revived in the Austrian lines their terror for the 
name of Bonaparte; and Alvinzi saw that no time was to be lost 
if he meant to preserve his communication with Davidowich. 
He abandoned Caldiero, and gaining the open country behind 
Areola, robbed his enemy for the moment of the advantage which 
his skill had gained. Napoleon, perceiving that Areola was no 
longer in the rear of his enemy, but in his front, and fearful lest 
Vaubois might be overwhelmed by Davidowich, while Alvinzi 
remained thus between him and the Brenta, evacuated Areola, 
and retreated to Ronco. 

"Next morning, having ascertained that Davidowich had not 
been engaged with Vaubois, Napoleon once more advanced upon 
Areola. The place was once more defended bravely, and once 
more it was carried. But this second battle of Areola proved no 
more decisive than the first; for Alvinzi still contrived to maintain 
his main force unbroken in the difficult country behind ; and Bona- 
parte again retreated to Ronco. 

" The third day was decisive. On this occasion also he carried 
Areola; and, by two stratagems, was enabled to make his victory 
effectual. An ambuscade, planted among some willows, suddenly 
opened fire on a column of Croats, threw them into confusion, 
and, rushing from the concealment, crushed them down into the 
opposite bog, where most of them died. In one of his conversa- 
tions at St. Helena, he thus told the sequel: 'At Areola I gained 
the battle with twenty-five horsemen. I perceived the critical 
moment of lassitude in either army — when the oldest and bravest 
would have been glad to be in their tents. All my men had 
been engaged. Three times I had been obliged to reestablish 
the battle. There remained to me but some twenty-five guides. 
I sent them round on the flank of the enemy with three trum- 
pets, bidding them blow loud and charge furiously. Here is the 
French cavalry, was the cry; and they took to flight.' .... The 
Austrians doubted not that Murat and all the horse had forced a 
way through the bogs; and at that moment Bonaparte com- 
manding a general assault in front, the confusion became hopeless. 
Alvinzi retreated finally, though in decent order, upon Montebello. 

"It was at Areola that Muiron, who ever since the storming of 
Little Gibraltar had lived on terms of brother-like intimacy with 
Napoleon, seeing a bomb about to explode, threw himself between 
it and his general, and thus saved his life at the cost of his own. 
Napoleon, to the end of his life,, remembered and regretted this 
heroic friend. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 53 

"In these three days Bonaparte lost eight thousand men: the 
slaughter among his opponents must have been terrible. Once 
more the rapid combinations of Napoleon had rendered all the 
efforts of the Austrian cabinet abortive. For two months after 
the last day of Areola, he remained the undisturbed master of Lom- 
bardy. All that his enemy could shov^^, in set-ofF for the slaughter 
and discomfiture of Alvinzi's campaign, was that they retained 
possession of Bassano and Trent, thus interrupting Bonaparte's 
access to the Tyrol and Germany. This advantage was not 
trivial ; but it had been dearly bought. 

"A fourth army had been baffled; but the resolution of the 
Imperial Court was indomitable, and new levies were diligently 
forwarded to reinforce Alvinzi. Once more (January 7, 1797) the 
marshal found himself at the head of sixty thousand men : once more 
his superiority over Napoleon's muster-roll was enormous ; and 
once more he descended from the mountains with the hope of 
relieving Wurmser and reconquering Lombardy. The fifth act 
of the tragedy was yet to be performed. 

"We may here pause to notice some civil events of importance 
which occurred ere Alvinzi made his final descent. The success 
of the French naturally gave new vigour of the Italian party, who, 
chiefly in the large towns, were hostile to Austria, and desirous 
to settle their own government on the republican model. Two 
republics accordingly were organized; the Cispadane and the 
Transpadane — handmaids rather than sisters of the great French 
democracy. These events took place during the period of military 
inaction which followed the victories of Areola. The new repub- 
lics hastened to repay Napoleon's favour by raising troops, and 
placed at his disposal a force which he considered as sufficient to 
keep the Papal army in check during the expected renewal of 
Alvinzi's efforts. 

"Bonaparte at this period practised every art to make himself 
popular with the Italians ; nor was it of little moment that they in 
fact regarded him more as their own countryman than a French- 
man; that their beautiful language was his mother- tongue ; that 
he knew their manners and their literature, and even in his con- 
quering rapacity displayed his esteem for their arts. 

"Alvinzi's preparations were in the mean time rapidly advan- 
cing. The enthusiasm of the Austrian gentry was effectually 
stirred by the apprehension of seeing the conqueror of Italy under 
the walls of Vienna, and volunteer corps were formed everywhere, 
and marched upon the frontier. The gallant peasantry of ^ the 
Tyrol had already displayed their zeal; nor did the previous 
reverses of Alvinzi prevent them from once more crowding to his 

5* 



54 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

standard. Napoleon proclaimed that every Tyrolese caught in 
arms should be shot as a brigand. Alvinzi replied, that for every 
murdered peasant he would hang a French prisoner of war : Bona- 
parte rejoined, that the first execution of this threat would be 
instantly followed by the gibbeting of Alvinzi's own nephew, who 
was in his hands. These ferocious threats were laid aside, when 
time had been given for reflection ; and either general prepared to 
carry on the war according to the old rules, which are at least 
sufficiently severe. 

"Alvinzi sent a peasant across the country to find his way if 
possible into the beleaguered city of Mantua, and give Wurmser 
notice that he was once more ready to attempt his relief. The 
veteran was commanded to make what diversion he could in favour 
of the approaching army ; and, if things came to the worst, to fight 
his way out of Mantua, retire on Romagna, and put himself at the 
head of the Papal forces. The spy who carried these tidings was 
intercepted, and dragged into the presence of Napoleon. The 
terrified man confessed that he had swallowed the ball of wax in 
which the despatch was wrapped. His stomach was compelled to 
surrender its contents ; and Bonaparte prepared to meet his enemy. 
Leaving Serrurier to keep up the blockade of Mantua, he hastened 
to resume his central position at Verona, from which he could, 
according to circumstances, march with convenience on whatever 
line the Austrian main body might choose for their advance. 

" The Imperialists, as if determined to profit by no lesson, once 
more descended from Tyrol upon two different lines of march; 
Alvinzi himself choosing that of the Upper Adige ; while Provera 
headed a second army, with orders to follow the Brenta, and then, 
striking across to the Lower Adige, join the marshal before the 
walls of Mantua. Could they have combined their forces there, 
and delivered Wurmser, there was hardly a doubt that the French 
must retreat before so vast an army as would then have faced 
them. But Napoleon was destined once more to dissipate all these 
victorious dreams. He had posted Joubert at Rivoli, to dispute 
that important position, should the campaign open with an attempt 
to force it by Alvinzi ; while Augereau's division was to watch the 
march of Provera. Pie remained himself at Verona until he could 
learn with certainty by which of these generals the first grand 
assault was to be made. On the evening of the 13th of January, 
tidings were brought him that Joubert had all that day been main- 
taining his ground with difficulty ; and he instantly hastened to 
what now appeared to be the proper scene of action for himself. 

"Arriving about two in the morning (by another of his almost 
incredible forced marches) on the heights of Rivoli, he, the moon- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 55 

light being clear, could distinguish five separate encampments, 
with innumerable watch-fires in the valley below. His lieutenant, 
confounded by the display of this gigantic force, was in the very 
act of abandoning the position. Napoleon instantly checked this 
movement; and bringing up more battalions, forced the Croats 
from an eminence which they had already seized on the first symp- 
toms of the French retreat. Napoleon's keen eye, surveying the 
position of the five encampments below, penetrated the secret of 
Alvinzi ; namely, that his artillery had not yet arrived, otherwise 
he would not have occupied ground so distant from the object of 
attack. He concluded that the Austrian did not mean to make 
his grand assault very early in the morning, and resolved to force 
him to anticipate that movement. For this purpose, he took all 
possible pains to conceal his own arrival; and prolonged, by a 
series of petty manoeuvres, the enemy's belief that he had to do 
with a mere outpost of the French. Alvinzi swallowed the deceit ; 
and, instead of advancing on some great and well-arranged system, 
suffered his several columns to endeavour to force the heights by 
insulated movements, which the real strength of Napoleon easily 
enabled him to baffle. It is true that at one moment the bravery 
of the Germans had nearly overthrown the French on a point of 
pre-eminent importance; but Napoleon himself galloping to the 
spot, roused by his voice and action the division of Massena, who, 
having marched all night, had lain down to rest in the extreme of 
weariness, and seconded by them and their gallant general,* swept 
every thing before him. The French artillery was in position: 
the Austrian (according to Napoleon's shrewd guess) had not yet 
come up, and this circumstance decided the fortune of the day. 
The cannonade from the heights, backed by successive charges 
of horse and foot, rendered every attempt to storm the sum- 
mit abortive ; and the main body of the Imperialists was already 
in confusion, and, indeed, in flight, before one of their divisions, 
which had been sent round to outflank Bonaparte, and take higher 
ground in his rear, was able to execute its errand. When, accord- 
ingly, this division (that of Lusignan) at length achieved its des- 
tined object — it did so, not to complete the misery of a routed, 
but to swell the prey of a victorious enemy. Instead of cutting 
off the retreat of Jourbert, Lusignan found himself insulated from 
Alvinzi, and forced to lay down his arms to Bonaparte. ' Here 
was a good plan,' said Napoleon, 'but these Austrians are not 
apt to calculate the value of minutes.' Had Lusignan gained the 
rear of the French an hour earlier, while the contest was still hot 

* Hence, in the sequel, Massena's title, " Duke of Rivoli." 



56 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

in front of the heights of Rivoh, he might have made the 14th of 
January one of the darkest, instead of one of the brighest days, 
in the miUtary chronicles of Napoleon. 

"He, who in the course of this trying day had had three horses 
shot under him, hardly waited to see Lusignan surrender, but 
entrusted his friends, Massena, Murat, and Joubert, with the task 
of pursuing the flying columns of Alvinzi. He had heard during 
the battle, that Provera had forced his way to the Lago di Guarda, 
and was already, by means af boats, in communication with 
Mantua. The force of Augereau having proved insufficient to 
oppose the march of the Imperialists' second column, it was high 
time that Napoleon himself should hurry with reinforcements to 
the Lower Adige, and prevent Wurmser from either housing 
Provera, or joining him in the open field, and so effecting the • 
escape of his own still formidable garrison, whether to the Tyrol 
or the Romagna. 

"Having marched all night and all next day. Napoleon reached 
the vicinity of Mantua late on the 15th. He found the enemy 
strongly posted, and Serrurier's situation highly critical. A regi- 
ment of Provera's hussars had but a few hours before nearly 
established themselves in the suburb of St. George. This Aus- 
trian corps had been clothed in white cloaks, resembling those of 
a well-known French regiment ; and advancing towards the gate, 
would certainly have been admitted as friends, but for the sagacity 
of one sergeant, who could not help fancying that the white cloaks 
had too much of the gloss of novelty about them, to have stood 
the tear and wear of three Bonapartean campaigns. This danger 
had been avoided, but the utmost vigilance was necessary. The 
French general himself passed the night in walking about the 
outposts, so great was his anxiety. 

" At one of these he found a grenadier asleep by the root of a 
tree ; and taking his gun, without wakening him, performed a senti- 
nel's duty in his place, for about half an hour; when the man, 
starting from his slumbers, perceived with terror and despair the 
countenance and occupation of his general. He fell on his knees 
before him. 'My friend,' said Napoleon, 'here is your musket. 
You had fought hard, and marched long, and your sleep is excusa- 
ble : but a moment's inattention might at present ruin the army. 
I happened to be awake, and have held your post for you. You 
will be more careful another time.' 

"It is needless to say how the devotion of his men was nour- 
ished by such anecdotes as these flying ever and anon from column 
to column. Next morning there ensued a hot skirmish, recorded 
as the battle of St. George. Provera was compelled to retreat, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 57 

and Wurmser, who had sallied out, and seized the causeway and 
citadel of La Favorita, was fain to retreat within its old walls, in 
consequence of a desperate assault, headed by Napoleon in person. 

" Provera now found himself entirely cut off from Alvinzi, and 
surrounded with the French. He and five thousand men laid down 
their arms on the 16th of January. Various bodies of the Austrian 
force, scattered over the country between the Adige and the 
Brenta, followed the example;* and the brave Wurmser, whose 
provisions were by this time exhausted, found himself at length 
under the necessity of sending an offer of capitulation. 

"General Serrurier, as commander of the blockade, received 
Klenau, the bearer of Wurmser's message, and heard him state, 
with the pardonable artifice usual on such occasions, that his master 
was still in a condition to hold out considerably longer, unless hon- 
ourable terms were granted. Napoleon had hitherto been seated 
in a corner of the tent, wrapped in his cloak; he now advanced 
to the Austrian, who had no suspicion in whose presence he had 
been speaking, and taking his pen, wrote down the conditions 
which he was willing to grant. 'These,' said he, 'are the terms 
to which your general's bravery entitles him. He may have them 
to-day ; a week, a month hence, he shall have no worse. Mean- 
time, tell him that General Bonaparte is about to set out for Rome.' 
The envoy now recognised Napoleon ; and, on reading the paper, 
perceived that the proposed terms were more liberal than he had 
dared to hope for. The capitulation was forthwith signed. 

"On the 2d of February, Wurmser and his garrison marched out 
of Mantua; but when the aged chief was to surrender his sword, 
he found only Serrurier ready to receive it. Napoleon's generosity, 
in avoiding being present personally to witness the humiliation of 
this distinguished veteran, forms one of the most pleasing traits in 
his story. The Directory had urged him to far different conduct. 
He treated their suggestions with scorn: 'I have granted the 
Austrian,' he wrote to them, 'such terms as were, in my judgment, 
due to a brave and honourable enemy, and to the dignity of the 
French Republic' 

" The loss of the Austrians at Mantua amounted, first and last, 
to not less than twenty-seven thousand men. Besides innumerable 
military stores, upwards of five hundred brass cannon fell into the 
hands of the conqueror ; and Augereau was sent to Paris, to present 
the Directory with sixty stand of colours. He was received with 
tumults of exultation, such as might have been expected, on an 
occasion so glorious, from a people less vivacious than the French. 

* Such was the prevailing terror, that one body of six thousand, under Rene, surren- 
dered to a French officer who had hardly five hundred men with him. 



58 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

" The surrender of Provera and Wurmser, following the total 
rout of Alvinzi, placed Lombardy wholly in the hands of Napoleon ; 
and he now found leisure to avenge himself on the Pope for those 
hostile demonstrations which, as yet, he had been contented to 
hold in check. The terror with which the priestly court of the 
Vatican received the tidings of the utter destruction of the Aus- 
trian army, and of the irresistible conqueror's march southwards, 
did not prevent the Papal troops from making some efforts to 
defend the territories of the Holy See. General Victor, with four 
thousand French and as many Lombards, advanced upon the route 
of Imola. A Papal force, in numbers about equal, lay encamped 
on the river Senio in front of that town. Monks with crucifixes 
in their hands ran through the lines, exciting them to fight bravely 
for their country and their faith. The French general, by a rapid 
movement, threw his horse across the stream a league or two 
higher up, and then charged with his infantry through the Senio 
in their front. The resistance was brief. The Pope's army, com- 
posed mostly of new recruits, retreated in confusion. Faenza was 
carried by the bayonet. Coli and three thousand more laid down 
their arms ; and the strong town of Ancona was occupied. On 
the 10th of February the French entered Loretto, and rifled 
that celebrated seat of superstition of whatever treasures it still 
retained ; the most valuable articles had already been packed up 
and sent to Rome for safety. Victor then turned westwards from 
Ancona, with the design to unite with another French column, 
which had advanced into the papal dominion by Perugia. 

" The panic which the French advance had by this time spread 
was such, that the Pope had no hope but in submission. The 
peasants lately transformed into soldiers abandoned every where 
their arms, and fled in straggling groups to their native villages. 
The alarm in Rome itself recalled the days of Alaric. 

" The conduct of Bonaparte at this critical moment was worthy 
of that good sense which formed the original foundation of his 
successes, and of which the madness of pampered ambition could 
alone deprive him afterwards. He well knew that, of all the inhab- 
itants of the Roman territories, the class who contemplated his 
approach with the deepest terror were the unfortunate French 
priests, whom the Revolution had made exiles from their native 
soil. One of these unhappy gentlemen came forth in his despair, 
and, surrendering himself at the French head-quarters, said he 
knew his fate was sealed, and that they might as well lead him 
at once to the gallows. Bonaparte dismissed this person with 
courtesy, and issued a proclamation that none of the class should 
be molested ; on the contrary, allotting to each of them the means 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 59 

of existence in monasteries, wherever his arms were or should be 
predominant. 

"This conduct, taken together with other circumstances of 
recent occurence, was well calculated to nourish in the breast of 
the Pope the hope that the victorious general of France had, by 
this time, discarded the ferocious hostility of the revolutionary 
government against the church of which he was head. He has- 
tened, however, to open a negotiation, and Napoleon received his 
envoy not merely with civility, but with professions of the pro- 
foundest personal reverence for the holy father. The Treaty of 
Tollentino (12th Feb., 1797) followed. By this the Pope conceded 
formally (for the first time) his ancient territory of Avignon; he 
resigned the legations of Ferrara, Bologna, and Romagna, and the 
port of Ancona; agreed to pay about a miUion and a half sterling, 
and to execute to the utmost the provisions of Bologna with respect 
to works of art. On these terms Pius was to remain nominal 
master of some shreds of the patrimony of St. Peter." 



CHAPTER IV, 



state of Venice ; Battle of Tagliamento ; the Austrians retreat; Treaty of Leoben; Bouriienne joins 
the Army ; Reasons for Delay ; Leaves Sens for Italy ; Insui-rection in the Venetian State ; Reflec- 
tions on Venice, 

In the preceding chapter we have given a rapid account of the 
extraordinary campaign of the Army of Italy, to the Treaty of 
Tollentino. It is the most splendid and celebrated of which we 
have any account, and the more remarkable, in having been 
directed by the surpassing genius of a hero of six-and-twenty, who, 
with a very inferior force, beat successively the well-appointed 
armies of the King of Sardinia and the Emperor of Austria. 
These armies were commanded by their bravest and most experi- 
enced generals; — but no experience was equal to the genius, the 
vigilance, and activity of Bonaparte. The oldest and most experi- 
enced commanders of the Emperor of Austria complained that he 
set aside all the ordinary rules of war, and would not fight 
according to system. Bonaparte was an inventor, and disregarded 
system; his object was to destroy his enemy, and in this he 
succeeded in a remarkable manner. 

"He was now master of all Northern Italy, with the exception 
of the territories of Venice. He heard without surprise that the 



60 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

doge had been raising new levies, and that the senate could com- 
mand an army of fifty thousand, composed chiefly of fierce and 
semi-barbarous Sclavonian mercenaries. He demanded what 
these demonstrations meant, and was answered that Venice had 
no desire but to maintain a perfect neutrality. After some nego- 
tiation, he told the Yenetain envoy, that he granted the prayer of 
his masters. 'Be neuter,' said he, 'but see that yovu- neutrality be 
indeed sincere and perfect. If any insurrection occur in my rear, 
to cut oft' my communications in the event of my marching on 
Germany — if any movement whatever betray the disposition of 
your senate to aid the enemies of France, be sure that vengeance 
will follow — from that hour, the independence of Venice has 
ceased to be.' 

"More than a month had now elapsed since Alvinzi's defeat at 
Rivoli; in nine days the war with the Pope had reached its close; 
and having left some garrisons in the towns on the Adige, to 
watch the neutrality of Venice, Napoleon hastened to carry the 
war into the hereditary dominions of the emperor. Twenty thou- 
sand fresh troops had recently joined his victorious standard from 
France ; and at the head of perhaps a larger force than he had ever 
before mustered, he proceeded to the frontier of the Frioul, where, 
according to his information, the main army of Austria, recruited 
once more to its original strength, was preparing to open a sixth 
campaign — under the orders, not of Alvinzi, but of a general young 
like himself, and hitherto eminently successful — the same who had 
already by his combinations baffled two such masters in the art of 
war as Jourdan and Moreau — the Archduke Charles ; a prince on 
whose high talents the last hopes of the empire seemed to repose. 

'"To give the details of the sixth campaign ,which now com- 
menced, would be to repeat the story which has been already five 
times told. 

"Bonaparte found the archduke posted behind the river Taglia- 
mento, in front of the rugged Carinthian mountains, which guard 
the passage in that quarter from Italy to Germany. Detaching 
Massena to the Piave, where the Austrian division of Lusignan 
were in observation, he himself determined to charge the arch- 
duke in front. Massena was successful in driving Lusignan 
before him, as far as Belluno (where a rear-guard of five hundred 
surrendered), and thus turned the Austrian flank. Bonaparte then 
attempted and effected the passage of the Tagliamento. After a 
great and formal display of his forces, which Avas met by similar 
demonstrations on the Austrian side of the river, he suddenly 
broke up his line and retreated. The archduke, knowing that the 
French had been marching all the night before, concluded that the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 61 

general wished to defer the battle till another day ; and in like man- 
ner withdrew to his camp. About two hours after, Napoleon 
rushed with his whole army, who had merely lain down in ranks, 
upon the margin of the Tagliamento — no longer adequately 
guarded — and had forded the stream ere the Austrian line of battle 
could be formed. In the action which followed (March 12) the 
troops of the archduke displayed much gallantry, but every effort 
to dislodge Napoleon failed ; and at length retreat was judged 
necessary. The French followed hard behind. They stormed 
Gradisca, where they made five thousand prisoners; and — the 
archduke pursuing his retreat — occupied in the course of a few 
days Trieste, Fiume, and every stronghold in Carinthia. In the 
course of a campaign of twenty days, the Austrians fought Bona- 
parte ten times, but the overthrow on the Tagliamento was never 
recovered ; and the archduke, after defending Styria inch by inch 
as he had Carinthia, at length adopted the resolution of reaching 
Vienna by forced marches, there to gather round him whatever 
force the loyalty of his nation could muster, and make a last stand 
beneath the walls of the capital. 

"This plan, at first sight the mere dictate of despair, was in 
truth that of a wise and prudent general. The archduke had 
received intelligence from two quarters of events highly unfavour- 
able to the French. General Laudon, the Austrian commander 
on the Tyrol frontier, had descended thence with forces sufficient 
to overwhelm Bonaparte's lieutenants on the upper Adige, and 
was already in possession of the whole Tyrol, and of several of 
the Lombard towns. Meanwhile, the Venetian senate, on hearing 
of these Austrian successes, had plucked up courage to throw 
aside their flimsy neutrality, and not only declared war against 
France, but encouraged their partisans in Verona to open the 
contest with an inhuman massacre of the French wounded in the 
hospitals of that city. The vindictive Italians, wherever the French 
party was inferior in numbers, resorted to similar atrocities. The 
Venetian army passed the frontier: and, in effect, Bonaparte's 
means of deriving supplies of any kind from his rear were for the 
time wholly cut off. 

"Vienna was panic-struck on hearing that Bonaparte had 
stormed the passes of the Julian Alps; the imperial family sent 
their treasure into Hungary; and the archduke was ordered to 
avail himself of the first pretence which circumstances might 
afford for the opening of a negotiation. 

"That prince had already, acting on his own judgment and 
feelings, dismissed such an occasion with civility and with cold- 
ness. Napoleon had addressed a letter to his imperial highness 

6 



62 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

from Clagenfurt, in which he called on him, as a brother-soldier, 
to consider the certain miseries and the doubtful successes of war, 
and put an end to the campaign by a fair and equitable treaty. 
The archduke replied, that he regarded with the highest esteem 
the personal character of his correspondent, but that the Austrian 
government had committed to his trust the guidance of a particular 
army, not the diplomatic business of the empire. The prince, on 
receiving these new instructions from Vienna, perceived, however 
reluctantly, that the hne of his duty was altered; and the result 
was a series of negotiations — which ended in the provisional treaty 
of Leoben, signed April 18, 1797." 

The preceding account of the Italian campaign has been sup- 
plied to connect the narrative of Bourrienne; he was now about 
to join the general-in-chief at the head-quarters of the army of 
Italy, and he did not leave him for a moment until the end of 1802. 

It is impossible for me to avoid occasionally intruding myself in 
the course of these memoirs ; but I owe it to myself to show that 
I was no intruder, nor pursued, as an obscure intriguer, the path 
of fortune. I was influenced more by friendship than by ambition 
when I took a part on the theatre where the rising glory of the 
future emperor already shed a lustre on all who were attached to 
his destiny. It will be seen from the following letters with what 
confidence I was then honoured : 

" Head-quarters, at Milan, 20 Prairial, year rv. 
June 8, 1796. 
"The general-in-chief has charged me, my dear Bourrienne, to make known to you 
the pleasure he received on hearing of you, and his desire that you should join us. 
Take your departure, then, my dear Bourrienne, and arrive quickly. You will be sure 
of obtaining the testimonies of affection which you inspire from all who know you, 
and we much regret that you have not been here to have a share in our success. The 
campaign which we have just concluded will be celebrated in the records of history. 
It is surprising that with less than thirty thousand men, in a state of almost complete 
destitution, we have, in less than two months, beaten, eight different times, an army of 
from sixty-five to seventy thousand men, obliged the King of Sardinia to make a 
humiliating peace, and driven the Austrians from Italy. The last victory, of which 
you have doubtless had an account, the passage of the Mincio, has closed our labours. 
There now remain for us the siege of Mantua and the castle of Milan, but these obsta- 
cles will not detain us long. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne ; I repeat General Bonaparte's 
request, that you should repair hither, and the testimony of Iris desire to see you. 
" Receive, &c. Marmont, 

" Chief of Brigade, and Aide-de-camp to the General-in-chief." 

Eleven months after the receipt of the above letter I received 
other letters from Marmont, as well as from the general-in-chief, 
urging me to hasten my journey to join them at head-quarters; 
and at the moment I was about to depart I received the following 
letter; 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 63 

" Head-quarters, Judenburgh, 10 Germinal, j-ear V. } 
April 8, 1797. \ 

" The general-in-chief again orders me, my dear Bourrienne, to urge you to come to 
him quickly. We are in the midst of success and triumphs. The German campaign 
commenced in a manner more briUiant than that of Italy. You may judge what a 
promise it holds out to us. Come, my dear Bourrienne, unmediately ; yield to our 
solicitations, share our pains and pleasures, and you will add to our enjoyments. 

" I have directed the courier to pass through Sens, that he may deliver this letter to 
you, and bring me back your answer. " Marmont." 

To the above letter this order was subjoined : 

" The citizen Fauvelet de Bourrienne is ordered to leave Sens, and repair immedi- 
ately by post to the head-quarters of the army of Italy. Bonaparte." 

My reason for not accepting these friendly invitations before 
arose from my not having been able to obtain the erasure of my 
name from the emigrant list, and which I did not obtain until a 
later period, through the influence of the general-in-chief But 
now I determined without hesitation to set out for the army. 
General Bonaparte's order, which I registered at the municipality 
of Sens, served for a passport, which might otherwise have been 
refused me. 

I did not leave Sens until the 11th of April, and arrived in the 
Venetian states at the moment when the insurrection against the 
French broke out. I had passed through Verona on the 16th, 
where I remained two hours, little expecting the massacre which 
afterwards took place. When about a league from the town, 
I was stopped by a band of insurgents, who obliged me to call 
out, "Long live St. Mark!" an order with which I speedily com- 
plied, and passed on. On the following day all the French who were 
confined in the hospitals were butchered, amidst the ringing of the 
church bells, and by the encouragement of the priests. Upwards 
of four hundred of the French were killed. 

The last days of Venice were now approaching. Two causes 
powerfully contributed to hasten her downfall, after an existence 
of twelve hundred years ; the successes of the French had propa- 
gated the principles of the revolution in Italy ; the Archduke of 
Milan had been deposed ; and why should not the Doge of Venice 
cease to rule? The spirit of the revolution was gradually diffused, 
and discontent rapidly spread along with it. The difference be- 
tween the new doctrines and the gloomy institutions of Venice 
were too marked not to occasion a desire of change. This was 
followed by a desire on the part of the patriotic party to revo- 
lutionize the Venetian states on the main land, to unite them with 
Lombardy, and to form of the whole one republic. In fact, the 
force of circumstances alone brought on the insurrection of those 
territories. The pursuit of the Archduke Charles into the heart 



64 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

of Austria encouraged the Venetian senate to hope that it would 
be easy to annihilate the feeble remnant of the French army, 
which was scattered throughout their territory: but in this they 
were disappointed. Bonaparte skilfully took advantage of the 
disturbances, and the massacres consequent on them, to adopt 
towards the senate the tone of an offended conqueror. He wrote 
to the Directory that the only part they could take was to destroy 
this sanguinary and ferocious government, and to erase the Vene- 
tian name from the face of the earth. 

On returning from Leoben,* he, without ceremony, seized Ven- 
ice, changed the established government, and took possession of 
her territories; and, at the negotiations of Campo-Formio, he found 
himself able to dispose of them as he pleased, in compensation for 
the concessions which had been exacted from Austria. The fate 
of this republic was now sealed — it disappeared from the list of 
of states without a struggle and without noise. He executed 
severe revenge. Venice was called upon to pay three millions 
francs in gold, and as many more in naval stores; and to deliver 
up five ships of war, twenty of the best pictures, and five hun- 
dred manuscripts. 

In their last agony the Venetian senate made a vain effort to 
secure the personal protection of the general, by offering him a 
purse of seven millions of francs. He rejected this with scorn. 
He had already treated in the same style a bribe of four millions, 
tendered on the part of the Duke of Modena. Austria herself, 
it is said, did not hesitate to tamper in the same manner, though 
far more magnificently, as became her resources, with his repub- 
lican virtue. He was offered, if the story be true, an independent 
German principality for himself and his heirs. " I thank the empe- 
ror," he answered; "but if greatness is to be mine, it shall come 
from France." 

The Venetian senate were guilty of another and a more inex- 
cusable piece of meanness. They seized the person of Count 
D'Entraigues, a French emigrant, who had been living in their 
city as agent for the exiled house of Bourbon; and surrendered 
him and all his papers to the victorious general. Bonaparte dis- 
covered among these documents ample evidence that Pichegru, 
the French general on the Rhine, and universally honoured as the 
conqueror of Holland, had some time before this hearkened to the 

* The Doge and Senate hastened to send offers of submission, but thsir messengers 
were treated with anger and contempt. 

" French blood has been treacherously shed," said Napoleon ; "if you could offer me 
the treasures of Peru — if you could cover your whole dominion with gold — the atone- 
ment would be insufficient ; the lion of St. Mark must lick the dust ! " 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 65 

proposals of the Bourbon princes; and had, among other efforts 
to favour the royal cause, not hesitated even to misconduct his 
military movements with a view to the downfall of the govern- 
ment which had entrusted him with his command. 

This was a secret, the importance of which Napoleon could 
well appreciate; and he forthwith communicated it to the Direc- 
tory at Paris. 



CHAPTER V. 

My Anival and Reception at Leoben; ArriTal at Milan; Negotiations with Austria; Bonaparte 
complains to the Directory ; Royalist Clubs ; sends La Valette, Augereau, and Bemadotte to Paris ; 
18th Fructidor. 

I JOINED Bonaparte at Leoben, on the 19th of April, the day 
after the signature of the preliminaries of peace. Here ceased my 
intercourse with him as equal with equal, campanion with compan- 
ion; and those relations commenced, in which! saw him great, 
powerful, and surrounded with homage and glory. I no longer 
addressed him as formerly ; I was too well aware of his personal 
importance. His position had placed too great a distance in the 
social scale between us for me not to perceive the necessity of 
conforming myself accordingly. I made with pleasure, and with- 
out regret, the easy sacrifice of familiarity, of thee and thouing, 
and other trifles. He said, in a loud voice, when I entered the 
apartment in which he stood surrounded by a brilliant staff, " I 
am glad to see you, at last." As soon as we were alone, he gave 
me to understand that he was pleased with my reserve. I was 
immediately placed at the head of his cabinet; I spoke to him the 
same evening respecting the insurrection in the Venetian states; 
of the dangers which threatened the French, and of those which I 
had myself escaped. "Be tranquil," said he," these rascals shall 
pay for it; their republic has had its day." 

In the first conversation which Bonaparte had with me I thought 
I could perceive that he was dissatisfied with the preliminaries of 
peace. He had wished to advance with his army upon Vienna, 
and, before offering peace to the Archduke Charles, he wrote to 
the Directory that he wished to follow up his successes ; but to be 
enabled to do so, he wished to be sustained by the co-operation of 
the armies of the Sambre and Meuse, and that of the Rhine. The 
Directory replied, that he must not reckon on a diversion in Ger- -. 
many, and that the armies alluded to were not to pass the Rhine. 
E 6* 



66 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

This resolution, so unexpected, obliged him to terminate his 
triumphs, and renounce, for the present, his favourite project of 
planting the standards of the Republic upon the walls of Vienna. 

In traversing the Venetian states to return to Milan, he fre- 
quently spoke of the affairs of that republic ; and constantly stated, 
that he was originally entirely unconnected with the insurrections 
which had taken place; but as they had occurred, he was not sorry 
for it, for that he certainly would take advantage of them in^the 
settlement of the definitive treaty. 

We arrived at Milan on the 5th of May. Bonaparte took up 
his residence at Montebello, a beautiful seat about three leagues 
from that city. Here commenced the negotiations for the peace, 
which were terminated at Passeriano. During the course of these 
negotiations, the Directory ordered the general-in-chief to demand 
the liberation of La Fayette, Latour-Maubourg, and Bureau de 
Puzy, who had been detained at Olmutz, since 1792, as prisoners 
of state. He executed this commission with as much pleasure as 
zeal; but he met with many difficulties, and it required all his 
vigour of character to enable him to succeed at the end of three 
months. They obtained their freedom in August, 1797, and 
received it with that feeling of independence and dignity which a 
long and rigid captivity had not been able to destroy. 

It was now the month of July, and the negotiations were still 
protracted, and the obstacles which were continually recumng 
could only be attributed to the artful policy of Austria, who seemed 
anxious to gain time. The news which he received at this time 
from Paris occupied his whole attention. He beheld with extreme 
displeasure, and even with violent anger, the manner in which the 
leading orators in the councils, and pamphlets written in a similar 
spirit, spoke of him, his army, his victories, the affairs of Venice, 
and the national glory. He regarded with indignation the suspi- 
cions which they endeavoured to throw upon his conduct and his 
ulterior views ; and was furious at seeing his services depreciated, 
his glory and that of his companions in arms disparaged. On this 
occasion he wrote to the Directory a very spirited letter, and 
demanded his dismissal. 

At this time it was generally reported that Carnot, from his 
office in the Luxembourg, had traced out the plan of those opera- 
tions by which Bonaparte had acquired so much glory; and that 
to Berthier he was indebted for their successful execution: and 
many persons are still of this opinion ; but there is no foundation 
for the belief. — Bonaparte was an inventor, and not an imitator. 
It is true that, at the commencement of these brilliant campaigns, 
the Directory had transmitted to him certain instructions ; but he 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 67 

always followed his own plans, and wrote that all would be lost if 
he were blindly to put in practice movements conceived at a dis- 
tance from the scene of action. He also offered his resignation. 
The Directory, at length, admitted the difficulty of dictating 
military operations at Paris, and left every thing to him — and 
certainly, there was not a movement or operation which did not 
originate with himself Bonaparte was exceedingly sensitive on 
this subject; and one day he said to me, "As for Berthier, since 
you have been with me, you see what he is — he is a blockhead: 
yet it is he who has done all!" Berthier, however, was a man of 
honour, courage, and probity, and exceedingly regular in the per- 
formance of his duties, and very efficient as the head of the staff' 
of the army. This is all the praise that can be given him, and, 
indeed, all that he desired. Bonaparte had a great regard for 
Berthier, and he in return looked up to him with so much admira- 
tion, that he never could have presumed to oppose his plans, or 
give any advice. Bonaparte was a man of habit, and was much 
attached to all the people about him, and did not like new faces. 

At this time young Beauharnois came to Milan ; he was then 
in his seventeenth year, and had lived in Paris with his mother 
since the departure of Bonaparte. On his arrival he immediately 
entered the service, as aid-de-camp to the General-in-chief, who 
felt for him an affection which was justified by his many good 
qualities. Eugene had an excellent heart, a manly courage, a pre- 
possessing exterior, with an obliging and amiable temper. His life 
is matter of history; and those who knew him will agree that his 
maturer years did not disappoint the promise of his youth. Already 
he displayed the courage of a soldier, and at a later period he 
evinced the talent of a statesman. From the time of his arrival in 
Milan till the end of the year 1802, I never lost sight of him 
for a moment; and during an intimacy of several years, nothing 
has occurred that would induce me to recall a single word of this 
praise. 

Bonaparte was justly of opinion that the tardiness of the 
negotiations, and the difficulties which incessantly arose, were 
founded on the expectation of an event which would change the 
government of France, and render the chances of peace more 
favourable to Austria. He urged the Directory to put an end to 
this state of things — to arrest the emigrants, to destroy the influence 
of foreigners, to recall the armies, and to suppress the journals, 
which he said were sold to England, and were more sanguinary than 
Marat ever was. He despised the Directory, which he accused 
of weakness, indecision, extravagance, and a perseverance in a. 
system degrading to the national glory. 



68 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

He had long foreseen the struggle about to take place between 
the partisans of Royalty and the Republic, and had been urged 
by his friends to choose his party, or to act for himself; but before 
deciding, he first thought of his own interest. He did not consider 
that he had yet done enough to bear him out in seizing the supreme 
power, which, under existing circumstances, he might easily have 
done. He was satisfied, for the present, with joining that party 
which appeared to have the support of public opinion. I know 
he was determined upon marching to Paris with twenty-five thou- 
sand men, if affairs appeared to take a turn unfavourable to the 
Republic, which he preferred to Royalty, because he expected to 
derive greater advantages from it. He carefully arranged his 
plan of the campaign. He considered that in defending this so- 
much-despised Directory, he was only protecting a power which 
appeared to have no other object than to occupy a situation until 
he was prepared to fill it. His resolution of passing the Alps 
with twenty-five thousand men, and marching by Lyons upon 
Paris, was well known in the capital, and every one was occupied 
in discussing the consequences of this passage of another Rubicon. 
Determined on supporting the majority of the Directory, and of 
combating the Royalist faction, he sent his aid-de-camp. La 
Valette, to Paris, towards the end of July, and Augereau followed 
him very shortly after. Bonaparte wrote to the Directory, that 
Augereau had solicited permission to go to Paris on his own private 
affairs ; but the truth is, that he was sent expressly to urge on the 
revolution which was preparing against the Royalist party and 
the minority of the Directory. Bernadotte was subsequently 
despatched on the same errand ; but he did not take any gKcat part 
in the affair — he was always prudent. 

The Republican members of the Directory were Barras, Rew- 
bell, and La Revilliere. Carnot and Barthelemy were the other 
two, who were considered favourable to the emigrants, and to the 
reestablishment of monarchy. 

The crisis of the 18th Fructidor (Sept. 5, 1797), which brought 
a triumph to the Republican party, and retarded for three years 
the extinction of the pentarchy, presents one of the most remarkable 
events in its short and feeble existence. The Republican Directors 
had determined upon arresting those members of the Council of 
Five Hundred, and of the Ancients, who were obnoxious to them ; 
and, to secure their success, they appointed Augereau military 
commandant, which was the object of Bonaparte's wishes. 

Various plans were proposed and abandoned, and La Valette 
writes to Bonaparte on the 7th that the obstacles which occasioned 
it were — First, Disagreement respecting the means of execution. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 69 

Second, The fear of engaging in a contest, of which the success 
is not doubtful, but of which the consequences are uncertain. 
Third, The embarrassment which would be caused by the Coun- 
cil of Ancients, who are determined to oppose no resistance, and 
by the Council of Five Hundred, who must be driven away because 
they will not go quietly. And Fourth, The fear of the Baboeuf 
reaction. 

However, these fears were got over, and they determined upon 
a vigorous stroke. The fear of being anticipated, at length caiised 
measures to be hurried forward. 

At midnight, on the 17th, Augereau despatched orders to all the 
troops to march upon the points specified. Before day-break the 
bridges and principal squares were planted with cannon. At day- 
break the halls of the Council were surrounded, the guards of the 
Council fraternized with the troops, and forty of the most distin- 
guished members of the Council of Five Hundred, and thirty-four 
of that of the Ancients, supposed most devoted to royalty, were 
arrested, and conducted to the Temple. Among the intended 
victims were Carnot and Barthelemy, both members of the Direc- 
tory. Barthelemy fell into the hands of his pursuers ; but Carnot 
effected his escape. These Directors were replaced by Merlin 
and Francois de Neufchateau, both zealous Republicans. The 
arrested deputies were afterwards banished to French Cayenne, 
where the greater part of them perished through the pestilential 
influence of the climate. — It was by this means that the new 
revolution, as it was called, of the 18th Fructidor (Sept. 5, 1797) 
was effected. 

Bonaparte was intoxicated with joy when he heard of a happy 
issue of the 18th Fructidor. Its results produced the dissolution 
of the Legislative Assembly, and the fall of the Royalist party, 
which for some months had disturbed his tranquillity. The 
Clichians had objected to receive Joseph Bonaparte as the deputy 
for Liamone, into the Council of Five Hundred. His brother's 
victory removed the difficulty ; but the general soon perceived 
that the victors abused their power, and were again compromising 
the safety of the republic, by reviving the principles of revolu- 
tionary government. 

The Directory were alarmed at his discontent, and offended by 
his censure. They conceived the singular idea of opposing to 
him Augereau, of whose blind devotion they had received many 
proofs; and this general they appointed commander of the Army 
of Germany. Augereau, whose extreme vanity was notorious, 
believed himself in a situation to compete with Bonaparte. His 
arrogance was founded on the circumstance that, with a numer- 



70 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

ous body of troops, he had arrested some unarmed representa- 
tives, and torn the epaulets from the shoulders of the commandant 
of the guard of the Councils. The Directory and he filled the 
head-quarters at Passeriano with spies and intriguers. 

Bonaparte, who was informed of every thing, laughed at the 
Directory, and tendered his resignation, in order that he might be 
requested to continue in command. He felt very indignant at this 
conduct on the part of the Direqtory, and complained to them 
witli great spirit of the ingratitude which the government had 
shown to him, and insisted that another should be appointed to 
succeed him in the command. To these remonstrances the Direc- 
tory replied without delay, and endeavoured to repel the reproaches 
of mistrust and ingratitude, of which he had accused them, and to 
assure him of the entire confidence of the government. 

After this event Bonaparte became more powerful, and Austria 
less haughty and confident. The Directory had before that period 
been desirous of peace, and Austria, hoping that the events which 
were expected at Paris would be favourable to her interest, had 
created obstacles for the purpose of delay. But now she was 
again anxious for peace; and Bonaparte, still distrusting the 
Directory, was fearful lest they had penetrated his secret, and 
attributed his powerful concurrence on the 18th Fructidor to the 
true cause — his personal views of ambition. Some of the general's 
friends also wrote to him from Paris, and, for my part, I never 
ceased repeating to him, that the peace, the power of making which 
he held in his own hands, would render him far more popular than 
the renewal of hostilities, undertaken with all the chances of 
success and reverse. 

These feelings, together with the early appearance of bad 
weather, precipitated his determination. On being informed on 
the 13th of October, at day-break, that the mountains were cov- 
ered with snow, he feigned at first to disbelieve it, and leaping from 
his bed, he ran to the window, and, convinced of the sudden 
change, he calmly said, "What! before the middle of October! 
what a country is this! well, we must make peace." After hav- 
ing hastily put on his clothes, he shut himself up with me in his 
•closet, and carefully reviewed the returns from the different corps 
of the army. "Here are," said he, " nearly eighty thousand effective 
men; I feed, I pay them: but I can bring but sixty thousand into the 
field on the day of battle. I shall gain it ; but afterwards my force 
will be reduced twenty thousand men, by killed, wounded, and 
prisoners. Then how can I oppose all the Austrian forces that 
will march to the protection of Venice? It would be a month 
before the armies of the Rhine could support me, if they were 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 71 

able to do so ; and in fifteen days all the roads will be deeply cov- 
ered with snow. It is settled — I will make peace. Venice shall 
pay for the expense of the war, and our boundary shall be the 
Rhine. The Directory and the lawyers may say what they 
please." 

It is well known that, by the treaty of Campo-Formio, the bel- 
ligerent powers made peace at the expense of the republic of 
Venice, which at first had nothing to do in the quarrel, and which 
only interfered at a late period, probably against her inclination, 
and impelled by the force of circumstances. But what has been 
the result of this great political spoliation ? A part of the Venetian 
territory was adjudged to the Cisalpine republic ; it is now in the 
possession of Austria. Another considerable portion, and the 
capital itself, fell to the lot of Austria in compensation for the 
Belgic provinces and Lombardy. Austria now occupies Lom- 
bardy, and the additions then made to it. Belgium came into the 
possession of the house of Orange, but is now become an inde- 
pendent kingdom. France obtained Corfu and some of the Ionian 
Islands ; these now belong to England. 

Thus have we been gloriously conquering for Austria and 
England. An ancient state is overturned without noise, and its 
provinces, after being divided among the neighbouring states, are 
now all under the dominion of Austria. We do not possess a 
foot of ground in all the fine countries we conquered, and which 
served as compensation for the immense acquisitions of the house 
of Hapsburgh in Italy. This time she was aggrandized by a war 
which was to herself most disastrous. 

The Directory was far from being satisfied with the treaty of 
Campo-Formio, and with difficulty resisted the temptation of not 
ratifying it. But all their objections were made in vain. Bona- 
parte made no scruple of disregarding his instructions. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Effect of the 18th Fnictidor ; Treaty of Campo-Formio; leaves Italy; Arrival atRastadt; Intrigues 
against Josephine ; grand Reception at Paris by the Directoi^ ; the Egyptian Expedition projected ; 
Bonaparte's Arrival at Toulon ; Departvire for Egypt. 

The 18th Fructidor, without doubt, powerfully contributed to 
the conclusion of peace at Campo-Formio. The Directory, hith- 
erto, had not been very pacifically inclined, but having struck 
what is called a coup d'etat, they at length saw the necessity of 



73 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

obtaining absolution from the discontented by giving peace to 
France. And Austria, at the same time, observing the complete 
failure of the royalist plots in the interior of France, thought it 
high time to conclude a treaty with the republic, which, notwith- 
standing all the defeats she had sustained, would still leave her a 
preponderating influence in Italy. 

The campaign of Italy, so fertile in the glorious achievements 
of arms, had also the effect of tempering the fierceness of the 
republican spirit which had spread over France. Bonaparte, 
negotiating with princes and their ministers on a footing of 
equality, but still with all that superiority to which victory and 
his genius entitled him, gradually taught foreign courts to be 
familiar with republican France, and the republic to cease con- 
sidering all states governed by kings as of necessity enemies. 

Under these cu'cumstances the departure of the general-in-chief, 
and his expected visit to Paris, excited general attention. The 
feeble Directory was prepared to submit to the presence of the 
conqueror of Italy in the capital. 

On the 17th of November he quitted Milan for the congress at 
Rastadt, there to preside in the French legation. But before his 
departure he sent to the Directory one of those trophies, the inscrip- 
tion on which might easily be considered as fabulous, but which 
in this case was nothing but the truth. This trophy was the flag 
of the army of Italy, and General Joubert was appointed to the 
honourable mission of presenting it to the government. On one 
side of the flag were the words, " To the Army of Italy, the grate- 
ful country." The other contained an enumeration of the battles 
fought, the places taken, and a striking and simple abridgment of 
the history of the Italian campaign : 

" One hundred and fifty thousand prisoners ; one hundred and sev- 
enty standards ; five hundred and fifty pieces of battering cannon ; six 
hundred pieces of field artillery ; five bridge equipages ; nine sixty- 
four-gun ships ; twelve thirty-two-gun frigates ; twelve corvettes ; 
eighteen galleys; armistice with the King of Sardinia; conven- 
tion with Genoa; armistice with the Duke of Parma; armistice 
with the King of Naples; armistice with the Pope ; preliminaries 
of Leoben ; convention of Montebello with the republic of Genoa ; 
treaty of peace with the Emperor at Campo-Formio. 

"Liberty given to the people of Bologna, Ferrara, Modena, 
Massa-Carrara, La Romagna, Lomardy, Brescia, Bergami, Man- 
tua, Crema, part of the Veronese, Chiavena, Bormio, the Valtelina, 
the Genoese, the Imperial Fiefs, the people of the department of 
Cor9yra, of the iEgean Sea, and of Ithaca. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 73 

"Sent to Paris all the master-pieces of Michael Angelo, of 
Guercino, of Titian, of Paul Veronese, of Correggio, of Albano, 
of Carracci, of Raphael, and of Leonardo da Vinci." 

Thus was enumerated on a flag destined to decorate the hall of 
the public sittings of the Directory, the military deeds of the cam- 
paign of Italy, its political results, and the conquest of the monu- 
ments of art. 

The greater part of the Italian cities had been accustomed to 
consider their conqueror as a liberator — such was the magic of 
the word liberty, which resounded from the Alps to the Apennines. 
In his way to Mantua the general took up his residence in the 
palace of the ancient dukes, where he stopped two days. The 
morrow of his arrival was devoted to the celebration of a military 
funeral, in honour of General Hoche, who had just died. His next 
object was to hasten the execution of a monument which was 
erecting to the memory of Virgil. Thus in one day he paid hon- 
our to France and Italy — to modern glory and to ancient fame — 
to the laurels of war and the laurels of poetry. 

A person who saw Bonaparte on this occasion for the first time, 
describes him thus, in a letter to Paris: "I beheld with deep 
interest and extreme attention that extraordinary man who has 
performed such great deeds, and about whom there is something 
which seems to indicate that his career is not yet terminated. I 
found him very like his portraits, small in stature, thin, pale, with 
an air of fatigue, but not in ill health, as has been reported. He 
appeared to me to listen with more abstraction than interest, as 
if occupied rather with what he was thinking of, than with what was 
said to him. There is great intelligence in his countenance, along 
with an expression of habitual meditation, which reveals nothing of 
what is passing within. In that thinking head, in that daring mind, 
it is impossible not to suppose that some designs are engendering 
which will have their influence on the destinies of Europe," 

If the above letter had not been published in the journals for 
1797, it might have been presumed to have been written after 
subsequent events had verified the conjecture. 

The journey of Bonaparte through Switzerland was to him a 
real triumph, and it was not without its utihty; his presence 
seemed to calm many inquietudes. . From the many changes which 
had occured on the other side of the Alps, the Swiss apprehended 
some dismemberment, or at least some encroachment on their 
territory, which the chances of war might have rendered possible. 
Every where he applied himself to restore confidence, and every 
where he was received with enthusiasm. He proceeded on his 

7 



74 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

journey to Rastadt by Aix in Savoy, Berne, and Basle. On 
arriving at Berne, during the night, we passed through a double 
line of carriages, well lighted up, and filled with beautiful women, 
all of whom raised the cry, "Long live Bonaparte! — long live the 
Pacificator!" 

On arriving at Rastadt Bonaparte found a letter from the 
Directory, calling him to Paris. He eagerly obeyed this invita- 
tion to withdraw from a place where he knew he could act only 
an insignificant part, and which he had fully determined on leav- 
ing, never to return. Such tedious employment did not suit his 
character, and he had been sufficiently dissatisfied with the simi- 
lar proceedings at Campo-Formio. 

Bonaparte has said at St. Helena that he did not return from 
Italy with more than three hundred thousand francs ; but I know 
that at that time he had more than three millions in his possession. 
With three hundred thousand francs he could not have lived in 
the style in which he afterwards did in Paris, nor have expended 
such large sums of money in his excursion along the coast, and 
for other purposes. 

Bonaparte's brothers, desirous of obtaining complete ascend- 
ancy over his mind, endeavoured to lessen the influence which 
Josephine possessed from the love of her husband. They tried 
to excite his jealousy, and took advantage of her stay at Milan 
after our departure, which had been authorized by Bonaparte 
himself But his confidence in his wife, his journey to the coast, 
his incessant labour to hurry forward the Egyptian expedition, 
and his short stay at Paris, prevented such feelings from taking 
possession of his mind. I shall afterwards have occasion to 
return to these intrigues. Admitted to the confidence of both, I 
had an opportunity of averting or lessening a great deal of mis- 
chief. If Josephine still lived, she would allow me this merit. 
I never took part against her but once, and that unwittingly, 
m regard to the marriage of her daughter Hortense. Josephine 
had never as yet spoken to me on the subject. Bonaparte wished 
to give his daughter-in-law to Duroc,* and his brothers were anx- 
ious to promote it, in order to separate Josephine from Hortense, 
for whom Bonaparte felt the tenderest affection. Josephine, on 
the other hand, wished Hortense to marry Louis Bonaparte. Her 
motive for doing so may be easily supposed to have been to gain 

* It was not at Toulon, as has been stated, that Bonaparte took Duroc into the 
artillery, and made hini his aid-de-camp. The acquaintance was formed at a subse- 
quent period, in Italy. Duroc's cold character and unexcursive mind suited Napoleon, 
whose confidence he enjoyed until his death, and who entrusted him with missions 
perhaps above his abilities. At St. Helena, Bonaparte often declared that he was 
much attached to Duroc. I believe this to be true, but I know that the attachment 
was not returned. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 75 

support in a family where she seemed to have none but enemies ; 
and she carried her point. 

The most magnificent preparations had been made at the Lux- 
embourg for the reception of Bonaparte on his return from Ras- 
tadt. The great court of the palace was elegantly ornamented; 
and they had constructed at the lower end, close to the palace, a 
large amphitheatre for the accommodation of official persons. 
Opposite to the principal entrance stood the altar of the country, 
surrounded by the statues of Liberty, Equality, and Peace. When 
Bonaparte entered, every one stood up uncovered; the windows 
were full of young and beautiful females. But, notwithstanding 
this splendour, an icy coldness characterized the ceremony. Every 
one seemed to be present only for the purpose of beholding a 
sight, and curiosity rather than joy seemed to influence the 
assembly. This, however, was partly occasioned by one of the 
clerks of the Directory, who had forced his way upon a part of 
the scaffolding not intended to be used, and who no sooner placed 
his foot upon the plank than it tilted up, and the imprudent man 
fell the whole height into the court. This accident created a gen- 
eral stupor — ladies fainted, and the windows were nearly deserted. 

On this occasion the Directory displayed great splendour; and 
Talleyrand, then secretary of state for foreign affairs, intro- 
duced Bonaparte to the Directory in a very flattering speech. 
But so great was the impatience of the assembly, that his speech 
was little attended to — so anxious was every one to hear Bona- 
parte. The conqueror of Italy then rose, and pronounced with 
a modest air, but in a firm voice, the following brief address : 

" Citizen Directors : The French people, to become free, had to 
contend with kings. To obtain a constitution founded on reason, 
the prejudices of eighteen centuries had to be overcome. The 
constitution of the year III. and you have triumphed over all those 
obstacles. Religion, feudalism, and royalty, have successively, 
during twenty ages, governed Europe ; but from the peace which 
you have just concluded dates the era of representative govern- 
ments. You have effected the organization of the Great Nation, 
the territory of which is only circumscribed because nature her- 
self has fixed its Hmits. You have done more : The two most 
beautiful portions of Europe, formerly so celebrated for the sci- 
ences, the arts, and the great men whose birth-place they were, 
beheld with glad expectation the genius of freedom arise from the 
tombs of their ancestors. Such are the pedestals on which destiny 
is about to place two powerful nations. 

" I have the honour to lay before you the treaty signed at Campo- 



76 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Formio, and ratified by his majesty the emperor. When the 
happiness of the French shall be secured on the best practical laws, 
then Europe will become free." 

Barras, then president of the Directory, made a speech in reply, 
and then embraced the general, which was followed by the other 
Directors. Each acted to the best of his ability his part in this 
sentimental comedy. 

The two Councils were not disposed to be behind the Directory 
in the manifestation of joy. A few days after, they gave a splendid 
banquet to the general in the gallery of the Louvre, which had 
recently been enriched by the master-pieces of painting brought 
from Italy. 

, At Paris he took up his residence in the same small modest 
house that he had occupied before he set out for Italy, in the Rue 
Chanter eine, which, about this time, in compliment to its illus- 
trious inhabitant, received from the municipality the new name of 
Rue de la Victoire. Here he resumed his favourite studies and 
pursuits, and, apparently contented with the society of his private 
friends, seemed to avoid, as carefully as others in his situation 
might have courted, the honours of popular distinction and 
applause. It was not immediately known that he was in Paris, 
and when he walked the streets his person was rarely recognised 
by the multitude. His mode of life was somewhat necessarily 
different from what it had been when he was both poor and obscure ; 
his society was courted in the highest circles, and he from time 
to time appeared in them, and received company at home with 
the elegance of hospitality over which Josephine was so well 
qualified to preside. But policy as well as pride moved him to 
shun notoriety. Before he could act again, he had much to 
observe ; and he knew himself too well to be flattered either by the 
stare of mobs or of saloons. 

In his intercourse with society at this period, he was, for the 
most part, remarkable for the cold reserve of his manners. He 
had the appearance of one too much occupied with serious designs, 
to be able to relax at will into the easy play of ordinary conversa- 
tion. He did not suffer his person to be familiarized out of rever- 
ence. When he did appear, he was still, wherever he went, the 
Bonaparte of Lodi, and Areola, and Rivoli. 

In January, 1798, he again renewed, without success, his former 
attempt to obtain a dispensation of age, and a seat in the Directory; 
but perceiving that the time was not favourable, he laid it aside. 
The Directory were popular with no party ; but there were many 
parties, and numerically probably the Royalists were the strongest. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 77 

The pure Republicans were still powerful : the army of Italy was 
distant and scattered ; that of the Rhine, far more numerous, and 
equally well disciplined, had its own general — men not yet in 
reputation much inferior to himself; but having been less fortunate 
than their brethren in Italy, had consequently acquired less wealth. 
It was no wonder that the soldiery of the Rhine regarded the others, 
if not their leader, with some little jealousy. In Napoleon's own 
language, "the pear was not yet ripe." 

He proceeded, therefore, to make a regular survey of the French 
coast opposite to England, with the view of improving its fortifica- 
tions, and (ostensibly at least) of selecting the best points for 
embarking an invading force. For this service he was eminently 
qualified ; and many local improvements of great importance, long 
afterwards effected, were first suggested by him at this period. In 
this rapid excursion of eight days, he wished to ascertain the practi- 
cability of a descent upon England. He was accompanied by 
Lannes, Sulkowsky, and myself. He made his observations with 
that patience, knowledge, and tact, which he possessed in so high a 
degree : he examined until midnight sailors, pilots, smugglers, and 
fishermen; he made objections, and listened attentively to their 
answers. We returned to Paris by Antwerp, Brussels, Lisle, and 
St. Quentin. "Well, general," said I, "what do you think of your 
journey? are you satisfied?" He replied quickly, with a negative 
shake of the head, " It is too hazardous ; I will not attempt it. I 
will not risk upon such a stake the fate of our beautiful France." 

He had himself, in the course of the preceding autumn, sug- 
gested to the minister for foreign affairs, the celebrated Talleyrand,* 
the propriety of making an effort against England in another quar- 
ter of the world — of seizing Malta, proceeding to occupy Egypt, 
and therein gaining at once a territoiy capable of supplying to 
France the loss of her West Indian colonies, and the means of 
annoying Great Britain in her Indian trade and empire. To this 
scheme he now recurred : the East presented a field of conquest 
and glory on which his imagination delighted to brood: "Europe," 
said he, "is but a mole-hill — all the great reputations have come 
from Asia." The injustice of attacking the dominions of the 
Grand Seignior, an old ally of France, formed but a trivial obstacle 
in the eyes of the Directory : the professional opinion of Bonaparte 

* History will speak as favourably of M. de Talleyrand, as his contemporaries have 
spoken ill of him. When a statesman, throughout a great, long, and difficult career, 
makes and preserves a number of faithful friends, and provokes but few enemies, it 
may justly be inferred that his character is honourable, and his talent profound; and 
that his political conduct has been wise and moderate. It is impossible to know M. 
de Talleyrand without admiring him. All who have that advantage, no doubt, judge 
hun as I do. 



78 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 

that the invasion of England, if attempted then, must fail, could 
not but carry its due weight. The Egyptian expedition was deter- 
mined on ; but kept strictly secret. The attention of England 
was still rivetted on the coasts of Normandy and Picardy, between 
which and Paris Bonaparte studiously divided his presence — while 
it was on the borders of the Mediten-anean that the ships and the 
troops really destined for action were assembling. 

From all I saw I am of opinion that the wish to get rid of an 
ambitious young man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed 
over the evident danger of removing, for an indefinite period, an 
excellent army, and the more probable loss of the French fleet. 
As to Bonaparte, he was well assured that nothing remained for 
him but to choose between that hazardous enterprise and his cer- 
tain ruin. Egypt was, he thought, the right place to maintain his 
reputation, and to add fresh glory to his name. On the 12th April, 
1798, he was appointed general-in-chief of the Army of the East. 

Having rifled to such purpose the cabinets and galleries of the 
Italian princes, he was resolved not to lose the opportunity of 
appropriating some of the rich antiquarian treasures of Egypt; 
nor was it likely that he should undervalue the opportunities which 
his expedition might afford, of extending the boundaries of science, 
by a careful observation of natural phenomena. He drew together 
therefore a body of eminent artists and connoisseurs, under the 
direction of Monge, who had managed his Italian collections: it 
was perhaps the first time that a troop of Savans (there were one 
hundred of them) formed part of the staff" of an invading army. 

The English government, meanwhile, although they had no 
suspicion of the real destination of the armament, had not failed 
to observe what was passing in Toulon. They probably believed 
that the ships there assembled were meant to take part in the 
great scheme of the invasion of England. However this might 
have been, they had sent a considerable reinforcement to Nelson, 
who then commanded on the Mediterranean station; and he, at 
the moment when Bonaparte reached Toulon, was cruising within 
sight of the port. Napoleon well knew that to embark in the pres- 
ence of Nelson would be to rush into the jaws of ruin; and waited 
until some accident should relieve him from this terrible watcher. 
On the evening of the 1 9th of May fortune favoured him. A violent 
gale drove the English off" the coast, and disabled some ships 
so much that Nelson was obliged to go into the harbours of 
Sardinia, to have them repaired. The French general instantly 
commanded the embarkation of all his troops; and as the last of 
them got on board, the sun rose on the mighty armament ; it was 
one of those dazzling suns which the soldiery delighted afterwards 
to call " the suns of Napoleon." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 79 



CHAPTER VII 

The Expedition to Egypt ; AiTival at Malta ; the Fleet escapes Nelson ; Alexandria taken ; the Battle 
of the Pjramids ; Cairo surrenders ; the French Fleet destroyed at Aboukir. 

We left Paris on the 3d of May, 1798. Ten days before the 
departure of General Bonaparte for the conquest of Egypt and 
Syria, a prisoner, Sir Sydney Smith, escaped from the Temple, 
who was destined to contribute most materially to the failure of 
an expedition which had been conceived with the greatest bold- 
ness. This escape was pregnant with future events; a forged 
order of the Minister of Police prevented the revolution of the 
East. We arrived at Toulon on the 8th. Bonaparte knew by 
the movements of the English that not a moment was to be lost ; 
contrary winds delayed us ten days, which he employed in the 
examination of the most minute details of the expedition. 

The squadron sailed on the 19th of May. Seldom have the 
shores of the Mediterranean witnessed a nobler spectacle. The 
unclouded sun rose on a semi-circle of vessels, extending in all to 
not less than six leagues : consisting of thirteen ships of the line, 
fourteen frigates, four hundred transports, under the command of 
Admiral Brueys. They carried forty thousand picked soldiers, 
and these were commanded by officers whose names were only 
inferior to that of the general-in-chief : of the men, as well as of 
their leaders, the far greater part were already accustomed to 
follow Napoleon, and to conisder his presence as the pledge of 
victory. 

We arrived off Malta on the 10th of June. It was not taken 
by force of arms, but by a previous arrangement with the imbe- 
cile knights. Bonaparte has stated himself that he took Malta 
when he was at Mantua. No one acquainted with Malta could 
imagine that an island surrounded with such formidable and per- 
fect fortfications, would have surrendered in two days to a fleet 
which was pursued by an enemy. General Caffarelli observed to 
the general-in-chief, that "it is lucky there is some one in the 
town to open the gates for us." 

After having provided for the government and defence of the 
island, with his usual activity and foresight, we left it on the 19th 
of June. Many of the knights followed us, and took military 
and civil appointments. 

During the night of the 22d of June, the English squadron was 
almost close upon us. It passed within six leagues of the French 
fleet. Nelson, who learned at Messina of the capture of Malta, 



80 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

on the day we left the island, sailed direct for Alexandria, which 
he rightly considered as the point of our destination. By making 
all sail, and taking the shortest course, he arrived before Alexan- 
dria on the 28th ; but on not meeting with the French fleet, he 
immediately put to sea. 

On the morning of the 1st of July, the expedition arrived off 
the coast of Africa, and the column of Severus pointed out to us 
the city of Alexandria. Bonaparte determined on an immediate 
landing. This the admiral opposed on account of the state of 
the weather, and recommended a delay of a few hours; he 
observed, that Nelson could not return for several days; but the 
general-in-chief sternly refused, and said, "There is no time to 
be lost; fortune gives me three days; if I do not make the most of 
them, we are lost." The admiral then gave the signal for a general 
landing, which, on account of the surge, was not effected without 
much difficulty and danger, and the loss of many by drowning. 

It was on the 2d of July, at one o'clock in the morning, that 
we landed on the soil of Egypt, at Marabou, about three leagues 
from Alexandria. At three o'clock the same morning, the gen- 
eral-in-chief marched on Alexandria, with the divisions of Kleber, 
Bon, and Morand. The Bedouin Arabs, who hovered about our 
right flank and rear, carried off the stragglers. Having arrived 
within gun-shot of the city, the walls were scaled, and French 
valour soon triumphed over all obstacles. 

The first blood I had seen shed in this war was that of General 
Kleber; he was struck on the head by a ball, not in scaling the 
wall, but in directing the attack. He came to Pompey's pillar, 
where the general-in-chief and many members of the staff were 
assembled. It was on this occasion that I first spoke to him, and 
from that day our friendship commenced. 

The capture of Alexandria was only the work of a few hours. 
It was not given up to pillage, as has been asserted, and often 
repeated. 

Bonaparte employed the six days he remained in Alexandria in 
establishing order in the city and the province, with that activity 
and talent which I could never sufficiently admire; and in pre- 
paring for the march of the army across the province of Boha- 
hireh. During his stay he issued a proclamation, which contained 
this passage: 

" People of Egypt : You will be told that I am come to destroy your 
religion ; do not believe it. Be assured that I come to restore your 
rights, to punish the usurpers, and that I respect, more than the Mame- 
lukes, God, his Prophet, and the Alcoran. Tell them that all men are 
equal in the eye of God : Wisdom, talents, and virtue make the only 
difference." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 81 

He sent Desaix,* with four thousand five hundred infantry and 
sixty cavalry, to Beda, on the road to Damanhour. This general 
was the first to experience the privations and sufferings of the 
campaign, which the whole army had soon to endure. His noble 
character, and his attachment to Bonaparte, seemed about to give 
way to the obstacles which surrounded him. On the 15th of July 
he wrote from Bohahireh : " I beseeeh you, do not allow us to 
remain in this position ; the soldiers are discouraged, and murmur. 
Order us to advance or fall back ; the villages are mere huts, and 
absolutely without resources." 

In these immense plains, burned up by a vertical sun, water, 
every where so common, becomes an object of contest. The 
wells and springs, those secret treasures of the desert, are carefully 
concealed from the traveller; and frequently, after our most 
oppressive marches, nothing was found to allay the thirst but dis- 
gusting pools of brackish water. 

On the 7th of July, Bonaparte left Alexandria for Damanhour, 
and during the march was incessantly harassed by the Arabs : they 
had filled up or poisoned the cisterns and springs, which already 
were so rare in the desert. The soldiers, who on this first march 
began to suffer from an intolerable thirst, felt but little relief from 
the brackish and unwholesome water which they met with. The 
miseries of this progress were extreme. The air is crowded with 
pestiferous insects ; the glare of the sand weakens most men's eyes, 
and blinds many ; water is scarce and bad : and the country had 
been swept clear of man, beast, and vegetable. Under this torture 
even the gallant spirits of such men as Murat and Lannes could 
not sustain themselves: — they trod their cockades in the sand. 
The common soldiers asked, with angry murmurs, if it was here 
the general designed to give them their seven aci'es which he had 
promised them? He alone was superior to all these evils. Such 
was the happy temperament of his frame. 

On reaching Damanhour, our head-quarters were established at 
the residence of the sheik. The house had been recently white- 
washed, and looked very well outside ; but the interior was in a 
state of ruin not to be described. Bonaparte knew the owner to 
be rich, and, having inspired him with confidence, he inquired, 
through the medium of an interpreter, how, having the means, he 
deprived himself of every comfort, assuring him, at the same time, 

* General Desaix, whom Bonaparte had made the confidant of all his plans, at their 
interview in Italy, after the preliminaries of Leoben, wrote to him from Affenbourg, 
on his return to Germany, that he regarded the fleet of Corfu with great interest. "If 
ever," said he, " it should be engaged in the grand enterprises of which I have heard 
you speak, do not, I beseech you, forget me." Bonaparte was far from forgetting him. 

F 



82 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

that any avowals he might make should not be wrested to his preju- 
dice, "Look at my feet," said he; "it is now some years since I 
repaired my house, and purchased a Httle furniture. It became 
known at Cairo; a demand for money followed, because my 
expenses proved that I was rich. I refused ; they then punished 
me, and obliged me to pay. Since that time, I have allowed 
myself only the necessaries of life, and I repair nothing." The 
old man was lame in consequence of the infliction he had suffered. 
Wo to him who in this country is supposed to be rich! the out- 
ward appearance of poverty is the only security against the 
rapacity of power and the cupidity of barbarism. 

One day a small troop of mounted Arabs assailed our head- 
quarters ; Bonaparte, who was at the window, indignant at this 
audacity, said to young Croisier, an aid-de-camp in attendance, 
"Croisier, take some guides, and drive these fellows away." In 
an instant Croisier appeared upon the plain, with fifteen guides. 
The parties skirmished; we saw the combat from the window; 
there was an appearance of hesitation in the attack, which sur- 
prised the general. He called from the window, as if they could 
have heard him. "Forward! I say — why don't you charge?" 
Our horsemen seemed to fall back as the Arabs advanced: after 
a short, but pretty obstinate, combat, the Arabs retired unmo- 
lested, and without loss. The anger of the general could not be 
restrained ; it burst upon Croisier when he returned, and so harshly, 
that he retired, shedding tears. Bonaparte desired me to follow, 
and to endeavour to calm him; but it was in vain: "I will not 
survive it," said he; "I will seek death the first occasion that 
offers. I will not live dishonoured." Croisier found the death he 
sought at Acre. 

On the 10th of July, our head-quarters were established at 
Rahmahanieh, where they remained during the 11th and 12th. At 
this place commences the canal, which was cut by Alexander, to 
convey water to his new city, and to facilitate commercial inter- 
course between Europe and the East. 

The flotilla, commanded by the brave chief of division, Perr^e, 
had just arrived from Rosetta. Perr^e was on board the shebeck 
called the Cerf. 

Bonaparte placed on board the Cerf and the other vessels of 
the flotilla, those individuals, who, not being military, could not 
be serviceable in engagements, and whose horses served to mount 
a few of the troops. I was one of these individuals. 

On the night of the 13th of July, the general-in-chief directed 
his march towards the south, along the left bank of the Nile. 
The flotilla sailed up the river, parallel with the left wing of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE. 83 

the army. It fell in with seven Turkish gun-boats coming from 
Cairo, and was exposed simultaneously to their fire, and that of 
the Mamelukes, Fellahs, and Arabs, who lined both banks of the 
river. They had small guns mounted on camels. 

Perr^e cast anchor, and an engagement commenced at nine 
o'clock on the 14th of July, and continued till half-past twelve. 

At the same time, the general-in-chief met and attacked a 
corps of about four thousand Mamelukes.* His object, as he 
afterwards said, was to turn the corps by the left of the village 
of Chebreisse, and to drive it upon the Nile. 

Several vessels had already been boarded and taken by the 
Turks, who massacred the crews before our eyes, and with bar- 
barous ferocity showed us the heads of the slaughtered men. 
Perree, at considerable risk, despatched several persons to inform 
the general-in-chief of the desperate situation of the flotilla. The 
cannonade which Bonaparte had heard since the morning, and 
the explosion of a Turkish gun-boat, which was blown up by the 
artillery of the shebeck, led him to fear that our situation was 
really perilous. He, therefore, made a movement to the left, in 
the direction of the Nile and Chebreisse, beat the Mamelukes, and 
forced them to retire on Cairo. At sight of the French troops, the 
commander of the Turkish flotilla weighed anchor, and sailed up 
the Nile. The two banks of the river were evacuated, and the 
flotilla escaped the destruction which a short time before had 
appeared inevitable. 

After this we had no communication with the army until the 
23d of July. On the 22d we came in sight of the Pyramids, and 
were informed that we were only about ten leagues from Gizeh, 
where they are situated. The cannonade which we heard, and 
which augmented in proportion as the north wind diminished, 
announced a serious engagement; and that same day we saw the 
banks of the Nile strewed with heaps of dead bodies, which the 
waves were every moment washing into the sea. This horrible 
spectacle, the silence of the surrounding villages, which had hith- 

* At this period Egypt, though nominally governed by a Pacha appointed by the 
Grand Seignior, was in reality in the hands of the Mamelukes ; a singular body of men, 
who paid but little respect to any authority but that of their own chiefs. Of these 
chiefs or beys there were twenty-four, each one of whom ruled over a separate district ; 
who often warred with each other, and were as often in rebellion against their nominal 
sovereign. 

The Mamelukes were considered by Napoleon to be, individually, the finest cavalry 
in the world. They rode the noblest horses of Arabia, and were armed with the best 
weapons which the world could produce ; carbines, pistols, «&c., from England, and 
sabres of the steel of Damascus. Their skill in horsemanship was equal to their fiery 
valour. With that cavalry and the French infantry, Bonaparte said, it would be easy 
to conquer the world. 



64 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

erto been armed against us, and the cessation of the fiFing from the 
banks of the river, led us to infer, Avith tolerable certainty,, that a 
battle fatal to the Mamelukes had taken place. 

We shortly after learned that, on the 21st of July, the army 
came within sight of the Pyramids, which, but for the regularity 
of the outline, might have been taken for a distant ridge of rocky 
mountains. While every eye was fixed on these hoary monuments 
of the past, they gained the brow of a gentle eminence, and saw 
at length spread out before them the vast army of the beys, its 
right posted on an intrenched camp by the Nile, its centre and 
left composed of that brilliant cavalry with which they were by 
this time acquainted. Napoleon, riding forward to reconnoitre, 
perceived (what escaped the observation of all his stafT) that the 
guns on the intrenched camp were not provided with carriages — 
he instantly decided on his plan of attack, and prepared to throw 
his force on the left, where the guns could not be available. Mourad 
Bey, who commanded in chief, speedily penetrated his design; 
and the Mamelukes advanced gallantly to the encounter. "Sol- 
diers," said Napoleon, "from the summit of yonder Pyramids forty 
ages behold you!" and the battle began. 

The French formed into separate squares, and awaited the 
assault of the Mamelukes. These came on with impetuous speed 
and wild cries, and practised every means to force their passage 
into the serried ranks of their new opponents. They rushed on the 
line of bayonets, backed their horses upon them, and at last, mad- 
dened by the tirumess which they could not shake, dashed their 
pistols and carbines into the faces of the men. They who had 
fallen wounded from their seats, would crawl along the sand, and 
hew at the legs of their enemies with tlieir cimeters Nothing 
could move the French: the bayonet and the continued roll of 
musketry by degrees thinned the host around them ; and Bonaparte 
at last advanced. Such were the confusion and terror of the 
enemy when he came near the camp, that they abandoned their 
works, and flung themselves by hundreds into the Nile. The 
carnage was prodigious, and great multitudes were drowned. The 
name of Bonaparte now spread panic through the East; and the 
" Sultan Kebir"' (or King of Fire — as he A^as called from the deadly 
effects of the musketry in this engagement) was considered as the 
destined scourge of God, whom it was hopeless to resist. 

The French now had recompense for the toils they had under- 
gone. The bodies of the slain and drowTied Mamelukes were 
rifled, and, it being the custom for these warriors to carry their 
wealth about them, a single corpse often made a soldier's fortune. 

The occupation of Cairo was the immediate consequence of the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 85 

victory of Embabeh, or the Pyramids. Bonaparte established his 
head-quarters in the house of Elfey Bey, in the great square of 
Ezbekyeh. 

The march of the French army to Cairo was attended by an 
uninterrupted succession of combats and victories. We had won 
the battles of Rahmahanieh, Chebreisse, and the Pyramids. The 
Mamelukes were defeated, and their chief, Mourad Bey, was 
obliged to fly into Upper Egypt; and Bonaparte now found no 
obstacle to oppose his entrance into the capital after a campaign of 
only twenty days. 

No conqueror, perhaps, ever enjoyed a victory so much as Bona- 
parte, and yet no one was ever less inclined to abuse his triumphs. 

After the battle of the Pyramids, he despatched the following 
letter and proclamation from his head-quarters at Gizeh: 

THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, BONAPAUTE, TO THE SHIEKS AND NOTABLES OF CAIRO. 

"You will see, by the annexed proclamation, the sentiments which animate me. 

" Yesterday the Mamelukes were for the most part killed or wounded, and I am in 
pursuit of the few who escaped. 

" Send here the boats which are on your bank of the river, and send, also, a depu- 
tation to acquaint me with your submission. Provide bread, meat, straw, and barley 
for my troops. Be under no alarm, and rest assured that no one is more anxious to 
contribute to your happiness than I. (Signed) Bonaparte." 

Immediately on his arrival at Cairo, the commander-in-chief occu- 
pied himself in the civil and military organization of the country. 
Only those who have seen him at this time, when in the full vigour 
of youth, can estimate his extraordinary activity. Egypt, so long 
the object of his study, was as well known to him in a few days 
as if he had lived in it for ten years. He issued orders to observe 
the most strict discipline, and these orders were rigidly enforced. 
The mosques, civil and religious institutions, harems, women, the 
customs of the country, were scrupulously respected. A few days 
had scarcely elapsed when the French soldiers were admitted into 
the houses, and might be seen peaceably smoking their pipes with 
the inhabitants, assisting them in their labours, and playing with 
their children. 

After he had been four days at Cairo, during which time he 
employed himself in examining every thing, and consulting every 
one from whom he could obtain any information, he issued the 
following order: 

"Art. 1. — There shall be in each province of Egypt a divan, composed of seven 
individuals, whose duty will be to superintend the interests of the province ; to com- 
municate to me any complaints that may be made ; to prevent warfare among the 
different villages; to apprehend and punish criminals (for which purpose they may 
demand assistance from the French commandant); and to take every opportunity of 
enlightening the people. 

8 



86 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

"Art. 2. — There shall be in each province an aga of the Janisaries, maintaining 
constant communication with the French commandant. He shall have with him a 
company of sixty armed natives, whom he may take wherever he pleases, for the 
maintenance of good order, subordination, and tranquillity. 

"Art. 3. — There shall be in each province an intendant, whose business will be to 
levy the miri, the feddam, and the other contributions which formerly belonged to the 
Mamelukes, but which now belong to the French Republic. The intendant shall have 
as many agents as may be necessary. 

" Art. 4. — The said intendant shall have a French agent to correspond with the 
Finance Department, and to execute all the orders he may receive. 

(Signed) " Bonaparte." 

While Bonaparte was thus actively taking measures for the 
organization of the country, General Desaix had marched into 
Upper Egypt in pursuit of Mourad Bey. We learned that Ibra- 
him, who, next to Mourad, was the most influential of the beys, 
had proceeded towards Syria, by the way of Balbeys and Sahel- 
eyeh. The general-in-chief immediately determined to march, 
in person, against that formidable enemy, and he left Cairo about 
fifteen days after he had entered it. It is unnecessary to describe 
the well-known engagement in which Bonaparte drove Ibrahim 
back upon El-Arish; besides, I do not enter minutely into the 
details of battles, my chief object being to record events which I 
personally witnessed. 

During this absence of the commander-in-chief, the intelligence 
arrived at Cairo of the overwhelming disaster of the French 
squadron, at Aboukir, on the 1st of August. The aid-de-camp 
despatched by General Kleber with this intelligence, went, at my 
request, instantly to Saheleyeh, where Bonaparte then was, who 
returned immediately to Cairo, a distance of thirty-three leagues. 

On learning the terrible catastrophe at Aboukir, the commander- 
in-chief was overwhelmed with anguish. In spite of all his energy 
and fortitude, he was deeply distressed by the disasters which now 
assailed him. To the painful feelings excited by the complaints 
and dejection of his companions in arms, was now added the 
irreparable misfortune of the burning of our fleet. He measured 
the fatal consequences of this event at a single glance. We were 
now cut off from all communication with France, and all hope 
of returning thither, except by a degrading capitulation with an 
implacable and hated enemy. He had lost all chance of preserv- 
ing his conquest, and to him this was indeed a bitter reflection. 

When alone with me, he gave free vent to his emotion. I 
observed to him that the disaster was doubtless great; but that it 
would have been infinitely more irreparable had Nelson fallen in 
with us at Malta, or had waited for us four-and-twenty hours 
before Alexandria, or in the open sea. "Any one of these events," 
said I, " which were not only possible, but probable, would have 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 87 

deprived us of every resource. We are blockaded here ; but we 
have provisions and money. Let us then wait patiently to see 
what the Directory will do for us." "The Directory!" exclaimed 
he, angrily ; the Directory is composed of a set of scoundrels ! they 
envy and hate me, and would gladly let me perish here. Besides, 
you see how dissatisfied the army is : not a man is willing to stay." 

The gloomy reflections which at first assailed Bonaparte were 
speedily banished, and he soon recovered the fortitude and pres- 
ence of mind which had been for a moment shaken by the over- 
whelming news from Aboukir. He, however, sometimes repeated, 
in a tone which it would be difficult to describe," Unfortunate 
Brueys, what have you done!" 

I have remarked that in some chance observations which 
escaped Napoleon at St. Helena, he endeavoured to throw all the 
blame of the affair on Admiral Brueys. Persons who are deter- 
mined to make Bonaparte an exception to human nature, have 
unjustly reproached the admiral for the loss of the fleet. I will 
enter into a few details relative to the affair of Aboukir, for it is 
gratifying to render justice to the memory of a man like Admiral 
Brueys. 

Brueys, it is said, would not go to Corfu, in spite of the positive 
and reiterated orders he received. Bonaparte's letter to the Direc- 
tory, and his words at St. Helena, have been tortured to show that 
Brueys expiated by his death the great fault of which he had been 
guilty. Much has been said about the report of Captain Barr^; 
but the reply of the admiral ought also to be taken into account, 
Brueys, for good reasons, did not think that vessels of the size of 
those of the squadron could enter the port of Alexandria. But it 
is said the orders to repair to Corfu were reiterated ; though when, 
and by whom, is not mentioned. From the order of the 3d of 
July, to the time of his unfortunate death Brueys did not receive 
a line from Bonaparte, who, on his part, did not receive all the 
admiral's despatches until the 26th of July, when he was at Cairo, 
and consequently too late to enable his answer to come to hand 
before the 1st of August. Brueys is also reproached with having 
persisted in awaiting the course of events at Aboukir. Can it be 
supposed that the admiral would have remained on the coast of 
Egypt against the express orders of the general-in-chief, who was 
his superior in command? 

The friendship and confidence with which Admiral Brueys hon- 
oured me, his glorious death, and the fury with which he has been 
accused, impose upon me the obligation of defending him. 

The loss of the fleet convinced General Bonaparte of the neces- 
sity of speedily and effectively organizing Egypt, where every 



88 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

thing denoted that we should stay for a considerable time, except 
in the event of a forced evacuation, which the general was far 
from foreseeing or fearing. The distance of Ibrahim Bey and 
Mourad Bey now left him a little at rest. War, fortifications, 
taxation, government, the organization of the divans, trade, art, and 
science, all occupied his attention. Orders and instructions were 
immediately despatched, if not to repair the defeat, at least to avert 
the first danger that might ensue from it. On the 21st of August, 
Bonaparte established at Cairo an institute of the arts and sciences, 
of which he subsequently appointed me a member in the room of 
M. de Sucy, who was obliged to return to France, in consequence 
of the wound he had received on board the flotilla in the Nile. 

About the end of August, Bonaparte wished to open negotiations 
with the Pasha of Acre, surnamed the Butcher. He offered Djezzar 
his friendship, sought his in return, and gave him the most con- 
solatory assurances of the safety of his dominions. But Djezzar, 
confiding in his own strength, and in the protection of the English, 
who had anticipated Bonaparte, was deaf to every overture, and 
would not even receive Beauvoisin, who was sent to him on the 22d 
of August. A second envoy was beheaded at Acre. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Revolt at Cairo ; Expedition to Syi-ia ; Bonaparte at Suez ; El-Arish ; Jaffa ; Acre ; Sir Sidney Smith ; 
Retreat from Acre ; tlie Turks destroyed at Aboukir ; Bonaparte's Departui'e from Egypt. 

From the time Bonaparte received intelligence of the disaster 
at Aboukir, until the revolt of Cairo, on the 22d of October, he 
often found the time to hang heavily on his hands. Though 
employed in so many ways, yet there was not enough to occupy 
his singularly active mind. When the heat was too great, he rode 
out on horseback, and on his return, if there were no despatches 
to read, no letters to answer, or orders to be issued, he was imme- 
diately absorbed in thought, and would sometimes converse very 
strangely. * 

The signal for the execution of this revolt was given from the 
minarets on the night of the 20th of October, and on the morning 
of the 21st it was announced at head-quarters that the city of 
Cairo was in open insurrection. The general-in-chief was not, as 
has been stated, in the isle of Raouddah ; he did not hear the firing 
of the alarm-guns. He rose when the news arrived; it was then 
five o'clock. He was informed that all the shops were closed, and 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. ~ 89 

that the French were attacked. A moment after, he learned the 
death of General Dupuy, commandant of the garrison., who was 
killed by a lance in the street. Bonaparte immediately mounted 
his horse, and accompanied by only thirty guides, advanced on all 
the threatened points, restored confidence, and, with great presence 
of mind, adopted measures of defence. 

An order which had been issued on our arrival in Cairo for 
watching the criers of the mosques, had for some weeks been 
neglected. At certain hours of the night these criers address 
prayers to the Prophet. As it was merely a repetition of the same 
ceremony over and over again, in a short time no notice was taken 
of it. The Turks, perceiving this negligence, substituted for their 
prayers and hymns cries of revolt, and by this sort of verbal tele- 
graph insurrectionary excitement was transmitted to the northern 
and southern extremities of Egypt. The insurrection was general 
from Syene to Lake Maroeotis. 

It was about half-past eight in the morning, when Bonaparte 
returned to head-quarters, and while at breakfast he was informed 
that some Bedouin Arabs, on hoi^seback, were trying to force their 
entrance into Cairo. He ordered his aid-de-camp, Sulkowsky, to 
mount his horse, to take with him fifteen guides, and proceed to 
the point where the assailants were most numerous. This was 
the Bab-en-Nassr, or the gate of victory. Croisier observed to 
the general-in-chief, that Sulkowsky had scarcely recovered from 
the wounds at Saheleyeh, and he oflfered to take his place. He 
had his motives for this. Bonaparte consented; but Sulkow- 
sky had already set out. Within an hour after, one of the fifteen 
guides returned covered with blood, to announce that Sulkowsky 
and the remainder of his party had been cut to pieces. This was 
speedy work, for we were still at table when the sad news arrived. 

Some time after this revolt, the necessity of securing our own 
safety occasioned the commission of a terrible act of cruelty. A 
tribe of Arabs had surprised and massacred a party of the French. 
The general-in-chief ordered his aid-de-camp, Croisier, to proceed 
to the spot, surround the tribe, destroy their huts, kill all their 
men, and conduct the rest of the population to Cairo. The order 
was to decapitate the victims, and to bring their heads in sacks to 
Cairo, to be exhibited to the people. 

Beauharnois accompanied Croisier in this cruel expedition: 
they returned next day, accompanied by several asses laden with 
sacks. The sacks were opened in the pi'incipal square, and the 
heads rolled out before the assembled populace. I cannot describe 
the horror I experienced : but, at the same time, I must confess 
that it had the effect for a considerable time of securing tranquil- 

8* 



90 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

lity, and even the existence of the small parties which were 
required to be sent out in all directions. 

Since the month of August, Bonaparte had had his eyes fixed 
upon Syria, and expected the landing of the Turkish army, which 
took place shortly after. He comprehended, with his usual ability, 
the dangers which menaced him from the side of the isthmus of 
Suez, and he resolved in his mind the means of averting them. 

On the 11th of February, 1799, we commenced our march for 
Syria with about twelve thousand men : it has been stated that we 
numbered only six thousand, but the fact is we lost nearly that 
number during the campaign. Our little army advanced upon 
El-Arish, where we arrived on the 17th. The fatigues of the 
desert and the want of water excited violent murmurs amongst 
the soldiers, and they insulted those whom they saw on horse- 
back — they indulged in the most violent abuse of the Republic, 
the savans, and those whom they regarded as the authors of the 
expedition. At times, soldiers worn down by thirst, and unable to 
wait for the distribution of the water, pierced the skins with their 
bayonets, and by this violence rendered the scarcity still greater. 
In a few days El-Arish surrendered. On the 28th we had the 
first prospect of the verdant and fertile fields of Syria, which 
recalled to our recollection those of our own country ; and the 
prospect of mountains and green fields occasioned us to forget for 
for a while the sufferings of an expedition of which few could 
form a judgment, either of the design or the end. 

On the 4th of March we laid siege to Jaffa, the ancient Joppa, 
a pretty town, which held out until the 6th, when it was taken by 
assault. The massacre was horrible. Bonaparte sent his aids-de- 
camp, Beauharnois and Croisier, to appease the fury of the sol- 
diers, and to report what was passing. They learned that a 
considerable part of the garrison had retired into a large building, 
a sort of enclosed court. They proceeded to the place displaying 
their scarfs, which denoted their rank. The Arnauts and Alba- 
nians, of whom these refugees were composed, cried from the 
windows that they would surrender if their lives were spared; if 
not, they threatened to fire upon the aids-de-camp, and to defend 
themselves to the last extremity. The officers granted their 
request, and they were marched into the camp in two divisions, 
to the amount of four thousand. 

I was walking with General Bonaparte, in front of his tent, 
when he saw this multitude of men approaching, and before he 
even saw his aids-de-camp, he turned to me with an expression 
of grief: " What do they wish me to do with these men ? Have I 
food for them — ships to convey them to Egypt or France ? Why 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 91' 

have they served me thus?" After the general-in-chief had Hs- 
tened with anger to the explanation of Eugene and Croisier, they 
received a severe reprimand for their conduct. But the deed was 
done. Four thousand men were there. It was necessary to 
decide upon their fate. The two aids-de-camp observed, that 
they had found themselves alone in the midst of numerous ene- 
mies, and that he had directed them to restrain the carnage. 
"Yes," replied the general-in-cliief, with great warmth, "as to 
women, children, and old men — all the peaceable inhabitants; 
but not with respect to armed soldiers. It was your duty to die, 
rather than bring these unfortunate creatures to me. What do 
you want me to do with them?" 

On the first day of their arrival, a council of war was held in 
the tent of the general-in-chief, to determine what should be done 
with them. The council deliberated a long time without coming 
to any decision. 

On the evening of the following day, the daily reports of the 
generals of division came in. They spoke of nothing but the 
insufficiency of the rations, the complaints of the soldiers — of their 
murmurs and discontent at seeing their bread given to enemies, 
who had been withdrawn from their vengeance, inasmuch as a 
decree of death, in conformity with the laws of war, had been 
passed on Jaffa. All these reports were alarming, and especially 
that of General Bon, in which no reserve was made. He spoke 
of nothing less than the fear of a revolt, which would be justified 
by the serious nature of the case. 

The council assembled again. All the generals of division 
were summoned to attend, and for several hours they discussed 
what measures might be adopted, with the most sincere desire to 
discover and execute any which would save the lives of these 
unfortunate prisoners. 

The third day arrived without its being possible to come to any 
conclusion favourable to the preservation of these unfortunate men. 
The murmurs in the camp grew louder — the evil went on increas- 
ing — remedy appeared impossible — danger was real and imminent. 

The order for shooting the prisoners was given and executed on 
the 10th of March. 

This atrocious scene, when I think of it, still makes me shudder, 
as it did on the day I beheld it; and I would wish it were possible 
for me to forget it, rather than be compelled to describe it. All 
the horrors imagination can conceive, relative to that day of blood, 
would fall short of the reality. 

I have related the truth, the whole truth. I was present at all 
the discussions, all the conferences, all the deliberations. I had not, 



92 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

as may be supposed, a deliberative voice; but I am bound to 
declare that the situation of the army, the scarcity of food, our 
small numerical strength, in the midst of a country where every 
individual was an enemy, would have induced me to vote in the 
affirmative of the proposition which was carried into effect, if I had 
had a vote to give. It was necessary to be on the spot in order 
to understand the horrible necessity which existed. 

After the siege of Jaffa, the plague began to exhibit itself with 
more severity. It was brought from Damietta, by the division of 
Kleber. We lost between seven and eight thousand men by the 
contagion, during the Syriac expedition. 

On the 18th of March we arrived before Acre, and learned that 
Djezzar had cut off the head of our envoy, Mailly-de-Chateau- 
Renaud, and had thrown his body into the sea in a sack. This 
cruel pacha was guilty of a great many similar executions : and 
when bathing in the sea we frequently met with bodies in this 
state, which the waves had washed ashore. 

The details of the siege of Acre are well known. Although 
surrounded by a wall, flanked with strong towers, and having, 
besides, a broad and deep ditch defended by works, this little for- 
tress did not appear likely to hold out against French valour and 
the skill of our engineers and artillery: but the ease and rapidity 
with which Jaffa had been taken, deceived us in some degree as 
to the comparative strength of the two places, and the difference 
of their respective situations. At Jaffa we had a sufficient artillery : 
at St. Jean d'Acre we had not. At Jaffa we had to deal only 
with a native garrison : at St. Jean d'Acre we were opposed by 
a garrison strengthened by reinforcements of men and supplies of 
provisions, supported by the English fleet, and assisted by European 
science. 

It was undoubtedly Sir Sidney Smith who did us the greatest 
injury. Much has been said respecting his communications with 
the general-in-chief The reproaches which the latter cast upon 
him for endeavouring to seduce the soldiers and officers of the 
army were the more singular, even if they were well-founded, inas- 
much as these means are frequently employed by leaders in war. 

The enemy had within the town some excellent riflemen, 
chiefly Albanians. They placed stones, one over the other, on 
the walls, put their fire-arms through the interstices, and thus, 
completely sheltered, fired with destructive precision. 

The siege of St. Jean d'Acre lasted sixty days. During that 
time, eight assaults and twelve sorties took place. In the assault 
of the 8th of May, more than two hundred men penetrated into 
the town. Already they shouted victory ; but the breach having 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 93 

been taken in reverse by the Turks, it was not approached with- 
out some degree of hesitation, and the two hundred men who had 
entered were not supported. The streets were barricadoed. The 
cries and the howhngs of the women, who ran about the streets, 
throwing, according to the custom of the country, dust in the air, 
excited the male mhabitants to a desperate resistance, which ren- 
dered unavaiUng this short occupation of the town, by a handful 
of men, who, finding themselves left without assistance, retreated 
towards the breach. Many who could not reach it, perished in 
the town. 

The siege was raised on the 20th of May. It cost us a loss 
of nearly three thousand men in killed, death by the plague, and 
in wounded. Had there been less precipitation in the attack, and 
had the seige been undertaken according to the rules of war, it could 
not have held out three days : one assault like that of the 8th of 
May would have been sufficient. If, on the day when we first 
came in sight of the ramparts of Acre, we had made a less incon- 
siderate estimate of the strength of the place; and taken into 
consideration our absolute want of artillery of a sufficient calibre, 
our scarcity of gunpowder, and the difficulty of procuring food, we 
certainly never should have undertaken the siege. 

Bonaparte until this time had never experienced any reverses, 
but had continually proceeded from triumph to triumph, and there- 
fore confidently anticipated the taking of St. Jean d'Acre. In his 
letters to the generals in Egypt, he fixed the 25th of April for the 
accompUshment of that event. He reckoned that the grand assault 
against the tower could not be made before that day ; it took place, 
however, twenty-four hours sooner. " The slightest circumstances 
produce the greatest events," said Napoleon, according to the 
memorial of St. Helena ; " had St. Jean d'Acre fallen, I should have 
changed the face of the world." And again, "the fate of the East 
lay in that small town." 

Almost every evening during the siege Bonaparte and myself 
used to walk together, at a little distance from the sea-shore; and 
when employed in this manner on the day after the unfortunate 
assault of the 8th of May, he felt distressed at seeing the blood of 
so many brave men which had been uselessly shed. He said to 
me, "Bourrienne, I see that this wretched place has cost me a 
number of men, and wasted much time. But things are too far 
advanced not to attempt a last effort. If I succeed, as I expect, 
I shall find in the town the pacha's treasures, and arms for three 
hundred thousand men. I will stir up and arm the people of Syria, 
who are disgusted at the ferocity of Djezzar, and who, as you know, 
pray for his destruction at every assault. I shall then march upon 



94 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Damascus and Aleppo. On advancing into the country, the dis- 
contented will flock round my standard, and swell my army. I will 
announce to the people the abolition of servitude, and of the tyran- 
-nical governments of the pachas. I shall arrive at Constantinople 
with large masses of soldiery. I shall overturn the Turkish empire, 
and found in the East a new and grand empire, which will fix 
my name in the records of posterity. Perhaps I shall return to 
Paris by Adrianople, or by Vienna, after having annihilated the 
house of Austria." As soon as I returned to my tent, I committed 
to paper this conversation, when it was fresh in my recollection; 
and I can, therefore, venture to say it is correct. 

We left St. Jean d'Acre on the 20th of May, during the night, 
to avoid a sortie from the besieged, and to conceal the retreat of 
the army, which had to traverse three leagues along the shore 
exposed to the fire of the English vessels, lying in the roads of Mount 
Carmel. The sick and wounded had been sent off two days before. 
Thus terminated this disastrous expedition. We proceeded along 
the shores of the Mediterranean, and passed Mount Carmel. Some 
of the wounded were carried on litters, and others on horses, mules, 
and camels. Near Mount Carmel we learned that three of our 
sick, who had been left in the hospital, had been cruelly put to death 
by the Turks. 

During this fatiguing march the soldiers were oppressed by the 
most intolerable thirst, and exposed to an excessive heat, which 
disheartened the men, and encouraged a cruel selfishness, or 
the most shocking indifference. I saw officers, with their limbs 
amputated, thrown from the litters, although their conveyance 
in that manner had been ordered, and who had themselves 
given money to recompense the bearers: wounded soldiers were 
abandoned in the corn fields. Our march was illumined by 
torches lighted for the purpose of setting fire to the towns, the 
villages, the hamlets, and the rich crops of corn which every 
where covered the earth. The whole country was in a blaze. 
The sun, which shone in an unclouded sky, was often obscured 
by the smoke of our continued conflagrations. Such was our 
march, and such are the horrors of war. 

We reached Tentoura on the 2*0th of May, when a most oppress- 
ive heat prevailed, which produced general dejection. We had 
nothing to sleep on but the parched and burning sand; on our 
left lay a hostile sea ; our losses in wounded and sick were already 
considerable since leaving Acre ; and there was nothing consol- 
atory in the future. The truly afflicting condition in which the 
remains of an army called triumphant were plunged, produced, 
as might well be expected, a corresponding impression on the mind 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE^ 95 

of the general-in-chief. Scarcely had he arrived at Tentoura, 
when he ordered his tent to be pitched. He then called me, and 
with a mind occupied by the calamities of our situation, dictated 
an order that every one should march on foot, and that all the 
horses, mules, and camels, should be given up to the wounded, the 
sick, and infected, who had been removed, and who still showed 
signs of life. "Carry that to Berthier," said he; and the order 
was instantly despatched. Scarcely had I returned to the tent, 
when Vigogne, the general-in-chiefs equerry, entered, and, raising 
his hand to his cap, said, " General, what horse do you reserve 
for yourself?" Jn the state of excitation in which Bonaparte was, 
this question irritated him so violently, that, raising his whip, he 
gave the equerry a severe blow on the head, saying, in a terrible 
voice, "Every one must go on foot, you rascal — I the first. Do 
you not know the order? Be off." 

The remains of our heavy artillery were lost in the moving sands 
of Tentoura, from the want of horses — the small number that 
remained being now employed in more indispensable services. 
The soldiers seemed to forget their own sufferings, at the loss of 
those bronze guns, which had enabled them so often to triumph, 
and which had made Europe tremble. 

We halted at Ceesarea on the 22d of May, and we marched all 
the following night. Towards daybreak, a man, concealed in a 
bush, upon the left of the road, fired a musket almost close to the 
head of the general-in-chief, who was sleeping on his horse. I 
was beside him. The wood being searched, the Naplousian was 
taken without difficulty, and ordered to be shot on the spot. Four 
guides pushed him towards the sea, by thrusting their carbines 
against his back; when close to the water's edge they drew the 
triggers, but all the four muskets hung fire — a circumstance which 
was accounted for by the great humidity of the night. The Syrian 
threw himself into the water, and swimming with great agility and 
rapidity, gained a ridge of rocks so far off, that not a shot from 
the whole troop, which fired as it passed, reached him. Bonaparte, 
who continued his march, desired me to wait for Kleber, whose 
division formed the rear-guard, and to tell him not to forget the 
Naplousian. The poor fellow was, I believe, shot at last. 

We returned to Jaffa on the 24th of May, and stopped there dur- 
ing the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th. This town had lately been the 
scene of a horrible transaction, dictated by necessity, and it was 
again destined to witness the exercise of the same dire law. Here 
I have a severe duty to perform. I will state what I know, and 
what I saw. 

Some tents were erected on a small eminence, near the gardens 



96 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

which encircle Jaffa to the east. Orders were immediately given 
to undermine and blow up the fortifications, and, on the 27th, at 
a given signal, we saw all at once the town uncovered. An hour 
afterwards, the general, attended by Berthier and several physi- 
cians and surgeons, entered his tent. A long and melancholy 
deliberation ensued, as to the fate of those who were incurably 
sick of the plague, and who were on the point of death. After a 
discussion of the most serious and conscientious character, it was 
determined to anticipate by means of medicine an inevitable death, 
which must take place a few hours later, but under circumstances 
more painful and cruel. 

Our little army arrived at Cairo on the 14th of June, after a 
most harassing march of twenty-five days. The heat, during the 
passage of the desert, ranged from one hundred to one hundred 
ten degrees of Fahrenheit. The fallacious mirage was here even 
more vexatious than in the plains of Bohahireh. The excessive 
thirst, together with the most complete illusion, induced us, in spite 
of our experience, to urge on our wearied horses towards those 
imaginary lakes, which some moments after appeared but salt and 
arid sands. 

The brackish waters of these deserts, which our horses drank 
with avidity, occasioned the loss of great numbers, who dropped 
down before they had got a mile from the watering-place. 

Bonaparte announced his entry into the capital of Egypt by one 
of those lying bulletins, which deceived only fools. "I bring with 
me," said he, "many prisoners and colours — I have razed the palace 
of Djezzar, the ramparts of Acre — there no longer remains one stone 
upon another, all the inhabitants have left the town by sea — Djezzar 
is dangerously wounded." Our return to Cairo has been attributed 
to the insurrections which broke out during the unfortunate expedi- 
tion into Syria; but nothing is more incorrect. The reverses 
which we experienced before St. Jean d'Acre, and the fear of a 
hostile landing, were the motives which induced our return to 
Egypt. What more covdd we do in Syria, but lose men and time, 
neither of which we had to spare 

Bonaparte had scarcely arrived at Cairo, when he was informed 
that the brave and indefatigable Mourad Bey was descending by 
the route of Fayoum,to form a junction with reinforcements collect- 
ing in Bohahireh. In all probability this movement had some con- 
nection with the expected landing of the Turkish army, of which 
he had been apprised. Mourad had selected the Natron Lakes 
for his place of rendezvous. To this point Murat was despatched; 
but on hearing of his approach, the Bey retreated by the Desert of 
Gizeh and the great Pyramids. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 97 

Bonaparte attached great importance to the destruction of this 
active chief, whom he looked upon as the bravest and most danger- 
ous of his enemies in Egypt, and who was constantly hovering about 
the skirts of the desert. 

On the 14th of July, Bonaparte left Cairo for the Pyramids. He 
remained three or four days among the ruins of this ancient city 
of the dead. This journey to the Pyramids, in which he had--solely 
in view the destroying of JMourad Bey, has given occasion to a 
little romance, pretty enough. It is stated that he had appointed 
an audience with the mufti and the ulemas, and that on entering 
into the Pyramid, he exclaimed, " Glory to Allah ! God only is God, 
and Mahomet is his prophet!" Now the fact is, Bonaparte never 
entered into the great Pyramid ; he never had any intention of the 
kind. I certainly should have accompained him, as I never for 
one moment quitted him while in the desert. He sent some per- 
sons into one of the great Pyramids ; but he remained without. 
They gave him an account of what they had seen in the interior; 
that is to say, they informed him there was nothing to be seen. 

On the evening of the 15th of July, while we were walking in 
the direction of Alexandria, we perceived an Arab messenger riding 
towards us at full speed. He brought to the general a despatch 
from Marmont, who commanded there at the time, greatly to 
Bonaparte's satisfaction. The Turks had landed at Aboukir, under 
the escort and protection of an English squadron. This news of 
the disembarkation of fifteen or sixteen thousand enemies did not 
surprise Bonaparte, who had expected it for some time. As soon 
as he had read the despatch, he retired to his tent, and dictated 
to me his orders for the march of the troops. At this moment, 
I saw in him the development of that ardent character which 
rose superior to difficulties, and that celerity which anticipated 
events. He was all action, and never hesitated for a moment. 
On the 16th of July, at four in the morning, he was on horseback, 
and the army in full march. I must do justice to that presence 
of mind, to that promptitude of decision, to that rapidity of execu- 
tion, which, at this period of his life, never for a moment forsook 
him on great occasions. On the 23d, we arrived at Alexandria, 
where all was prepared for that memorable conflict, which, although 
it did not counterbalance the immense losses and melancholy 
results of the naval battle of the same name, will always recall to 
the memory of Frenchmen one of their most brilliant achievements 
in arms.* 

* As M. de Boumenne gives no details of this memorable battle, the following 
extract fi'om Rovigo's Memoirs will supply the deficiency. 
" Whilst General Bonaparte was coming in person from Cairo, the troops on board 
G 9 



98 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

After the battle which was fought on the 25th, Bonaparte sent 
a flag of truce on board the Enghsh admiral's ship. Our inter- 
course was marked by that politeness which ought to mark the 
intercourse of civilized nations. The admiral made our envoy- 
some little presents, in return for those we had sent, and likewise 
a copy of the French Gazette of Frankfort, dated 10th of June, 
1799. For ten months we had been without news from France. 
Bonaparte glanced over this journal with an eagerness easily to be 
imagined.!" "Ah!" said he, "my expectations have not deceived 
me ;" the fools have lost Italy. AH the fruit of our victories has 
disappeared : I must leave Egypt." 

He desired Berthier to be called; he told him to read the news. 
"Things" said he, "go ill in France; I must see what is passing 
there; "you must come with me." Myself, Berthier and Gan- 
theaume, whom he had sent for, were the only parties to be 
intrusted with the secret. He recommended Berthier to be pru- 
dent, to testify no symptoms of joy, to change nothing of his 
usual habits, nor to purchase any thing. He finished by saying, 
that he depended upon him. "I am sure of myself," said he; "I 

the Turkish fleet had effected a landing, and taken possession of the fort of Aboukir, 
and of a redoubt placed behind the village of that name. 

" The Turks had nearly destroyed the weak garrisons that occupied those two miU- 
tary points, when General Marmont, who commanded at Alexandria, came to their 
relief. This general, seeing the two posts in the power of the Turks, returned to 
shut himself up in Alexandria, where he would probably have been blockaded by the 
Turkish army, had it not been for the arrival of the general-in-chief. 

"Bonaparte arrived at midnight, with his guides and the remaining part of his army, 
and ordered the Turks to be attacked the next morning. In this battle, as in the 
preceding ones, the attack, the encounter, and the rout, were occurrences of a moment, 
and the result of a single movement on the part of our troops. The whole Turkish 
army plunged into the sea, to regain their ships, leaving behind them every thing they 
had brought on shore. 

"W'hilst this event was occurring on the sea-shore, a pacha had left the field of 
battle, with a corps of about three thousand men, in order to throw himself into the 
fort of Aboukir. They soon felt the extremities of thirst, which compelled them, after 
the lapse of a few days, to surrender unconditionally to General Menou, who was left 
on the ground to close the operations connected with the Turkish army recently 
defeated." 

t " The French, on their return from St. Jean d'Acre, were totally ignorant of all 
that had taken place in Europe for several months. Napoleon, eager to obtain intelli- 
gence, sent a flag of truce on board the Turkish admiral's ship, under the pretence of 
treating for the ransom of the prisoners taken at Aboukir ; not doubting but the envoy 
would be stopped by Sir Sidney Smith, who carefully prevented all direct communica- 
tion between the French and the Turks. Accordingly, the French flag of truce received 
directions from Sir Sidney to go on board his ship. He experienced the handsomest 
treatment, and the English commander having, among other things, ascertained that 
the disasters of Italy weie quite unknown to Napoleon, indulged in the malicious 
pleasure of sending him a file of newspapers. Napoleon spent the whole night in his 
tent, perusing the papers, and he came to the determination of immediately proceeding 
to Europe, to repair the disasters of France, and, if possible, to save her from destruc- 
tion," — Memorial de Sainte Hclene. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 99 

am sure of Bourrienne." Berthier promised to be silent, and he 
kept his word. He had had enough of Egypt ; he burned with the 
desire of returning to France, and feared lest his own indiscretion 
might ruin all. Gantheaume arrived, and Bonaparte gave him 
orders to prepare two frigates, Le Muiron and La Carri^re, and two 
small vessels, La Revanche and La Fortune, with provisions for 
four or five hundred men, and for two months. He communicated 
to him his secret intentions, and recommended the strictest 
secresy, lest intelligence of his preparations should reach any of 
the English cruisers. He afterwards arranged with Gantheaume 
the course he intended to steer; he provided for every thing. 

Bonaparte left Alexandria on the 5th of August, and arrived 
at Cairo on the 10th, for the purpose of making some parting 
arrangements. There he caused to be renewed the report of his 
proceeding to Upper Egypt, which appeared the more feasible, as 
such had been, in fact, his determination previous to our excur- 
sion to the Pyramids, as was well known to the army and to the 
inhabitants of Cairo. All at once, he announced an intention of 
examining the Delta; and to encourage that belief, he wrote on the- 
18th to the Divan, desiring them to keep him regularly informed 
of the state of affairs at Cairo during his absence. By this means 
he succeeded in preventing any suspicion of his projected depart- 
ure from arising among the soldiery ; and we had no sooner left 
Cairo than we returned to Alexandria. 

Hitherto our secret had been well kept. General Lanusse, 
however, who commanded at Menouf, where we arrived on the 
20th, had divined our intentions. "You are going to France," 
said he. My reply in the negative confirmed his suspicions. 

On the 22d of August, we returned to Alexandria, and the general 
informed all those who had accompained him from Cairo, that 
France was their destination. At this intelligence, joy appeared 
in every countenance. 

General Kleber, who was instructed by Bonaparte to succeed him 
in the command of the army, was invited to come from Damietta 
to Rosetta, to confer with him on affairs of extreme importance. 
Bonaparte, in making an appointment which he knew he could not 
keep, wished to avoid the reproaches and sturdy frankness of 
Kleber. He wrote to him all that he had got to say, and assigned 
as his reasons for not keeping his appointment, that his fear of 
being observed by the English cruisers had induced him to depart 
three days earlier than he intended. But Bonaparte knew well, 
when he wrote this letter, that he should be at sea when it was, 
received. Kleber complained bitterly of this deception, to the 
Directory. The singular fate which befell his despatches will be: 
seen hereafter. 



100 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Voyage from Egypt ; Danger of Capture ; Lands at Frejua ; Joy of the People ; State of the Country ; 
Bonaparte ai-rives atPaiis; hia Intiigueg ; Plot aud Conspiracy; the 18th Brumaire; Bonapai'te 
First Consul. ■%> 

On the 23d of August, we embarked in the two frigates La 
Muiron and La Carri^re. Our number was between four and five 
hundred. The night was dark when we got on board ; but, by the 
feeble Ught of the stars, we were enabled to perceive a corvette, 
which approached to observe, and, as it were, to be a party in 
our silent and nocturnal embarkment.* 

It has been falsely stated, that Admiral Gantheaume was absolute 
master of his movements, as if any one could command when 
Bonaparte was present. So far from that, he told the admiral, in 
my presence, that he would not follow the usual course, and run 
out into the open sea. "It is my wish," said he, "that you keep 
on the African side till you get to the southward of Sardinia. I 
have here a handful of brave fellows, with some artillery. If the 
English should fall in with us, I will immediately run on shore, 
and, with my party, make my way by land to Oran, Tunis, or some 
other port, from whence we may obtain the means of getting home." 
Such was his resolution, and it was irrevocably fixed. 

During one-and-twenty days of impatience and disappointment, 
we were tossed about by contrary winds. At length, however, a 
favourable breeze sprung up, which, in a short time, carried us 
past that point on the African coast near which Carthage formerly 
stood; and we soon afterwards made Sardinia, and ran along its 
western coast, keeping well in with the land. Bonaparte intended 
to have run ashore, in case of falling in with an English squadron, 
then to have gained Corsica, and to have awaited a favourable 
opportunity of reaching France. 

Every thing had contributed to render our voyage dull and 
monotonous. The general had lost four aids-de-camp — Croisier, 

* " The horses of the escort had been left to run loose on the beach, and all was 
perfect stillness in Alexandria, when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed by 
the wild galloping of horses, which, from a natural instinct, were returning to Alexan- 
dria through the desert. The picket ran to arms on seeing horses ready saddled and 
bridled, which were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of guides. They at 
first thought that a misfortune had happened to some detachment in its pursuit of the 
Arabs. With these horses came also those of the generals who had embarked with 
General Bonaparte, so that Alexandria was, for a time, in considerable alarm. The 
cavalry was ordered to proceed, in all haste, in the direction whence the horses came ; 
and every one was giving himself up to the most gloomy conjectures, when the cavalry 
returned to the city with the Turkish groom, who was bringing back General Bona- 
parte's horse to Alexandria." — Memoirs of the Duke de Bovigo. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 101 

Sulkowsky, Julien, and Guibert; CafFarelli, Brueys, Cassabianca, 
were no more. Our misfortunes ; the uncertainty of our favourable 
reception at home; the situation of affairs in France, of whose 
reverses we had acquired an imperfect knowledge ; the dangers 
of being made prisoners in a sea swarming with the ships of the 
enemy; — all these threw a gloom over our spirits, and checked 
every disposition to amusement. Bonaparte incessantly paced 
the deck, occupied in superintending the execution of his orders. 
The appearance of the smallest sail renewed his inquietudes. The 
fear of being a prisoner to the English haunted him continually ; 
he dreaded, as the worst of evils, the falling into their hands ; and, 
at last, he trusted to their generosity ! 

At length, on the 8th of October, after having been chased by, 
and escaped from, an English squadron, we entered, at eight in the 
morning, the bay of Frejus. None of the sailors being acquainted 
with that part of the coast, we knew not exactly where we were ; 
for a moment we were in doubt as to whether we should run in. 
We were not expected, and we could not answer the signals, which 
had been changed during our absence. Some shots were fired at 
us from the batteries ; but our confident entrance into the harbour, 
the numbers which crowded the decks of both frigates, and our 
demonstrations of joy, did not allow them long to remain in sus- 
pense. Scarcely had we come to anchor, when it was rumoured 
about that one of the ships carried General Bonaparte. In an 
instant the sea was covered with boats. In vain we endeavoured 
to keep the people oflf; we were fairly lifted up, and carried on 
shore. When we represented to the crowd of men and women, 
who pressed about us, the danger they run, they all cried out, 
"We'd rather have the plague than the Austrians." 

It will be remembered what effects the simple announcement 
of the return of Bonaparte produced in France and throughout 
Europe. He has been accused, among other things, of breaking 
the sanatory laws. It was his intention to have submitted impli- 
citly to the usual quarantine ; but the inhabitants of Frejus would 
not permit it : we were, as I have already stated, absolutely car- 
ried on shore. Still, when we consider the landing of five hun- 
dred persons and a quantity of goods from Alexandria, where the 
plague had been raging during the summer, we must regard it as 
a singular happiness that France and Europe had been preserved 
from such a scourge. 

People frequently speak of the good fortune which attaches to 
an individual, and even accompanies him through life. Without 
professing to believe in this sort of predestination, yet, when I 
call to mind the numerous dangers which Bonaparte escaped in, 

9* 



102 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

SO many enterprises, the hazards he encountered, the chances he 
ran, I can conceive that others may have this faith; but, having 
for a length of time studied "the man of destiny," I have remarked, 
that what was called his fortune, was, in reality, his genius ; that 
his success was the consequence of his admirable foresight — of 
his calculations, rapid as lightning — and of the conviction that 
boldness is often the truest wisdom. If, for example, during our 
voyage from Alexandria to Frejus, he had not imperiously insisted 
on pursuing a course different from that usually taken, and which 
usual course was recommended by the admiral, would he have 
escaped the perils which beset his path ? Probably not. And was 
all this the effect of chance? Certainly not. 

Scarcely had he arrived at Frejus, than, in his anxiety for news, 
he questioned every one he met. There he first learned the extent 
of our reverses in Italy. "The evil is too great," said he; "there 
is nothing to be done." He decided on returning to Paris the 
very evening of the day on which we landed. Every where on 
his journey, in the towns, in the villages, he was received, as at 
Frejus, with enthusiasm which it is impossible to describe: those 
only who witnessed his triumphal journey could form even a 
faint idea of it; and it required no great spirit of observation to 
foresee something similar to what afterwards happened. 

The provinces, a prey to anarchy and civil war, were threat- 
ened with foreign invasion. Nearly the whole of the south pre- 
sented the afflicting spectacle of one vast arena of contending 
factions. The nation groaned under the weight of tyrannical 
laws, and was universally opposed to a pentarchy, without moral 
force, without justice, and which had become the sport of faction 
and intrigue. The highways were infested by robbers; the agents 
of the Directory practised the most scandalous extortions — dis- 
order reigned throughout — every thing wore the aspect of dissolu- 
tion. Any change was felt to be preferable to the continuance of 
such a state of things ; and the majority of Frenchmen wished to 
escape from such an intolerable position. Two dangers threat- 
ened at the same time; anarchy, and the Bourbons. Every one 
felt the pressing necessity of concentrating the powers of the 
state in a single hand ; and, at the same time, maintaining those 
institutions which were suited to the spirit and intelligence of the 
age, and which France, after having so dearly purchased, was 
now upon the point of losing for ever. The country looked for a 
man who was capable of restoring her to tranquillity; but as yet 
no such man had appeared. A soldier of fortune presented him- 
self, covered with glory; he had planted the standard of France 
on the Capitol and on the Pyramids. His great actions, his bril- 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 103 

liant enterprises, always crowned with success, his devotion to 
France, the justness of his conceptions, all concurred to point him 
out as the man most capable of making the country of his adoption 
great and happy, and of establishing public liberty. Bonaparte 
was deficient neither in elevated views, in knowledge, nor in the 
necessary acquirements ; but the will alone was wanting. For who, 
in fact, could have supposed that having obtained the supreme 
power, he would have availed himself of it to trample under foot 
all the principles he had so long professed, and to which he owed 
his elevation ? Who could have believed that he would have super- 
seded, by the most absolute despotism, that constitutional liberty 
for which France had so long sighed, and for the peaceable enjoy- 
ment of which she had made so many sacrifices ? But so it is : when 
his ambition had been gratified, when he had sacrificed every thing 
to gain his point, we see him reestablishing the principles which 
he had combated, and defending them with equal energy. Could 
he venture to hope, that in the course of those immense enterprises 
which formed the business of his life, not one would have proved 
unfortunate ? Did he not consider, that when a man is in himself 
all, all must fall with him ; and that the destiny of a nation which 
depends upon the gain or loss of a battle, is based upon nothing ? 

Among the projects which Bonaparte was incessantly revolving 
in his mind, must undoubtedly be ranked the project of attaining 
the head of the French government ; but it is a mistake to suppose, 
that, on his return from Egypt, he had formed any fixed plan. 
There was something vague in his ambitious aspirations ; and he 
was fond of building those imaginary edifices, called castles in the 
air. The current of events was in accordance with his wishes ; 
and it may truly be said, that the whole French nation smoothed, 
for Bonaparte, the road which led to power. It is certain, that 
the unanimous plaudits and universal joy which accompanied him 
along a journey of more than two hundred leagues, induced him 
to regard as a national mission that step, which was at first 
prompted merely by his wish of meddling with the affairs of the 
republic. 

This spontaneous burst of popular feeling, unordered and unpaid 
for, loudly proclaimed the grievances of the people, and their hope 
that the man of victory would become their deliverer. The general 
enthusiasm excited by the return of the conqueror of Egypt, 
delighted him to a degree which I cannot express ; and was, as 
he has often assured me, a powerful stimulus in urging him to the 
object to which the wishes of France seemed to direct him. 

In times of disorder, when all powers are confounded, and 
nothing can estabhsh a counterpoise, the cleverest, the strongest, 



104 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

and the boldest, may easily oppress the rest. Bonaparte's military 
superiority over his contemporaries, the ascendancy of his good 
fortune and glory, and the influence of his name, assisted him at 
this time, as throughout two-thirds of his career. 

If, when master of the power which was offered to him, he had 
followed the principles he previously professed, and for which he 
had heretofore fought and conquered ; — if he had defended, with 
all the influence of his glory, that liberty which the nation claimed, 
and which the age demanded; — if he had rendered France as 
happy and as free, as he rendered her glorious — posterity could 
not have refused him the very first place among those great men 
at whose side he will be ranged. But not having done for the 
welfare of mankind what he undertook for his own glory, pos- 
terity will judge of him by what he has achieved. He will have 
full credit for his victories, but not for his conquests, which pro- 
duced no result, and not one of which he preserved. His claim 
to the title of one of the greatest captains that ever lived, will be 
undisputed ; but he left France less than when she was intrusted 
to him, and less than she had been left by Louis XIV. His bril- 
liant campaigns in Italy gave Venice to Austria, and the Ionian 
Isles to England. His Egyptian expedition gave Malta to the 
English, destroyed our navy, and cost us twenty-two thousand 
men. The civil code is the only one of Bonaparte's legislative 
acts which can be sanctioned by philosophy and reason. All his 
other laws were null, and rested only on his existence. Did he, 
either in his character of consul or emperor, contribute to the 
happiness of France? Posterity will answer in the negative. 
Indeed, if we weigh in one scale all our victories and all our 
glory, and in the other, Europe in Paris, and the disgraceful 
treaty of 1815, with its accessories and consequences, it will be 
seen on what side the balance will turn. 

On the 16th of October, we arrived at Paris, whither the news 
of his landing at Frejus had been transmitted by telegraph. The 
day after his arrival, he paid a visit to the Directory. The inter- 
view was cold. On the 24th he said to me, "I dined yesterday at 
Gohier's ; Sieyes was present, but I affected not to see him ; and 
I could perceive the rage with which this neglect inflamed him." 
"But are you sure," said I, "that he is against you?" "I know 
not that yet," he replied; "but he belongs to a system that I do 
not like." He was at this time considering how he might turn 
Sieyes out, and become a Director in his place. 

To throw a clear light on the course of the great events which 
are about to be opened to our view, it is necessary here to take 
a rapid glance at the state of parties in Paris on our return. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. lOS 

Moreau enjoyed a high military reputation ; the Army of the Rhine 
had reared in its ranks men of great valour ; and without with- 
holding their meed of approbation from the conqueror of Italy, 
there was something which more personally concerned themselves 
in their admiration of the general who had repaired the disasters 
of Scherer in Germany. Nothing, in fact, is more natural, than 
to exalt those particular triumphs in which we ourselves have had 
a share. Bernadotte, who was a zealous republican, had been 
Minister of War during our campaign in Egypt ; but had resigned 
three weeks before the return of Bonaparte to France. Both 
these generals enjoyed the confidence of the armies which they 
had commanded, and might be considered their representatives. 
Bonaparte had for devoted adherents the companions of his glory 
in Italy, and those whom he afterwards called "his Egyptians." 
The army was absolutely republican; while the miserable Direc- 
tory appeared, as it were, an institution invented for the express 
purpose of being the instrument of intriguers. Our road was beset 
with difficulties, which it was necessary to appreciate — an incred- 
ible enthusiasm, it is true, had accompanied us on our route to 
Paris ; but something more was wanting to the obtaining of suf- 
frages than the shouts of the multitude. 

At this time, the partisans of Bernadotte wished him to reassume 
his post of Minister of War ; and it became of importance to Bona- 
parte to prevent this project from succeeding. Two days after 
our arrival, he said to me, "I believe that I shall have Bernadotte 
and Moreau against me ; but I do not fear Moreau — he is devoid 
of energy; he prefers military to political power; we shall gain 
him by the promise of a command. But Bernadotte has Moorish 
blood in his veins. He is bold and enterprising; he does not like 
me, and I am certain he will oppose me. If he should become 
ambitious, he will venture any thing : besides, the fellow is not to 
be seduced ; he is disinterested and clever. But, after all, we have 
just arrived; we shall see." 

The first views of General Bonaparte had for object the obtain- 
ing a seat in the Directory, but to this his age presented an insur- 
mountable obstacle ; whatever efforts he might make to get over 
this, he found would be in vain. As soon as his intentions became 
known, he found himself surrounded by all those who recognised 
in him the man they had long looked for. These men, who were 
able and influential in their own sphere, laboured to effect a recon- 
ciliation between Bonaparte and Sieyes, and to convert into friend- 
ship the dislike which existed between them. It was reported to 
Bonaparte that Sieyes had said, after the dinner at which he had 
been treated with so much disrespect, " Do you see how that little 



106 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE- 

insolent fellow treats a member of that government which ought to 
have ordered him to be shot?" 

But all was changed through the mediation of able friends, who 
impressed upon Bonaparte the hopelessness of supplanting Sieyes, 
and that it was better to join with him in overthrowing that con- 
stitution which neither of them loved. One said to Bonaparte, in 
my hearing, "Seek a support among those who treat as Jacobins 
the friends of the Republic, and, believe me, Sieyes is at the head 
of that party." Scarcely had Sieyes come to an understanding 
with Bonaparte, when he let out that Barras had said, " The little 
Corporal has made his fortune in Italy; he has no occasion to go 
back." Bonaparte went to the Directory expressly to refute this 
assertion : he complained bitterly before the Directors ; affirmed 
boldly that his supposed wealth was a fable, and, if he had made 
his fortune, it had not been at the expense of the Republic. 

During this brief political crisis, nothing passed more elevated, 
more noble, or less contemptible, than what we have seen in for- 
mer revolutionary movements. Every thing, in these political 
plots, is accompanied with so much trickery, falsehood, and treach- 
ery, that for the honour of humanity a veil should be drawn over 
their detail. All is brought about by the point of the sword. 

Bonaparte admitted few persons into his confidence ; he com- 
municated his plans to those only who were necessary to their 
success. The rest mechanically followed their leaders, and the 
impulse which was given to them : they passively waited the fulfil- 
ment of the promises they had received, and by which their services 
had been purchased. 

The parts in the great drama which was shortly to be enacted 
were well cast. During the three days preceding the 9th of 
November, every one was at his post. Lucien pushed on with 
activity and intelligence the conspiracy in the Councils; Sieyes 
took charge of the Directory ; Real, under the influence of Fouch^, 
negotiated with the departments, and by the directions of his chief, 
dexterously managed, without compromising Fouch6, to ruin those 
from whom that minister had derived his power: so early as the 
5th, Fouch6 had said to me, "Tell your general to be speedy; if 
he delays, he is lost." 

On the morning of the 9th of November (18th Brumaire) all 
the generals devoted to Bonaparte were assembled at his house. 
I had never before seen such a number together. All were in full 
uniform except Bernadotte. I was surprised to see him in plain 
clothes, and I stepped up and said, in a low voice, "' General, every 
one here, except you and I, are in uniform." "Why should I be 
in uniform?" said he. As he uttered these words, Bonaparte, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 107 

struck with the same surprise as myself, stopped short while speak- 
ing to several persons around him, and turning quickly towards 
Bernadotte, said, " How is this ? you are not in uniform ?" " I never 
am on a morning when I am not on duty," replied Bernadotte. 
" You will be on duty presently." " I have not heard a word of it : 
I should have received my orders sooner." 

Bonaparte then led Bernadotte into an adjoining room. Their 
conversation was not long, for there was not time to spare. 

The modest abode of the Conqueror of Italy was too small for 
such a multitude ; they filled the court and the passages. 

The Council of Ancients assembled the same morning, in the 
Tuileries, at the early hour of seven; one of the conspirators 
forthwith declared that the salvation of the state demanded vigor- 
ous measures, and proposed two decrees for their acceptance : one, 
by which the meetings of the legislative bodies should be instantly 
transferred to the Chateau of St. Cloud, some miles from Paris ; 
and another investing Napoleon with the supreme command of all 
the troops in and about the capital, including the National Guard. 
These motions were instantly carried; and, in the course of a few 
minutes, Bonaparte received, in the midst of his martial company, 
the announcement of his new authority. He only waited for this 
being brought to him, before he should mount his horse. That 
decree was adopted in the Council of Ancients, by what may be 
called a false majority, for the members of the Council were sum- 
moned at different hours, and it was so contrived, that sixty or 
eighty of them, whom Lucien and his friends had not been able to 
gain over, should not receive their notices in time. 

As soon as the message from the Council of Ancients arrived, 
Bonaparte requested all the officers to follow him. A few hesti- 
tated, and did not ; among others, Bernadotte. Bonaparte returned 
quickly to request him to do so, but he ■ declined. 

A large body of troops, amounting to about ten thousand men, 
had been assembled from an early hour in the gardens of the 
Tuileries, accompanied by the Generals Bournonville, Moreau, and 
Macdonald. Bonaparte reviewed these troops, and read to them 
the decree of the Council of Ancients, appointing him to the com- 
mand of all the military force, and charging him with the main- 
tenance of the public tranquillity. 

At ten o'clock on the same morning, the adverse Council of Five 
Hundred assembled also, and heard, with astonishment and indig- 
nation, of the decree by which their sittings were transferred from 
Paris (the scene of their popular influence) to St. Cloud. They 
had, however, no means of disputing that point : they parted with 



108 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

cries of " Vive la Repuhlique ! Vive la Constitution !" and incited 
the mob, their allies, to muster next morning on the new scene of 
action — where, it was evident, this military revolution must either 
be turned back, or pushed to consummation. During the rest of 
the day Napoleon remained at the Tuileries : the troops were in 
arms ; the population expected with breathless anxiety the coming 
of the decisive day. A strong body of soldiery marched to St. 
Cloud under the orders of Murat. 

On the 19th I went to St. Cloud, with my friend La Valette. 
As we passed the Place Louis XV,, now Louis XVL, he asked me 
what was doing, and what my opinion was as to the coming events ? 
Without entering into any detail, I rephed, "My friend, either we 
shall sleep to-morrow at the Luxembourg, or there will be an end 
of us." Who could tell which of the two things would happen? 
Success legalized a bold enterprise, which the slightest accident 
might have changed into a crime. 

The sittings of the Ancients, under the presidency of Lemer- 
cier, commenced at one o'clock. A warm discussion took place 
upon the state of affairs, and confusion reigned in the Councils : 
in that of the Five Hundred, disorder was at its height. Already 
the Directory had ceased to exist. Sieyes and Ducos had joined 
the party of Bonaparte ; and Gohier and Moulins were prisoners 
in the Luxembourg, and in the custody of General Moreau ; Bar- 
ras, after declaring that his sole object in aspiring to the office of 
a Director had been his love of liberty, had sent in his resigna- 
tion. At this moment Bonaparte entered, attended by a body of 
grenadiers, who remained outside the entrance of the hall. He 
attempted to address this assembly, but his voice was drowned in 
cries of, "Live the Republic! Live the Constitution! Down 
with tlie Dictator !" Bonaparte fell back upon the grenadiers — 
he was joined by his brother Lucien, w^ho had been president of 
the assembly; still the soldiers hesitated to act; when Lucien, 
drawing his sword, cried, " I sAvear to plunge this in the bosom of 
my brother, if ever he makes an attempt against the liberties of 
Frenchmen." This dramatic stroke was perfectly successful; 
hesitation vanished at the words, and, at a sign from Bonaparte, 
Murat, at the head of the grenadiers, rushed into the hall, and 
drove out the representatives. All were obliged to yield to the 
logic of the bayonet, and here ceased the employment of a mili- 
tary force on this famous day. 

At ten o'clock at night the most profound calm reigned in the 
palace of St. Cloud, where lately such tumultuous scenes had 
taken place. All the Deputies were still there, and might be seen 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 109 

wandering about in the saloon, the galleries, and the courts. The 
greatest number appeared much frightened; some affected to be 
satisfied; but all were extremely anxious to get back to Paris — ■ 
but this they could not do till an order was issued for the purpose. 

The day had been passed in destroying one government — it 
became necessary to devote the night to the formation of a new 
one. The Council of Ancients assembled, and Lucien set about 
finding out such members of the Council of Five Hundred as he 
thought he could rely upon. He succeeded in getting together 
only about thirty, and these, with their president, were supposed 
to represent that numerous assembly of which they formed so 
small a part. This phantom of a representative body was essen- 
tial, because Bonaparte, in spite of the illegalities of the preced- 
ing day, wished it should appear that he had acted according to 
law. They finished by decreeing, that there was no longer a 
Directory; and that sixty-one individuals, who were named, had 
ceased to be members of the national representation, in conse- 
quence of the excesses to which they were continually proceed- 
ing, and for having taken an active part in the late disturbances. 
They decreed, that the powers of government should be admin- 
istered by three consuls; and they nominated to these offices, 
Sieyes, Roger Ducos, and Bonaparte. Every thing was concluded 
by three o'clock in the morning, and the palace of St. Cloud 
assumed its accustomed calm, and presented the appearance of a 
vast solitude. 

At three o'clock in the morning I accompanied Bonaparte, in 
his carriage, to Paris, He was extremely fatigued, after so many 
trials and tribulations. A new feature was opened before him. 
He was completely absorbed in thought, and did not utter a sin- 
gle word during the journey. When he arrived at his own house 
he said, "Bourrienne, I said many ridiculous things. I like bet- 
ter to speak to soldiers than to lawyers. These fellows intimi- 
dated me, I have not been used to public assemblies : but that 
will come in time." 

On the morning of the 20th of Brumaire (11th of Nov.) the 
First Consul sent his brother Louis to inform the ex-Director 
Gohier that he was at liberty. This haste was not without a 
motive, for Bonaparte was anxious to install himself in the Lux- 
embourg; and we removed there the same evening. 

Every thing was to be created — Bonaparte had almost the 
whole of the army with him, and on it he could depend ; but mil- 
itary force was not alone sufficient, and he wished a great civil 
power legally established. He immediately set about the compo- 
sition of a senate, a tribunate, a council of state, and a new legis- 

10 



110 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON- BONAPARTE. 

lative body — in fact, a new constitution.* A consular govern- 
ment was formed, at the head of which was Bonaparte, named 
consul for ten years; Cambaceres, second consul, also for ten 
years, and Lebrun, third consul, named for five years. To these 
were added a conservative senate, a legislative body of three 
hundred members, and a tribunate of one hundred members. 
This latter was suppressed in 1807. 

The consuls, on the 17th of November, gave directions for the 
arrest and detention of sixty-one deputies, thirty-eight of whom 
were ordered for transportation to the pestilential shores of French 
Guienne. The remainder were permitted to remain in France, 
under the inspection of the police. This proscription, from which 
I had the good fortune to extricate M. Moreau de Worms, pro- 
duced a bad effect; it evinced an ill-timed severity, contrary to 
the assurances of moderation made at St. Cloud on the 9th. 
Cambaceres drew up a report, in which he pointed out the inu- 
tility of such measures as to the maintenance of tranquillity, in 
consequence of which the orders for deportation were withdrawn, 
and the parties placed under the surveillance of the police. Some 
days after, Sieyes entered the cabinet of Bonaparte. "Here," 
said he," this M. Moreau de Worms, whom M. Bourrienne pre- 
vailed upon you to save from transportation, has been getting on 
at a fine rate. I told you what he was-r— I have received from 
Sens a letter which tells me that he is there, and that he has been 
denouncing the late changes in the most violent manner to the 
people assembled in the market-place." "Are you quite sure of 
your agents ?" " Entirely so ; I will answer for the truth of what 
they have written." Bonaparte showed me the letter, at the same 
time reproaching me severely. "What will you say, general," 
said I, "if, in the course of an hour, I produce to you this same 
Mpreau, who has been declaiming against you at Sens ?" " I defy 
you," said he. " I have pledged myself for him," returned I, " and 
I knew what I was doing; he is an enthusiast, but a man of 
honour, and incapable of breaking his word." "Well, we shall 
see — Go, bring him." I was pretty sure of what I said; for 
about an hour before I had seen M. Moreau, who had remained 
concealed in Paris since the 9th of November. Nothing was 
more easy than for me to find him; and in three-quarters of an 
hour after, he was at the Luxembourg. I presented him to Bona- 

* The constitution of the year VIII. was presented on the 13th of December, 1799, 
(22 Primaire, year VIII.) and accepted by the people on the 7th of February, 1800, 
(18th Pluviose, year VIII.) The establishment of the council of state took place on 
the 24th of December, 1799. The installation of the new legislative body and the 
tribunate, was fixed for the 1st of January, 1800. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Ill 

parte, who conversed with him a long time. After he was gone, 
"Well," said Bonaparte to me, "you were right; that fool, Sieyes, 
is as credulous as Cassandra — this shows us that we must not 
give implicit credit to the reports of those fellows whom we are 
obliged to employ in the police — but in fact, Bourrienne, this M. 
Moreau of yours is not so bad, and I like him much — I must do 
something for him." M. Moreau did not long wait for a proof 
of the consul's favourable dispositions towards him; — a few days 
after, on my simple recommendation, he was appointed to a situa- 
tion with an annual salary of ten thousand francs (£416 135. 4^). 

At the Luxembourg the principal employment of Bonaparte 
was in planning ways and means for raising money ; for although 
Machiavel has written a chapter to prove that money is of very 
little use in the affairs of this world, Bonaparte was of a different 
opinion. He occupied here a suite of rooms on the ground floor, 
to the right, entering from the street Vaugirard, His cabinet 
was near a private stair, leading to Josephine's apartments on the 
first floor — I occupied apartments on the second floor, immedi- 
ately above. After breakfast, which was served at ten, Bonaparte 
would converse a while with his ordinary guests, that is to say, 
with his aids-de-camp, the persons he had invited, and myself, who 
never quitted him. He received also several private friends ; among 
others his brothers, Joseph and Lucien, whom he always saw with 
pleasure, and conversed familiarly with them. Cambaceres came 
about noon, and remained with him generally about an hour. 
Lebrun visited but seldom. Notwithstanding his elevation, his 
virtue remained unaltered. He appeared to Bonaparte too mod- 
erate, because he always opposed himself to his ambitious views, 
and to his plans for seizing on the supreme power. When he 
rose from breakfast, after having bid good morning to Josephine 
and her daughter Hortense, he generally said, " Come, Bourrienne : 
let us go to work." 

During the day, I remained with Bonaparte, sometimes reading 
to him, sometimes writing to his dictation. Three or four times 
in the week he went to the council. We dined at five. After 
dinner, the first consul ascended to the apartments of Josephine, 
where he commonly received the visits of the ministers, and 
always with pleasure those of the minister for foreign affairs; 
especially after the portfolio of that department had been placed 
in the hands of Talleyrand. At midnight, and often sooner, he 
gave the signal for retiring, by saying, in a hasty manner, "Come, 
let's go to bed." 

It was at the Luxembourg, in the apartments of which the 
adorable Josephine presided with so much grace, that the word 



113 ME3I0IRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

Madame came again into. use. This first return to the ancient 
French politeness was startling to some zealous republicans; but 
things were soon carried farther at the Tuileries by the introduc- 
tion of Voire Altesse, on occasions of state ceremony, and Mon- 
seignezir, in the family circle. 

At the commencement of the first consul's administration, 
though he always consulted the notes he had collected, he yet 
received with attention the recommendations of persons with 
whom he was well acquainted; but it was not safe for them to 
recommend a rogue or a fool. The men whom he most disliked 
were those whom he called babblers, who are continually prating 
of every thing and on every thing. He often said, " I want more 
head and less tongue." 

On taking the government into his own hands, Bonaparte knew 
so little of the revolution and of the men engaged in civil employ- 
ments that it was indispensably necessary for him to collect infor- 
mation from every quarter respecting men and things. But when 
the conflicting passions of the moment became more calm, and 
the spirit of party more prudent, and when order had been, by 
his severe investigations, introduced where hitherto unbridled 
confusion had reigned, he became gradually more scrupulous in 
granting places, whether arising from newly-created offices, or 
from those changes which the different departments often experi- 
enced. He then said to me, " Bourrienne, I give up your depart- 
ment to you. Name whom you please for the appointments ; but 
remember, you must be responsible to me." 

What a list would that be which should contain the names of 
all the prefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil 
officers, to whom I gave places! I have kept no memoranda of 
their names : and, indeed, what advantage would there have been 
in doing so ? It was impossible for me to have a personal knowl- 
edge of all the fortunate candidates ; but I relied on recommenda- 
tions in which I had confidence. 

I have had little to complain of in those I obliged; though it is 
true that, since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many 
of them generously take the opposite side of the street in which 
I was walking, and, by that delicate attention, save me the trouble 
of raising my hat. 

When a new government rises upon the ruins of one which has 
been overturned, the best chance it has of rendering itself a 
favourite with the nation, if that nation be at war, is to hold out 
the prospect of peace ; because peace is always an object which 
is desired by the people. This Bonaparte knew very well ; and if 
in his heart he wished for war, he was aware of what vast import- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 113 

ance it was to him to appear to be desirous of peace. Thus, 
immediately after his installation at the Luxembourg, he hastened 
to notify to all the foreign powers his accession to the consulate, 
and likewise caused letters to be addressed to all the diplomatic 
agents of the French government abroad. He also hastened to 
open negotiations with the court of London. At this time we 
were at war with nearly the whole of Europe. We had lost Italy. 
The Emperor of Germany was governed by his ministers, who in 
their turn were governed by England, and France had no army 
in the interior It was of great importance to the first consul, that 
foreign powers should understand that it was impossible to expect 
the restoration of the Bourbons; that it was the object of the 
existing government to adopt a system of order and regeneration ; 
and that it was capable of maintaining friendly relations with 
them all. To attain this end, Bonaparte gave orders to Talley- 
rand to make the first overtures of peace to the English cabinet. 
A correspondence took place, which showed the condescending 
policy of Bonaparte and the arrogant policy of England. 

The exchange of notes which took place was attended by no 
immediate result. However, the first consul had partly attained 
his object : if the British government would not enter into nego- 
tiations for peace, there was, at least, reason to presume that sub- 
sequent overtures of the consular government might be hstened 
to. The correspondence had, at all events, afforded Bonaparte 
the opportunity of declaring his principles ; and, above all, it had 
enabled him to ascertain that the return of the Bourbons to 
France would not be a sine qua non condition for the restoration 
of peace between the two powers. 

Since M. de Talleyrand had been minister for foreign affairs, 
the business of that department had proceeded with great activity. 
It was an important advantage to Bonaparte to find a nobleman of 
the old regime among the republicans. The choice of M. de 
Talleyrand was, in some sort, an act of courtesy to the foreign 
courts. It was a delicate attention to the diplomacy of Europe 
to introduce to its members, for the purpose of treating with them, 
a man whose rank was at least equal to their own, and who was 
universally distinguished for a polished elegance of manner com- 
bined with solid good qualities and real talents. 

It was not with England alone that he sought to establish 
friendly relations ; the consular government also offered peace to 
the house of Austria; but separately. The object of this offer 
was to awaken a jealousy between the two powers. _ Speaking to 
me one dav oi his extreme desire for peace, he said, " You see, 
Bourrienne, I have two great enemies upon my hands. I will 
H 10* 



114 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

not conceal from you that I prefer peace with England. Nothing 
would be more easy than to destroy Austria. She has no money 
except what she receives through England." 

These negotiations, however, were attended with no success. 
None of the European powers would recognise the new govern- 
ment, of which Bonaparte was the chief; the victory of Marengo 
was necessary to produce the peace of Amiens. 



CHAPTER X, 



Portrait of Bonaparte ; his Domestic Maimers ; his Habits ; his Prejudices ; his Opinions ; Bemarks 
on Josephine ; Mui-at ; Mm-at manied to Cai-oline Bonaparte. 

In reading the history of the great men of antiquity, we often 
regret that their historians have so occupied themselves with the 
hero, that they have forgotten to speak of the man. Though no 
two beings can more closely resemble each other than an illustri- 
ous man and an individual in humble life, yet when we follow 
them into the details of their private life, it is not the less true 
that we are desirous of becoming acquainted with the most tri- 
fling habits of those whom great talents have elevated above their 
fellows. Is this merely an effect of curiosity, or is it not rather a 
movement of self-love? and do we not unconsciously seek to con- 
sole ourselves for their superiority, by reflecting on their weak- 
nesses, their faults, theiv absurdities— in short, all the points of 
resemblance which they li^ve with other men. In order, there- 
fore, that persons who are anxious for such details may have an 
opportunity to gratify their curiosity in respect to Bonaparte, I 
will here endeavour to describe him as I saw him from my own 
observation, in his physical and moral character, his tastes, his 
habits, his passions, and his caprices. I ought to add, that I do 
not guarantee the resemblance of the portrait which I am about 
to trace but from 1792 to 1804, a period during which I scarcely 
ever lost sight of him. 

The person of Bonaparte has served as a subject for the most 
skilful painters and sculptors ; many able artists, whose talent does 
honour to France, have successfully delineated his features ; and 
yet it may be said that there exists no perfectly faithful resemblance. 
It IS not always granted to genius to triumph over impossibilities. 
His finely shaped head, his superb forehead, his pale and elongated 
visage, and his meditative look, have been transferred to the canvas ; 
but the quickness of his glance and the rapidity of his expression 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 115 

were beyond imitation. All the various workings of his mind were 
instantaneously depicted in his countenance, and his glance changed 
from mild to severe, and from angry to good-humoured, almost with 
the rapidity of lightning. It may be truly said, that he had a partic- 
ular look for every thought that arose in his mind, an appropriate 
physiognomy for every impulse that agitated his soul. 

He had finely-formed hands, and he was very proud of them, 
and took particular care of them: and sometimes, while convers- 
ing, he would look at them with an air of satisfaction. He also 
fancied that he had fine teeth, but his pretensions to that advan- 
tage did not appear to me to be so well founded. 

When he walked, either alone or in company with any one, in 
his apartments or in the gardens, he stooped a little, and crossed 
his hands behind his back. He frequently gave an involuntary 
shrug of his right shoulder, which he elevated a little, at the same 
time moving his mouth from the left towards the right. If an 
observer had not known that these movements were merely the 
effect of an ill habit, he might have supposed that they were con- 
vulsive motions. They were in reality the indices of profound! 
meditation and of intensity of thought. Frequently, after these 
walks, he drew up, or dictated to me, the most important notes. 
He could endure great fatigue, not only on horseback and on 
foot when with the army, but at all times ; frequently walking five 
or six hours at a time, without being aware of it. He had a habit, 
when he walked with any one with whom he was famihar, to link 
his arm into that of his companion, and lean on it. 

Bonaparte has frequently said to me, "Bourrienne, you see how 
temperate and thin I am ; but nothing can prevent me from think- 
ing that, by the time I am forty, I shall become a great eater, and 
get very fat. I foresee that myconstitution will undergo a change. 
I take a deal of exercise; but what of that? — it is a presentiment, 
and will certainly be realized." This idea annoyed him very much, 
and, as I was of a different opinion, I never failed to represent those 
fears as groundless; but he could not be convinced, and, during 
the whole time that I was with him, this apprehension never quit- 
ted him for a moment, and it was but too well founded. 

For the bath he had an absolute passion, and considered it a 
necessary of life : I have known him to remain there for two hours. 
During this time, I read to him the daily papers, or any new pam- 
phlets ; for he would hear all, know all, and see all, for himself. 
While he remained in the bath, he used to be continually turning 
on the warm water, and, at times, would raise the temperature, so 
that I have found myself enveloped in such a dense vapour that I. 
could not see to read, and was obliged to open the door. 



116 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

I have always found Bonaparte extremely temperate, and an 
enemy to all excess. He was aware of the absurd stories which 
were circulated about him, and he was often vexed at them. It has 
been every where said, that he was subject to fits of epilepsy ; but, 
during more than eleven years that I was constantly with him, I 
have never seen in him any symptom in the least degree indicative 
of that malady. He was of sound health and a good constitution. 
If his enemies have endeavoured to degrade him by describing 
him as subject to a grievous periodical infirmity, his flatterers con- 
sidered, as it would appear, that sleep was incompatible with 
greatness, and have been as far from the truth in speaking of his 
imaginary watchings. Bonaparte made others watch; but he slept 
himself, and he slept well. He wished that I should call him every 
morning at seven o'clock: I was, therefore, always the first to 
enter his bed-room; but frequently, when I have attempted to 
rouse him, he has said to me, still half-asleep, " Ah, Bourrienne, do, 
I entreat you, allow me to sleep a little longer." When nothing 
pressed, I did not disturb him again until eight o'clock. He in 
general slept seven hours out of the twenty-four, besides dozing a 
little in the afternoon. 

Among the private instructions given to me by Bonaparte, there 
was a very singular one. "During the night," said he, "enter my 
chamber as seldom as possible. Never awake me when you have 
good news to announce ; because, with good news nothing presses : 
but, when you have bad news, rouse me immediately; for then 
there is not an instant to be lost." This calculation was good, and 
he found his advantage in it. 

As soon as he rose, his valet de chambre shaved him, and dressed 
his hair. During these operations I read the newspapers to him, 
beginning with the Moniteur. He paid little attention to any but 
the German and English journals. "Get on, get on," he would 
say, as I read the French papers; "I know all about it: they only 
say what they think will please me." I have often been surprised 
that his valet did not cut him during these readings ; for, when 
any thing remarkable occurred, he would turn abruptly to my side. 

When Bonaparte had finished his toilet, which he did with great 
care, for he was particularly neat in his dress, we descended 
together to his cabinet. There he signed the answers to import- 
ant petitions, the analysis of which had been made by me on the 
evening before. It was on levee days particularly, and days of 
parade, that he was most exact in these matters, because I used to 
remind him that the gi'eater part of the petitioners would present 
themselves in the apartments, and that they would ask him for 
answers. To avoid this annoyance, I informed them beforehand 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 117 

the decision of the first consul. He then read the letters which I 
had opened and placed upon his table, arranged according to their 
importance. He directed me to answer them in his name. Some- 
times, however, though rarely, he answered them himself. 

At ten, the maitre d'hotel announced breakfast: we sat down 
to a repast of extreme frugality. Almost every morning he ate 
some chicken, dressed with oil and onions. He drank very little 
wine ; it was always either claret or burgundy, but he preferred 
the latter. After breakfast, as after dinner, he took a cup of strong 
coffee. I have never seen him take coffee between meals, and I 
do not know what gave rise to the general belief that Bonaparte 
was particularly fond of coffee. This notion must have origin- 
ated with those persons who pretended that he could not sleep at 
night. The one story is necessary to the support of the other. 
When he did sit up later than usual, it was not coffee he drank, but 
chocolate, of which he made me take a cup along with him ; but 
this never happened but when our sittings were prolonged to two 
or three in the morning. 

All that has been said about his immoderate use of snuff, has no 
more foundation in truth than his pretended partiality for coffee. 
It is true, he had early learned this habit; but he took it very 
sparingly, and always from a box, of which he had a great many ; 
because this was one of his hobbies. If he had any resemblance 
to the great Frederick, it was not in making the pocket of his 
waistcoat a d^pot for snufF, for, as I have already said, he carried 
■ his notions of personal neatness even to an extreme.* 

Bonaparte had two ruling passions — the love of glory, and the 
love of war. He was never more gay than in the camp, and never 
more morose than when unemployed. Building, too, was gratify- 
ing to his imagination, whilst projects of gigantic edifices filled the 
void caused by the want of active employment. He knew that 
monuments form a part of the history of nations, and that their 

* "It has been alleged that his majesty took an inordinate deal of snuff, and that, in 
order to take it with the greater facility, he carried it in his waistcoat pockets, which, 
for that purpose, were lined with leather. This is altogether untrue. The fact is, the 
emperor never took snuff except from a snuff-box, and, though he used a great deal, 
he actually took but very little. He would frequently hold the snuff-box to his nose, 
merely to smell the snuff; at other times he would take a pinch, and after smelling it 
for a moment he would throw it away. Thus it frequently happened that the spot 
where he was sitting or standing was strewed with snuff, but his handkerchiefs, which 
were of the finest cambric, were scarcely ever soiled. He had a great collection of 
snuff-boxes; but those which he preferred were of dark tortoise-shell, lined with gold, 
and ornamented with cameos or antique medals in gold or silver. Their form was a 
narrow oval, with hinged lids. He did not like round boxes, because it was necessary 
to employ both hands to open them, and in this operation he not unfrequently let the 
box or the lid fall. His snuff was generally very coarse rappee, but he sometimes, 
liked to have several kinds of snuff mixed together." — Memoires de Constant. 



118 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

duration bears witness to the civilization of their founders long 
after the}^ have disappeared from the earth, and that they likewise 
often bear false witness to remote generations of the reality of 
merely fabulous conquests. He knew that the fine arts impart to 
great actions a lasting renown, and consecrate the memory of 
those princes who ha\^e protected and encouraged them. And yet 
he has often said to me, "A great reputation is but a great noise; 
the more there is of it, the farther off it is heard. Laws, institu- 
tions, monuments, nations — all perish ; but the noise continues, and 
resounds in after-generations." This was one of his favourite ideas. 
"My power," he would say, "depends on my glory, and my glory 
on the victories I have gained. IMy power will fall if I do not 
base it on fresh gloi'ies and new victories. Conquest has made 
me what I am, and conquest alone can enable me to maintain my 
position." It was this sentiment which was always uppermost in 
his mind, and whicli became his ruling principle of action, that 
occasioned his incessant dreaming of new. wars, and scattering 
their seeds throughout Europe. He believed that if he remained 
stationary, he would fall, and he was tormented with the desire to 
be always advancing. "' A newly-born government," said he, " must 
dazzle and astonish; when it ceases to do that, it must fall. It 
was impossible to expect repose on the part of a man who was rest- 
lessness itself. 

His sentiments towards France differed much from those he 
had entertained in his youth. For a length of time he bore with 
impatience the recollection of the conquest of Corsica, which he 
then considered his country. But this feeling was effaced, and I 
can afiirm that he passionately loved France. His imagination 
kindled at the very idea of seeing her great, happy, powerful, and 
dictating her laws to other nations. He fancied his name insep- 
arably connected with France, and resounding in the ears of pos- 
terity. In all his actions, the present moment vanished before 
the ages yet to come; so in every country in which he made war, 
the opinion of France was present to his mind. As Alexander, at 
Arbela, thought less of having vanquished Darius than in having 
gained the suffrages of the Athenians, so Bonaparte, at Marengo, 
was haunted by the idea of "What will they say of this in France!" 

Before tighting a battle. Bonaparte thought little about what he 
should do in case of success; but a good deal about what he 
should do in case of a reverse. I state this as a fact of which I 
have often been a witness, and I leave to his brethren in arms 
the task of deciding whether his calculations were always correct. 
He accomplished much, because he risked every thing; his exces- 
sive ambition urged him on to power, and power obtained only 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 119 

furnished food for his ambition. He was thoroughly convinced of 
the truth, that a mere trifle frequently decides the greatest events. 
This was the reason that he was always more anxious to watch 
events than to tempt them ; and when the right moment approach- 
ed, he then suddenly took advantage of it. It is curious that, in 
the midst of all the cares occasioned by his warlike projects, and 
the labours of government, the fear of the Bourbons pursued him 
incessantly; and his mighty mind beheld, in the Faubourg Saint 
Germain, a phantom which never ceased to menace him. 

Bonaparte was not naturally disposed to form a high estimate 
of human nature, and he despised men the more as he became 
better acquainted with them. In him, this unfavourable opinion 
of human nature was justified by many glaring examples of base- 
ness, and his severity was the result of a maxim he frequently 
repeated, " There are two levers by which men may be moved — 
fear and interest." What esteem, for instance, could Bonaparte 
have for the pensioners on the treasury of the Opera ? This fund 
received a considerable sum from the gambling houses, a part of 
which served to cover the expenses of that magnificent theatre. 
The remainder was distributed in gratuities, and for other secret 
purposes, which were paid on orders signed by Duroc. There 
might often be seen entering, by the little door in the Rue Rameau, 
personages of very different characters. The lady who was the 
favourite of the commander-in-chief in Egypt, whose captive 
husband was so maliciously released by the English, was a fre- 
quent visitor at the treasury. There might be found together a 
philosopher and an actor, a celebrated orator and a broken-down 
musician, a priest, a courtesan, and even a cardinal. 

One of Bonaparte's greatest misfortunes was, that he did not 
believe in friendship, nor did he feel the necessity of loving — the 
most gratifying sentiment given to man. How often has he said 
to me, " Friendship is but a name ; I love no one — no, not even 
my brothers ; Joseph, perhaps, a little ; and if I do love him, it is 
from habit, and because he is my elder. Duroc ! ah, yes ! I love 
him too. But why? His character pleases me: he is cold, re- 
served, and resolute; and I really believe he never shed a tear! 
As to myself, it is all one to me : I know well that I have not one 
true friend. As long as I continue what I am, I may have as 
many pretended friends as I please. Believe me, Bourrienne, we 
must leave sensibility to the women — it is their business; but 
men should be firm in heart and in purpose, or they should have 
nothing to do with war or government." 

In his social relations, Bonaparte's temper was bad; but his fits 
of ill-humour passed away like a cloud, and spent themselves in 



120 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 

words. His violent language, and his bursts of indignation, were 
all calculated and prepared beforehand : when he wished to expi'ess 
his dissatisfaction to any one, he liked to have a witness present; 
then his remarks were always harsh, severe, and humiliating. 
But he was sparing of these violent attacks ; and they never took 
place but upon sufficient proof of the misconduct of those against 
whom they were directed. 

When it was his intention to give any one a lecture, he always 
desired to have a third party as witness ; I have often thought that 
this gave him a greater degree of confidence; in fact, when alone 
with him, and when one had become acquainted with his charac- 
ter, you were certain of getting the better, by mustering a suffi- 
ciency of coolness, moderation, and good tempter. We are told 
that he has declared at St. Helena, that he has admitted a third 
person on such occasions, only that the blow might resound to a 
greater distance. That, however, was not his real motive ; because, 
in that case, it would have been more simple to have made the 
affair public at once ; but he had other reasons. During the whole 
time I remained in his service, I have remarked that he disliked 
private interviews ; when he expected any one, he has said to me 
beforehand, "Bourrienne, you are to remain;" and when any one 
was announced whom he did not expect, as a minister or a gen- 
eral, on my rising to go out, he would say, in an under-tone," Stay 
where you are." Certainly it was not with the design of getting 
what he said reported abroad that he detained me, for it was as 
foreign to my character, as to my duty, to gossip what I had heard; 
I should not have had time to do so ; besides, it may be presumed 
that the small number of persons admitted as witnesses to those 
conferences, were aware of the consequences attending indiscreet 
disclosures under a government that was made acquainted with all 
that was said and done. 

Bonaparte entertained the most profound aversion to the san- 
guinary men of the revolution, and particularly for the regicides. 
It was a painful burden to him to be under the necessity of dis- 
sembling his sentiments towards them : and when he spoke to me of 
these men of blood, of those whom he called the assassins of Louis 
XVI., it was with horror; and he deplored the necessity he was 
under of employing them. How often has he said to Cambaceres, 
at the same time gently pinching his ear, to soften by his famiharity 
the bitterness of the remark, "My dear Cambaceres, I had nothing 
to do with it ; but your case is clear ; if ever the Bourbons return, 
you will be hanged." A forced laugh would then contract the 
leaden countenance of Cambaceres, in a manner which it would 
be as difficult as disagreeable to describe — this smile was uniformly 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 121 

the sole reply of the second consul, who, only once, in my hearing, 
made answer, "Come now, let us have no more of these ill-timed 
jokes." If to any one the description of laughing like a sceptre 
could be applied, it was to Cambaceres. 

Bonaparte had many singular habits and tastes. When affairs 
did not go as he wished, or any thing disagreeable occupied his 
mind, he used to hum something, which most certainly could not 
be called a tune, for his voice was very unmusical. He would at 
the same time seat himself at the writing-table, and swing back in 
his chair in such a manner, that I have often been obliged to cau- 
tion him, lest he should tumble over. In this position he would 
then vent his humour upon the right arm of his elbow-chair, cut- 
ting it with his penknife, which indeed he seemed to keep for no 
other use. I took care to keep him at all times supplied with good 
pens, because, having to decipher his scrawls, it was my interest 
that he should write — not legibly, for that was out of the question 
— but as little illegibly as possible. 

The sound of bells produced upon Bonaparte a singular effect, 
which I could never account for; he listened to them with delight. 
When we were at Malmaison, and walking in the avenue leading 
to the plain of Ruel, how often has the tolling of the village bells 
interrupted our most serious conversations ! He stopped short, lest 
the moving of our feet should cause the loss of any of those sounds 
which charmed him. He used even to be vexed because my feel- 
ings on these occasions did not accord with his own. So powerful 
was the effect produced upon him by the sound of these bells, 
that his voice would falter as he said, " Ah ! this recalls to my mind 
the first years I passed at Brienne ; I was then happy." When 
the bells ceased, he would resume his gigantic speculations, and 
launch into futurity, place a crown upon his head, and hurl kings 
from their thrones. 

No where except on the field of battle did I ever see Bonaparte 
more happy than in the gardens of Malmaison. During the first 
days of the consulate, we used to go there every Saturday evening, 
and stay the whole of Sunday, and sometimes Monday. There 
he neglected business a little, for the pleasure of walking, and to 
observe with his own eyes the improvements he had ordered to be 
made. At first, he sometimes visited the neighbourhood; but the 
reports of the police destroyed this feeling of security, by raising 
apprehensions of royalist partisans in ambush to carry him off. 
During the first four or five days that we stayed there, he amused 
himself in calculating the annual worth of this property. He for- 
got neither the park nor the kitchen-garden; he estimated the 
total at eight thousand francs (£333 Gs. 8d.) ; " That is not so bad," 

11 



122 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

said he; "but to live here would require an income of thirty thou- 
sand francs" (£l,250). I laughed heartily on seeing him apply 
seriously to this inquiry ; these modest aspirations v/ere not of long 
duration. 

When in the country, he had much pleasure in seeing tall and 
elegant females, clothed in white, walking in the shady avenues; 
he could not endure coloured garments, especially those of a dark 
colour. He also had a dislike to ladies who were inclined to be 
corpulent, and to those in the family-way ; his repugnance to them 
was extreme, and they were seldom invited to his parties. He 
had all the qualifications requisite for being what the world calls 
an agreeable man, except the wish to be so. His manner was 
imposing rather than pleasing, and those who did not know him 
well, felt when in his presence an involuntary feeling of awe. In 
the drawing-room, where the excellent Josephine did the honours 
with so much grace and affability, all was gayety and ease, and 
no one felt a superior during the absence of her lord. On his 
arrival, all was changed, and every eye was fixed upon his coun- 
tenance, to read there the disposition of his mind, whether dis- 
posed to be talkative, dull, or cheerful. 

He frequently talked a great deal, sometimes even too much, but 
he conversed in the most agreeable manner, and was truly enter- 
taining. His conversation seldom turned upon gay or humorous 
subjects, and never upon frivolous matters. He loved discussion 
so much, that in the heat of argument it was possible to draw 
from him secrets the most important. Sometimes he amused him- 
self in a small circle, by telling stories of presentiments and appa- 
ritions : for this he always chose the dusk of the evening, and he 
would prepare his hearers for what was coming by some solemn 
remark. 

All the narratives of Bonaparte were full of entertainment and 
originality. On a journey, he was particularly conversant : in the 
heat of conversation he was always fascinating, always abounding 
with new views and sublime ideas; and at times there escaped 
some indiscreet disclosures of his future intentions, or at least of 
matters which might give a clue to what he wished to conceal. I 
ventured to remark on this imprudence ; he took my observations 
in good part, and acknowledged his failing, saying, however, that 
he did not think he had gone so far. At St. Helena he has since 
frankly acknowledged this want of caution. 

When in good humour, his ordinary caresses consisted in slight 
fillips with the first and second fingers, or gently pinching the tip 
of the ear. In his most friendly conversations with those whom 
he admitted on a footing of unreserved intimacy, he was in the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 123 

habit of saying, "You are a simpleton, a ninny, a booby, a fool, an 
imbecile." These words served to vary his cabinet of compli- 
ments; but they were never employed seriously, and the tone 
with which they were pronounced rendered their application one 
of kindness. 

Bonaparte had no faith either in medicine or the prescriptions 
of physicians. He spoke of it as an art altogether conjectural, 
and his opinion on this subject was not to be shaken. His pow- 
erful mind rejected all but demonstrated truths. He had but an 
indifferent memory for names and dates ; but for facts and locali- 
ties, his memory was prodigious. I recollect on a journey from 
Paris to Toulon he pointed out to me six places well adapted for 
great battles, and he never forgot them. They were recollections 
of the earliest journeys of his youth, and he described to me the 
nature of the ground, and pointed out the positions he would have 
occupied, even before we had reached the places themselves. 

Bonaparte was insensible to the charms of poetic harmony. 
He had not even sufficient ear to feel the rhythm of poetry, nor 
could he recite a stanza without violating the metre: but the 
sublime ideas of poetry charmed him. He idolized Corneille, and 
that to such a degree, that one day, after the representation of 
Cinna, he said to me, " If such a man as Corneille lived in my time, 
I would make him my prime minister. It is not his poetry that I 
admire so much, but his good sense, his knowledge of the human 
heart, and, in a word, his profound policy." He has said at St. 
Helena that he would have made Corneille a prince ; but at the 
time he spoke to me about him, he had not thought of making 
either kings or princes. 

Politeness to the fair sex was no part of the character of Bona- 
parte. He rarely had any thing agreeable to say to them, and he 
often, indeed, addressed to them the rudest and most extraordi- 
nary remarks. Sometimes he would say, "Heavens! how red 
your arms are!" to another, "What an ugly head-dress you have 
got!" or, "Who has bundled up your hair that way?" Again, 
"What a dirty dress you have got! Do you never change your 
gown? I have seen you in that one at least twenty times!" To 
the beautiful Duchess of Chevreuse, remarkable for her fine flaxen 
hair, he said, "Why, bless me! your hair is red!" (vous avez les 
cheveux roux;) but as this was evidently a play upon her name 
{Chevreuse), it may pass. He often spent an hour at the toilet 
of his wife, who had a most correct taste, and that, probably, ren- 
dered him more fastidious as to the costume of other ladies. At 
first, elegance was what he chiefly required; at a later period, 
splendour and magnificence ; but he always required modesty. He 



124 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

frequently expressed his dislike to those dresses which left the neck 
exposed, which were in fashion at the beginning of the consulate. 

Bonaparte did not love play, which was fortunate for those he 
invited to his parties ; for when he sat down to a card-table, which 
he sometimes considered himself bound to do, nothing could exceed 
the dullness of the drawing-room, whether at the Luxembourg or 
at the Tuileries. When, on the contrary, he walked about among 
the company, every one was pleased, because he addressed his 
discourse to a variety of persons; but it was principally with 
learned men that he wished to converse, and especially with those 
who had accompanied him on the Egyptian expedition. But, after 
all, it was not so much in the drawing-room as at the head of his 
troops that one must have seen him to form a just idea of the man. 
Uniform became him much better than the handsomest dress of 
any other kind. His first trials of dress coats were not very happy. 
I have been told that the first time he put on his official robes he 
wore a black stock; this singular contrast was remarked to him, 
and he replied, "So much the better; it leaves me something at 
least of the soldier, and there is no harm in that." For my own 
part, I neither saw the black stock nor heard this reply.* 

The first consul paid his private debts very punctually ; but he 
disliked settling the accounts of the contractors who bargained 
with the ministers for supplies for the public service. Of this 
description of debts he put off the payment by every sort of 
excuse and difficulty, and frequently assigned the very worst rea- 
sons. Hence arose immense arrears in the expenditure, and the 
necessity of a committee of liquidation. It was with him a prin- 
ciple, a fixed idea, that all contractors were rogues. All that he 
did not pay them he considered as a just deduction, and the sums 
subtracted from their accounts as in part restitution of a robbery. 

* On the subject of Bonaparte's dress, Constant, his valet, gives the following details: 
" His majesty's waistcoats and smallclothes were always of white cassimerc. He 
changed them every morning, and never wore them after they had been washed three 
or four times. He never wore any but white silk stockings. His shoes, which were 
very Hght, and lined with silk, were ornamented with gold buckles of an oval form, 
either plain or wrought. He also occasionally wore gold knee-buckles. During the 
empire, I never saw him wear pantaloons. The emperor never wore jewels. In his 
pockets he carried neither purse nor money ; but merely his handkerchief, snuff-box, 
and bviihoniere, (or sweet-meat box.) He usually wore only two decorations, viz: the 
cross of the Legion of Honour, and that of the Iron Crown. Across his waistcoat 
and under his uniform coat, he wore a cordon rouge, the two ends of which were 
scarcely perceptible. When he received company at the Tuileries, or attended a 
review, he wore the grand cordon on the outside of his coat. His hat, which it is 
almost superfluous to describe as long as portraits of his majesty are extant, was of an 
extremely fine and light kind of beaver, the inside being wadded and lined with silk. 
It was unadorned with either cord, tassel, or feather, its only ornament being a silk 
loop, fastening a small tri-coloured cockade." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 125 

The less a minister paid upon his budget, the more he became a 
favourite with Bonaparte, and this ruinous economy can alone 
explain the credit which Decres so long enjoyed at the expense 
of the French navy. 

Bonaparte's religious opinions were not fixed. "My reason," 
said he to me one day, "keeps me in disbelief of many things, but 
the impressions of my childhood, and the feelings of my early 
youth, throw me back into uncertainty." I have already said how 
he was affected by the tolling of bells, and it is a fact which I have 
at least twenty times witnessed. He was fond of conversing about 
religion. I have frequently, in Egypt, on board L'Orient and Le 
Muiron, heard him take an animated part in conversations of this 
nature. He readily conceded every thing that was proved, and 
every thing that appeared to him to come of men and of time ; but 
he would not hear of materialism. I remember that, being upon 
deck one beautiful night, surrounded by several persons who were 
arguing in favour of this afflicting dogma, Bonaparte, raising his 
hand towards the heavens, and pointing to the stars — "Tell me, 
gentlemen," said he, "who has made all these." The perpetuity 
of a name in the memory of man was to him the immortality of 
the soul. He was perfectly tolerant towards every religion, and 
could not conceive why men should be persecuted for their religious 
belief* 

Bonaparte disliked much to reverse a decision, even when aware 
that it had been unjust. In small things, as well as in great, noth- 
ing could induce him to retrace his steps ; with him, to fall back 
was to be lost. I have seen an example of this tenacity of purpose 
in the case of the General Latour-Foissac ; he appeared affected 
by the injustice done him ; but he wished some time to elapse 
before he repaired it. His heart and his conduct were at variance ; 
but his good disposition gave way before what he considered his 
public duty. In spite of this sort of feeling, however, Bonaparte 
was neither rancorous nor vindictive. His character was not a 
cruel one. I certainly cannot justify the acts forced upon him by 
cruel necessity and the imperious law of war; but this I can say, 
that he has frequently been unjustly accused. None but those who 
are blinded by fury could have given him the name of Nero or 
Caligula. No part of his conduct justified such abuse. I think 
that I have stated his real faults with sufficient sincerity to be believed 
upon my word ; and I can assert that Bonaparte, apart from poli- 

* Policy induced Bonaparte to reestablish religious worship in France, which he 
thought would be a powerful aid to the consolidation of his power ; but he would never 
consent to the persecution of other religions. He wished to influence mankind in 
positive and temporal things, but not in points of belief. 

11* 



126 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tics, was feeling, kind, and accessible to pity ; he was very fond of 
children, and a bad man has seldom such a disposition. In the 
habits of private life, he had (and the expression is not to strong) 
much benevolence, and great indulgence for human weakness. A 
contrary opinion is too firmly fixed in some minds for me to hope 
to remove it. I shall, I fear, have opposers ; but I address myself 
to those who are in search of truth. I lived in the most unreserved 
confidence with Bonaparte until the age of thirty-four years, and 
I advance nothing lightly. To judge impartially, we must take 
into consideration the influence which time and circumstances 
exercise on men : and distinguish between the diflferent characters 
of the youth at school, the general, the consul, and the emperor. 

I have hitherto spoken but little of Murat ; but being now arrived 
at the period of his marriage with one of the sisters of the first 
consul, I take the opportunity of returning to some interesting 
occurrences which preceded this alliance, more especially as this 
will give me an opportunity of entering into some family details, 
which I shall do with becoming caution, but without concealing 
the truth, which I take for my guide. 

Murat possessed an uncommonly fine and well-proportioned form ; 
his muscular strength, the elegance of his manners, his lofty bear- 
ing, and his dauntless courage in battle, resembled less a republi- 
can soldier than one of those accomplished cavaliers of whom we 
read in Ariosto and Tasso. The nobleness of his manner soon 
made the lowness of his birth to be forgotten. He was aflfable, 
polite, gallant; and in the field of battle twenty men, commanded 
by Murat, were worth a whole regiment. Once only he showed 
himself under the influence of fear ;* and we shall see in what cir- 
cumstance it was that he ceased to be himself. 

When Bonaparte, in his first Italian campaign, had forced Wurm- 
ser to take refuge in Mantua, with twenty-eight thousand men, 
he ordered MioUis, with only four thousand, to oppose any sorties 
which the Austrian general might make. In one of these sorties 
Murat, at the head of a feeble detachment, was ordered to charge 
Wurmser. He was afraid, neglected to execute the order, and, in 
the first moment of confusion, said that he was wounded. Murat 
immediately fell into disgrace with the commander-in-chief, whose 
aid-de-camp he was. 

Murat had been previously sent to Paris to present to the 
Directory the first colours taken by the army of Italy in the bat- 

* Marshal Lannes, so brave and brilliant in war, and. so well able to appreciate 
courage, one day sharply rebuked a colonel for having punished a young officer just 
arrived from Fontainebleau, because he gave evidence of fear in his first engagement. 
" Know, colonel," said he, "none but a coward will boast that he never was afraid." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 127 

ties of Dego and Mondovi. It was on this occasion that he 
became acquainted with Madame TalUen, and the wife of the 
general-in-chief But he had already been introduced to the beau- 
tiful Caroline Bonaparte, in Rome, at the house of her brother 
Joseph, who there exercised the functions of ambassador of the 
Republic. It even appeared that Caroline had not been then indif- 
ferent to him, and that he was the successful rival of the son of 
the Princess of Santa Croce, who eagerly sought the honour of 
her hand. Madame Tallien and Madame Bonaparte gave a dis- 
tinguished reception to the aid-de-camp, and as they possessed 
considerable influence with the Directory, they solicited and 
obtained for him the rank of general of brigade. It was a remark- 
able thing at the time to see Murat, notwithstanding his rank, 
remain the aid-de-camp of Bonaparte, the military code not per- 
mitting him to have an aid-de-camp of a rank superior to that of 
chief of brigade, which was equivalent to that of colonel. This 
was an anticipation of the prerogatives usually reserved for 
princes and kings. 

It was after this mission that Murat, on his return to Italy, fell 
into disgrace with the commander-in-chief, who placed him in the 
division of Reille, and afterwards in that of Baraguay d'Hilliers. 
So that when we went to Paris, after the treaty of Campo-For- 
mio, Murat was not of the party. But as the ladies, with whom 
he was a great favourite, interested themselves much for him, 
and were not without interest with the minister of war, they suc- 
ceeded in having Murat joined to the army of Egypt, when he 
was attached to the division of Genes. On board the L'Orient he 
remained constantly in the most complete disgrace. During the 
passage Bonaparte never once spoke to him ; and even in Egypt 
he treated him with the greatest coolness, and frequently sent him 
from the head-quarters on difficult missions. But the general-in- 
chief having at length opposed him to Mourad-Bey, Murat per- 
formed such prodigies of valour, in so many perilous encounters, 
that he effaced the transient stain which a moment of hesitation 
had attached to him under the walls of Mantua. And, finally, he 
contributed so powerfully to the success of the day at Aboukir, 
that Bonaparte, pleased to be able to bring to France the last lau- 
rel which he had gathered in Egypt, forgot the fault of a moment, 
and wished also to forget what had doubtlessly beten told him of 
Murat; for, although Bonaparte never said so to nije, I had suffi- 
cient rmsons for thinking that the name of Murat had been cou- 
pled with that of Charles, by Junot, in the course of his indiscreet 
disclosures at the wells of Messoudiah. The charge of grena- 
diers, commanded by Murat on the 19th Brumaire, in the hall of 



128 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

the Five Hundred, removed all the remaining traces of dislike; and 
dm'ing those moments when the aspirations of ambition reigned 
paramount in the mind of Bonaparte, the rival of the Prince of 
Santa Croce was appointed to the command of the consular guard. 

It is reasonable to suppose that Madame Bonaparte, in seeking 
to conciliate the esteem of Murat, by aiding his advancement, had 
principally in view, to obtain an additional partisan to oppose to 
the brothers and the family of Bonaparte; and for this she had 
sufficient reason. They allowed no occasion to pass of manifest- 
ing their jealousy and hatred; and the good Josephine, who could 
be reproached with nothing but the being perhaps too much of the 
woman, was tormented by dismal presentiments. Carried away 
by the easiness of her disposition, she did not see that the coquetry 
which procured her defenders, placed arms at the same time in 
the hands of her most implacable enemies. 

In this state of things, Josephine, who was well convinced that 
she had attached Murat to herself by the bonds of friendship and 
gratitude, and ardently wishing to see him united to Bonaparte by 
a family alliance, favoured with all her influence his marriage with 
Caroline. She was not ignorant that already, at Milan, an inti- 
macy had commenced between Caroline and Murat, which ren- 
dered their marriage extremely desirable; and it was she who 
first proposed it to Murat. Murat hesitated, and proceeded to 
consult M. Collot, a good counsellor in all things; and whose inti- 
mate relations with Bonaparte had made him acquainted with all 
the secrets of the family. M. Collot advised Murat to go with- 
out loss of time, and make a formal demand to the first consul of 
his sister's hand. Murat went immediately to the Luxembourg 
for the purpose, and made his proposals to Bonaparte. Did he do 
right? But for this, he had not mounted the throne of Naples — 
but for this, he had not been shot at Pizzo. 

Be it as it may, the first consul received the proposal of Murat 
more as a sovereign than as a fellow-soldier. He heard him with 
unmoved gravity, and said that he would take time to consider it, 
but gave no positive answer. 

Murat's proposal was, as may be supposed, the subject of the 
evening's conversation at the Luxembourg; Madame Bonaparte 
exerted all her powers of persuasion to obtain the consent of the 
first consul. H^rtense, Eugene, and myself, joined our entreaties. 
"Murat," said he, "Murat is the son of an innkeeper. In the ele- 
vated rank to which fortune and my glory have raised me, I 
cannot mix my blood with his. Besides, there is no hurry — I shall 
see by-and-by." We dwelt on the mutual aflfection of the young 
people, and we did not forget to mention Murat's devotion to his 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 129 

person, and to recall to his recollection his brilliant courage, and 
his gallant conduct in Egypt. "Yes," said he, with animation, 
" Murat was superb at Aboukir." We did not allow the favourable 
moment to escape, we redoubled our persuasions, and at length he 
consented. When, in the evening, he and I wei'e alone in his 
cabinet — "Well, Bourrienne," said he, "you ought to be satisfied; 
for my part I am ; all things considered, Murat suits my sister, and 
then they cannot say that I am proud, that I seek grand alliances. 
Had I given my sister to a noble, all you Jacobins would have 
cried out for a counter-revolution. Besides, I am pleased that my 
wife takes an interest in the marriage ; you are aware of the rea- 
sons. Since it is settled, I must hasten the business ; we have nO' 
time to lose. If I go to Italy, I wish to take Murat with us — I must 
strike a decisive blow there — come to-morrow." 

On the following morning, at seven o'clock, when I entered the 
chamber of the first consul, he appeared still better pleased than 
on the preceding evening with the resolution he had come to. E 
could easily perceive that, with all his finesse, he was not aware^ 
of the real motive which had induced Josephine so to interest her- 
self about the marriage of Murat and Caroline. From the satis- 
faction of Bonaparte, it appeared to me that in the earnestness of 
his wife he had found a proof that the reports of her intimacy with 
Murat were calumnies. 

The marriage of Murat and Caroline was privately celebrated' 
at the Luxembourg. The first consul had not yet learned to con- 
sider his family affairs as affairs of state. But previous to the cele- 
bration, we had to play a little comedy, in which I could not but 
accept a part, and which I may as well relate here. 

At the time of the marriage of Murat, Bonaparte had but little' 
money, and therefore he gave his sister but thirty thousand francs 
as a portion. >Still feeling the necessity of making her a marriage- 
present, and not having money to purchase a suitable one, he took. 
a diamond necklace which belonged to his wife, and gave it to the 
future bride. Josephine was by no means satisfied with this sub- 
traction, and set her wits to work to find the means of replacing- 
her necklace. She knew^ the jeweller Foucier possessed a magni- 
ficient collection of fine pearls, which, it was said, had belonged to 
the unfortunate Marie Antoinette. Josephine caused them to be 
brought to her, and judged there was sufficient to make a very fine 
necklace. But to purchase them required two hundred and fifty 
thousand francs, and how was the money to be raised? Madame 
Bonaparte had recourse to Berthier, at that time minister of war. 
Berthier, after biting his nails as usual, set about liquidating cer- 
tain demands against the hospital service of Italv; and as the- 
I 



130 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

contractors in those days took care to be grateful to their patrons, 
the pearls passed from the strong chest of M. Foucier to the 
jewel-case of Madame Bonaparte. 

The pearls were thus secured ; but there arose another trifling 
difficulty, of which Madame Bonaparte had never dreamed. How 
was she to wear a necklace purchased without the knowledge of 
her husband? What rendered this more difficult was, that the 
first consul knew that his wife had no money ; and being, besides, 
something of a busy body, he knew, or thought he knew, of all the 
jewellery of Josephine. The pearls remained, therefore, upwards 
of a fortnight in the jewel-case of Madame Bonaparte, without 
her venturing to wear them. What a punishment for a woman! 
At length her vanity overcame her prudence, and being unable to 
conceal them any longer, Josephine said to me, "Bourrienne, to- 
morrow there will be a great drawing-room, and I must absolutely 
wear my pearls ; but, you know, he will grumble if he notices 
them. I beg, Bourrienne, that you will keep near me. If he asks 
me how I got my pearls, I will answer, without hesitation, that I 
have had them for a length of time." 

Every thing happened as Josephine had feared; Bonaparte, 
noticing the pearls, did not fail to say to her, "Ah, what have we 
got here? How very fine you are to-day! Where did you get 
these pearls? I don't think I have ever seen them." "To be 
sure you have — you have seen them a dozen times. It is the 
necklace which the Cisalpine Republic gave me, and which I 

wore in my hair." "But I think ." "Well, ask Bourrienne — 

he will tell you." "Well, Bourrienne, what do you say to it? Do 
you recollect them?" "Yes, general, I recollect very well having 
seen them before." This was not untrue, for Madame Bonaparte 
had previously shown them to me; and besides, she had in fact 
received a pearl necklace from the Cisalpine Republic, but it was 
by no means to be compared to that of Foucier. — Madame Bona- 
parte acted her part admirably, and I did not act amiss the char- 
acter of accomplice, which was assigned to me in this little com- 
ed}^ Bonaparte had no suspicions. When I beheld the easy 
confidence of Madame Bonaparte, I could not help recollecting 
Suzanne's reflection on the facility with which well-bred ladies 
can tell falsehoods without appearing to do so. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. |31 



CHAPTER XI. 

First Acts of the First Consul ; Suppression of the Festivals ; Modest Budget ; Visits the Temple, and 
Discharges the Hostages ; General Latour-Foissac ; the Recall of the Exiles. 

It is not my intention to say much about the laws, acts, and 
decrees, which the first consul passed or authorized. What, 
indeed, were they all, with the exception of the civil code? I 
cannot, however, omit to state, that many of the first decisions of 
the consuls had very beneficial effects in the restoration of order 
throughout France. Perhaps none but those who recollect the 
previous state of society, can fully appreciate them. The Direc- 
tory, more base and equally perverse as the Convention, had 
retained the horrible 21st of January* as one of the festivals of 
the Republic. The first consul, immediately on attaining to 
power, had determined to aboHsh it; but so great was the influ- 
ence of the abettors of this event, that he had to proceed with 
caution. He and his colleagues, Sieyes and Roger Ducos, signed, 
on the 5th Nivose, a decree abolishing all festivals, excepting those 
of the 22d of September and the 14th of July; intending by this 
means to commemorate only the recollection of the foundation of 
the Republic and of liberty. 

All was calculation Avith Bonaparte. To produce efliect was 
his highest gratification, and he let slip no opportunity of saying 
or doing things which were calculated to please the multitude. 

On the 24th Brumaire, he visited the prisons. He always pre- 
ferred to make such visits unexpectedly, that the governors of the 
different public establishments might be taken by surprise. In 
this way he generally saw things as they really were. I was in 
his closet when he returned, and, as he entered, he exclaimed, 
"What fools these Directors were! To what a state have they 
brought our public establishments! But stay a little. I will put 
all in order. The prisoners are in a shocking state, and miserably 
fed. I questioned them as well as the jailors, for nothing is to be 
learned from the superiors. When I was in the Temple, I could 
not help thinking of the unfortunate Louis XVI. He was an 
excellent man, but too amiable to deal with mankind. And Sir 
Sidney Smith — I made them show me his apartments. If they 
had not allowed him to escape, I should have taken St. Jean 
d'Acre. There are too many painful recollections connected with 
that prison: I shall have it pulled down, some day or other. I 
ordered the jailors' books to be brought, and, finding some hostages 

* The beheading of Louis XVI. 



133 MEMOniS OF NAPOLEON BONAVARTE. 

were in confinement, I liberated them. I told them an unjust law 
had placed them under restraint, and that it was my first^ duty to 
restore them to liberty. Did I not do right, Bourrienne?" I con- 
gratulated him sincerely on this act of justice, and he was very 
sensible to my approbation, for I was not accustomed to greet him 
"well" on all occasions. 

Another circumstance which hap|>ened at the commencement 
of the consulate, atfords an example of Bonajnirte's inllexibility, 
when he had once formed a determination. In the spring of 1799, 
when we were in l^igypt. the l^irectory gave to General Latour- 
Foissac, a highly distinguished othcer, the connnand of Mantua, 
the taking of which had so powerinlly contributed to the glory of 
the comjueror of Italy. Shortly after Latour's appointment to this 
important post, the Austrians besieged IMantua. It was well known 
that the garrison was supplied with provisions and ammunition 
for a long resistance; yet, in the month of July, it surrendered to 
the Austrians. The act ot capitulation contained a curious article, 
viz: "General Latour-Foissac and his statf shall be conducted as 
prisoners, to Austria; the garrison shall be allowed to return to 
France."" This distinction between the general and the troops 
intrusted to his command, and, at the same time, the prompt sur- 
render of JMantua, were circumstances which, it must be confessed, 
were calculated to excite suspicions of Latour-Foissac. The con- 
sequence was, when Bernadotte was made war minister, he ordered 
an inquiry into the generaVs conduct by a court-martial. Latour- 
Foissac had no sooner returned to France, than he published a 
justificatory memorial, in which he showed the impossibilitv of his 
having made a longer defence, when he was in want of many objects 
of the tirst necessity. 

Such was the state of the ailair on Bonaparte's elevation to the 
consular power. The loss of Mantua, the possession of which had 
cost him so many sacrifices, roused his indignation to so high a 
pitch, that, whenever the subject was mentioned, he could find no 
words to express his rage. He stopped the investigation of the 
court-martial, and issued a violent decree against Latour-Foissac, 
even before his culpability had been proved. This proceeding 
occasioned much discussion, and was very dissatistactory to many 
general officers, who, by this arbitrary decision, found themselves 
in danger of forfeiting the privilege of being tried by their natural 
judges, whenever they happened to displease the first consul. For 
my own part, I must say, that this decree against Latour-Foissac 
was one which I saw issued wiih considerable regret. I was 
alarmed tor the consequences. After the lapse of a few davs. I 
ventured to point out to him the undue severity of the step he had 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 133 

taken ; I reminded him of all that had been said in Latour-Foissac's 
favour, and tried to convince him how much more just it would be 
to allow the trial to come to a conclusion. "In a country," said 
I, "like France, where the point of honour stands above every thing, 
it is impossible Foissac can escape condemnation if he be culpable." 
"Perhaps you are right, Bourrienne," rejoined he; "but the blow 
is struck; the decree is issued. I have given the same explanation 
to every one; but I cannot so suddenly retrace my steps. To 
retrograde, is to be lost. I cannot acknowledge myself in the 
wrong. By-and-by we shall see what can be done." 

Bonaparte always spoke with great disrespect of the Directory, 
which he had turned out, and accused them of peculation and of 
every abuse in the administration, and frequently threatened to 
make them refund. 

In the first moments of poverty, the consular government had 
recourse to a loan of twelve millions francs ; and, in affixing sala- 
ries to the principal officers of state, the greatest moderation was 
exercised. 

The following table shows the modest budget of the consular 
government for the year VIII. : 

Francs. 

Legislative body, 2,400,000 

Tribunal, 1 ,.3 12,000 

Archives, 75,000 

The three consuls, including 750,000 francs of secret service money, 1,800,000 

Council of state 675,000 

Secretaries to the Councils and to the Councillors of state, . . 112,500 

The six ministers, ....... 360,000 

The minister of foreign affairs, ..... 90,000 

Total, 6,854,500 



Bonaparte's salary was fixed at five hundred thousand francs. 

That interval of the consular government during which Bona- 
parte remained at the Luxembourg, may be called the preparatory 
consulate. Then were sown the seeds of the great events which 
he meditated, and of those institutions with which he wished to mark 
his possession of power. He was then, if I may use the expression, 
two individuals in one — the republican general, who was obliged 
to appear the advocate of liberty and the principles of the revolu- 
tion ; and the votary of ambition, secretly plotting the downfall of 
that liberty and those principles. 

I often wondered at the consummate address with which he 
contrived to deceive those who were likely to see through his 
designs. This hypocrisy, which some perhaps may call profound 
policy, was indispensable to the accomplishment of his projects ; 

12 



134 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

and sometimes, as if to keep himself in practice, he would do it in 
matters of secondary importance. For example, his opinion of 
the insatiable avarice of Sieyes is well known ; yet when he pro- 
posed, in his message to the Council of Ancients, to give his col- 
league, under the title of national recompense, the price of his 
obedient secession, it was, in the words of the message, a recom- 
pense worthily bestowed on his disinterested virtues. 

The presentation of sabres and muskets of honour dates also 
from the Luxemboui'g : for who does not see that this was but 
preparatory to the foundation of the Legion of Honour ? A ser- 
geant of grenadiers, named Leon Aune, having been included in 
the first distribution, easily obtained permission to write to the 
first consul to thank him. Bonaparte wished to make a parade of 
answering him, and dictated to me the following letter for Aune : 

" I have received your letter, my brave comrade ; you had no occasion to remind 
me of your gallant behaviour; you are the bravest grenadier in the army, since the 
death of the brave Benezete. You have received one of the hundred sabres which I 
have distributed, and all agree that none deserve it better. 

" I wish much to see you again. The minister of war sends you an order to come 
to Paris." 

This cajolery to a soldier answered well the purpose which 
Bonaparte proposed. The letter to Aune could not fail of circu- 
lating through the whole army. Only think of the first consul, 
the greatest general of France, calling a sergeant his brave com- 
rade! who could have written so but a staunch republican, a true 
friend to equality? No more was wanting to raise the enthu- 
siasm of the army. At the same time Bonaparte began to find 
that he had too little room at the Luxembourg; and preparations 
were set on foot for a removal to the Tuileries. 

Nevertheless, this great step towards the reestablishment of 
monarchy required to be taken with prudence. It was of import- 
ance to do away with the idea that none but a king could inhabit 
the palace of our ancient kings: what, then, was to be done? 
They had brought from Italy a fine bust of Brutus, and Brutus 
had sacrificed tyrants. This was the very thing wanted; and 
David received instructions to place Junius Brutus in the gallery 
of the Tuileries. What more convincing proof of a horror of 
tyranny ? and as at the same time a bust could do no harm, all 
was in place; all perfectly reasonable. 

To sleep at the Tuileries, in the bed-chamber of the kings of 
France, was all that Bonaparte wished; the rest would follow, of 
course. He wished to establish a principle, the consequences 
of which would be afterwards deduced. Hence the affectation 
of never inserting in public documents the name of the Tuileries. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 135 

but designating that place solely as the palace of the government. 
The first preparations were sufficiently modest, for it was unbe- 
coming in a good republican to affect pomp. 

Nothing was a matter of indifference to Bonaparte. It was 
not merely at hazard that he selected the statues that were to 
decorate the grand gallery of the Tuileries. He chose, among 
the Greeks, Demosthenes and Alexander, to render homage at the 
same time to the genius of eloquence and the genius of conquest. 
Among the great men of modern times he gave the preference to 
Gustavus Adolphus, then to Turenne and the great Cond6; to 
Turenne, whose military talents he so much admired; to Conde, 
that it might be seen that there was nothing fearful in the recol- 
lection of a Bourbon; and to show, at the same time, that he 
knew how to render homage to all who deserved it. The recol- 
lection of the most glorious days of the French navy was recalled 
by the statue of Duguai Trouin; Marlborough and Prince 
Eugene had also their places in the gallery, as if witnesses of the 
disasters which closed the great reign ; and Marshal Saxe, as it 
were to show that the reign of Louis XV. had not been altogether 
without glory. Finally, the names of Dugommier, Dampierre, 
and Joubert, proclaimed to all the world the esteem which Bona- 
parte cherished for his former brothers in arms, who had become 
the victims of a cause which was no longer his. 

About the same time Bonaparte completed the formation of 
his council of state: he divided it into five sections; 1. The 
Interior; 2. The Finances; 3. The Marine; 4. That of War; 5. 
Legislation. He fixed the salaries of the councillors of state at 
twenty-five thousand francs, and that of the presidents of sections 
at thirty thousand francs. He settled the costume of the con- 
suls, the ministers, and the different bodies of the state. This led 
to the rtiintroduction of velvet, which had been proscribed with 
the ancient regime, and the reason assigned for the employment 
of this unrepublican article in the dresses of the consuls and min- 
isters was, that it would give encouragement to the manufactures 
of Lyons. Thus, in the most trifling details, it was the constant 
aim of Bonaparte to efface the idea of the republic, and to pre- 
pare matters so well, that the habits of the monarchy being 
restored, all that would at length be required would be the change 
of a name. I must at the same time say that the first consul 
despised the frivolities of dress : I do not even recollect having 
seen him in the consular costume, which he only consented to 
wear when he was obliged to do so at a public ceremony. The 
only dress he was fond of, and the only one in which he felt him- 
self at ease, was the modest costume of the camp; that in which 



136 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

he subdued the ancient Eridanus and the Nile: this was the 
uniform of the guides, a corps to which Bonaparte was sincerely 
attached, and which it must be avowed they well deserved; for, 
where else could be found such devotion, such firmness, such 
courage? 

A consular decision of another and more important nature had 
some time before — namely, about the beginning of winter — 
brought happiness to a great number of families. Bonaparte, as 
is known, had prepared the events of the 18th Fructidor, to give 
him plausible reasons for overthrowing the Directory. The 
Directory being overthrown, he wished, in part at least, to undo 
what had been done on the 18th Fructidor; he, therefore, caused 
tlie minister of pohce to present a report on the exiled persons. 
In consequence of this report, the first consul authorized forty of 
them to return to France, placing them, however, under the 
observation of the police, and assigning them their place of 
residence. The greatest part of these distinguished men, whom 
Bonaparte thus restored to their country, did not long remain 
under the surveillance of the police. A number of them were 
even shortly called to fill in the government those high functions 
to which their talents appeared to call them. It was, in fact, 
natural that Bonaparte, who wished, in appearance at least, to 
base his government on those principles of moderate republic- 
anism which had caused their exile, should recall them to second 
his views. Barrere wrote a justificatory letter to the first consul ; 
but he took no notice of it, for he could not go so far as to esteem 
Barrere, And thus he proceeded in calling to the councils of the 
consulate the men proscribed by the Directory, precisely as he 
afterwards called the emigrants, proscribed by the Republic, to 
the highest functions of the empire. The time and the men were 
different; but the intention was the same. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Secret Police ; Fouch6 ; Removal to the Tuileries ; the Review ; assumes the Prerogative of Mercy ; 
Contribution from Hambm-g; Josephine's Debts; Evening Walks with Bonaparte; Taste for 
Monuments and Improvements. 

Before removing to the Tuileries, the first consul organized 
his secret police, which he intended to serve as a sort of counter 
police to that under the direction of Fouche. Duroc and De 
Moncey were the first directors ; afterwards, Davoust and Junot. 
Madame Bonaparte called this a vile system of espionage ; and 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLKON BONAPARTE. 137 

my remarks upon the inutility of the measure were in vain. 
Bonaparte had the weakness to fear Fouche; and, at the same 
time, to consider him necessary. Fouche, whose talents in this 
way are too well known to require any approbation, soon discov- 
ered this institution, as well as its principal agents, and led them 
into many absurd reports; and in this way increased his own 
credit with Bonaparte. 

Of the three consuls to whom the 18th Brumaire gave birth, 
Bonaparte lost no time in declaring himself the eldest ; and it was 
easy to see, from the expressions that escaped him from time to 
time, that his ambition was by no means satisfied; and that the 
consulate was but a step towards arriving at the complete estab- 
lishment of monarchical unity. The Luxembourg became too 
small to contain the chief of the government, and it was resolved 
that Bonaparte should inhabit the Tuileries. The 30th Pluviose, 
the day for quitting it, having arrived, at seven o'clock in the 
morning I entered, as usual, the chamber of the first consul : he i 
was in a profound sleep, and this was one of the days on which 
he desired me to let him sleep a little longer. I have already 
remarked that General Bonaparte was less moved at the moment 
of executing designs that he had projected, than at the moment 
of their conception. Such facility had he in considering that 
which he had determined upon as already executed. On my 
i-eturn, he said to me, with an air of marked satisfaction, "Well, 
Bourriennd, we shall at length sleep at the Tuileries; you are 
very fortunate, you are not obliged to make a show of yourself; 
you may go in your own way : but as for myself, I must go in a 
procession; this is what I dislike; but we must have a display; 
this is what people like. The Directory was too simple ; it there- 
fore enjoyed no consideration. With the army, simplicity is in 
its place ; but, in a great city, in a palace, it is necessary that the 
chief of the state should draw attention on himself by all possible 
means ; but we must move with caution. My wife will see the 
review from the apartments of Lebrun: go, if you will, with her; 
but meet me in the cabinet as soon as you see me dismount." 

At one o'clock precisely, Bonaparte left the Luxembourg. 
The procession, doubtless, was far from exhibiting that magnifi- 
cence which characterized those under the empire ; but it had all 
the pomp which the existing state of affairs in France authorized. 
The only real splendour of that period was, the magnificent 
appearance of the troops ; and three thousand picked men, among 
whom was the superb regiment of the guides, were assembled for 
the occasion. All marched in the finest order, with their bands 
playing. The generals and their staff were on horseback ; the 

12* 



138 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. 

ministers in their carriages. The consular carriage alone was 
drawn by six white horses, which recalled the memory of glory 
and of peace. These beautiful horses had been presented to the 
first consul by the Emperor of Germany, after the treaty of 
Campo-Formio. Bonaparte also wore the magnificent sabre 
which had been given to him by the Emperor Francis. In the 
same carriage with the first consul were his colleagues Camba- 
ceres and Lebrun. Every where upon his route through a con- 
siderable part of Paris he was received with shouts of joy, which, 
on this occasion at least, had no necessity to be ordered by the 
police. The approaches to the Tuileries were lined by the 
guards, a royal usage, which contrasted singularly with an inscrip- 
tion over the entrance through which Bonaparte passed: "The 
10th OF August, 1792. Royalty is abolished in France, and 
SHALL never BE REESTABLISHED!" It was already reestablished. 

The troops being drawn up in the square, the first consul, 
alighting from his carriage, mounted, or, to speak more cor- 
rectly, leaped, on his horse, and reviewed the troops, while the 
other two consuls ascended to the apartments where the Council 
of State and the ministers attended them, A number of elegant 
females, dressed in the Grecian costume, which was then the 
fashion, filled the windows; from every quarter there was an 
influx of spectators impossible to describe, and from every quarter, 
as if from a single voice, were heard acclamations of "'Lo7ig live 
the First Consul!" Who would not have been intoxicated by 
such enthusiasm? 

The first consul prolonged the review for some time, passed 
between the lines, addressing flattering expressions to the com- 
manders of corps. He then placed himself near the entrance to 
the Tuileries, having Murat on his right, Lannes on his left, and 
behind him a numerous staff of young warriors, whose faces were 
browned by the suns of Egypt and of Italy, and who had each 
been engaged in more combats than he numbered years. When 
he saw pass before him the colours of the ninety-sixth, the forty- 
third, and the thirtieth demi-brigade, as these standards presented 
only a bare pole, surmounted by some tatters, perforated by balls, 
and blackened with gunpowder, he took off his hat, and bent to 
them in token of respect. This homage of a great captain to 
standards mutilated on the field of battle, was hailed by a thousand 
acclamations, and the troops having defiled, the first consul, with 
a bold step, ascended the staircase of the Tuileries. 

The part of the general was finished for the day, and now 
began that of the chief of the state, for even at this time the first 
consul was himself the consulate. I will here relate a fact which 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 139 

contributed not a little in determining Bonaparte to become in 
reality the chief over his colleagues. It will not be forgotten, that 
when Roger Ducos and Sieyes bore the title of consuls, the three 
members of the consulate were equal, if not in fact, at least in 
right. Cambaceres and Lebrun having replaced them, Talleyrand 
was called to succeed M. Rhunhart, as minister of foreign affairs. 
He was admitted to a private audience in the cabinet of the first 
consul, where I also was. Talleyrand addressed Bonaparte in 
the following words, whfich I have never forgotten: "Citizen 
Consul," said he, "you have confided to me the ministry of foreign 
affairs, and I will justify your confidence ; but I think it right to 
declare that I will transact business with you alone. There is in 
this no vain pride upon my side: I speak to you solely for the 
interests of France, in order to her being well governed; that 
there may be unity of action, it is indispensable that you should 
be first consul, and that the first consul should have the manage- 
ment of all that relates directly to politics; that is to say, the 
home and police departments, the department of foreign relations, 
and those of the war and admiralty. It will, therefore, be alto- 
gether proper, that the ministers of the five departments transact 
business with you alone; and, if you will permit me to say it, 
general, the direction of legal affairs, the administration of justice, 
should be given to the second consul, who is a very able lawyer; 
and to the third consul, who is an excellent financier, the manage- 
ment of the public revenue. This will occupy and amuse them, 
and you, general, having at your disposal the vital powers of 
government, will be enabled to attain the noble object which you 
have proposed to yourself, the regeneration of France." 

These remarkable words were not such as Bonaparte could 
hear with indifference ; they were too much in accord with his 
secret wishes, not to be listened to with pleasure. As soon as 
Talleyrand had gone : " Do you know, Bourrienne," said he, " that 
Talleyrand gives good counsel ; he is a man of excellent sense." 
— "General, such is the* opinion of all who know him." — "Talley- 
rand," added he, with a smile, "is no fool; he has penetrated my 
designs. What he has advised, you know well I wish to do. He 
is right; but one stroke more: — they walk quick who walk alone. 
Lebrun is an honest man, but he has no head for politics ; he 
makes books. Cambaceres has too many traditions of the revo- 
lution. My government must be entirely new." 

Before taking possession of the Tuileries, we had frequently 
visited the place, to see how the repairs, or, to speak more cor- 
rectly, the white washings, ordered by Bonaparte, advanced. At 
the beginning, seeing the number of caps of liberty which they 



140 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

had painted upon the walls, he said to M. Lecomte, then the 
architect employed at the Tuileries, "wash out all those things; I 
won't have any such fooleries." 

The first consul himself pointed out the slight changes which 
he wished to be made in the apartment destined for himself A 
bed of ceremony was placed in an apartment, joining his cabinet. 
But he slept there but rarely, for Bonaparte had • the simplest 
tastes, and loved external splendour only as a means of imposing 
upon men. To speak in the language of common life, at the 
Luxembourg, at Malmaison, and during the first period of his 
residence at the Tuileries, Bonaparte always slept with his wife. 
Every night he descended to Josephine's apartment, by a small 
staircase opening into a wardrobe, adjoining his cabinet, and 
which had formerly been the oratory of Mary de Medicis. I 
never entered Bonaparte's bed-room but by this little staircase, 
and by which he also came to our cabinet. 

As to our cabinet, or office, where I have seen so many events 
prepared, so many great and so many little affairs transacted, and 
where I have passed so many hours of my, life, I can at this day 
give the most minute description of it, for the amusement of 
those who take an interest in such details. There were two 
tables placed in it ; one, extremely beautiful, for the first consul, 
stood nearly in the centre of the apartment, and his arm-chair was 
turned with its back to the fire-place, having the window to the 
right. To the right again was a small apartment for Duroc, by 
which also was a communication with the attendant in "waiting, 
and with the state apartments. My table, which was very plain, 
stood near the window, whence in summer I enjoyed the prospect 
of the tufted foliage of the chesnut trees ; but in order to see the 
promenaders in the gardens, I was obliged to rise up : a little to 
the right, was a door which led to the bed-chamber of ceremony, 
already spoken of; and farther on, the hall of audience, on the 
ceiling of which Lebi-un had painted the effigy of Louis XIV. 
A tri-colored cockade pasted upon the forehead of the great king, 
bore witness to the turpitude and imbecility of the Convention. 
The consular, afterwards the imperial, cabinet has bequeathed me 
many recollections, and, in reading these pages, I trust the reader 
will be of opinion that I have not forgotten them all. 

We were now at last in the Tuileries! On the morning after 
the day so long wished for, after sleeping in the palace of kings, 
I addressed Bonaparte, on entering his chamber: "Well, general, 
here you are at last, without difficulty, and amid the acclamations 
of the people. Do you recollect what you said to me, two years 
since, in the rue St. Anne? — 'I might make myself king now, but 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 141 

it is not time yet!' " "Yes, very true; I recollect it. See what 
it is to have the mind set upon a thing: it is not yet two years. 
Do you think we have managed affairs badly during that time? 
In fact, I am very well satisfied; yesterday's affair went off well. 
Do you think that all those people who came to pay their court 
to me were sincere? Certainly not, but the joy of the people was 
real ; the people know what is right ! Besides, consult the great 
thermometer of public opinion, the public funds; the 17th Bru- 
maire, at eleven — the 20th, sixteen — to-day, twenty-one. In this 
state of things, I can allow the Jacobins to chatter, but they must 
not speak too loud." 

As soon as he was dressed, we went to walk in the gallery of 
Diana; he examined the statues which had been placed there by his 
orders, and appeared to be quite at home in his new residence. 
Among other things, he said, "Bourrienne, to be at the Tuileries 
is not all ; we must remain here. Who are they who have inhab- 
ited this palace ? Ruffians — the conventionists ! Stop a moment 
— there is your brother's house. Was it not from thence that we 
beheld the Tuileries besieged, and the good Louis XVI. carried 
off? But be tranquil ; let them try it again." 

The ancient usages of royalty made their way, by little and 
little, into the former abodes of royalty. Among the rights 
attached to the crown, and which the constitution did not give 
to the first consul, was one which he greatly desired — the right of 
pardoning; and which, by the most happy of all usurpations, he 
arrogated to himself When the imperious necessities of his 
political situation — to which, in fact, he sacrificed every thing — 
did not interpose, the saving of life afforded him the highest satis- 
faction : he would even have thanked those to whom he rendered 
such a service, for the opportunity they had afforded him of doing 
so. Such was the consul — I do not speak of the emperor. 
Bonaparte, first consul, was accessible to the solicitations of friend- 
ship in favour of the proscribed. Of this, the following fact, which 
touched me so nearly, offers an incontestable proof 

When we were still at the Luxembourg, M. Defeu, a French 
emigrant, had been taken in the Tyrol, with arms in his hands, by 
the republican troops. He was brought to Grenoble, and con- 
fined in the military prison of that town. The laws against emi- 
grants taken in arms were terrible, and the judges dared not be 
indulgent. Tried in the morning — condemned during the course 
of the day, and shot in the evening — such Vv^as the usual course. 
A relation of mine, daughter of M. de Poitrincourt, came from 
Sens to Paris to inform me of the frightful situation of M. Defeu, 
who was allied to some of the most honorable families in Sens, 
where every one felt for him the most lively interest. 



142 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

I had stepped out for a few moments to speak to Mademoiselle 
de Poitrincourt. On my return, I found the first consul surprised 
at my absence, as I was not in the habit of quitting the cabinet 
without his knowledge. "Where have you been?" said he. "To 
see a relation who has a favour to entreat of you." "What is 
it?" I then related to him the melancholy situation of M. Defeu. 
His first answer was terrible. "No mercy!" said he; "no mercy 
for emigrants ! The man who fights against his country, is a child 
who would kill his mother." This first burst of anger being over, 
I pressed him again ; I represented the youth of M. Defeu — the 
good effect which clemency would produce. "Well, then," said 
he, write, "The first consul orders the judgment on M. Defeu to 
be suspended." He signed this laconic order — I forwarded it to 
General Ferino, informed my cousin, and awaited in tranquillity 
the termination of the affair. 

Scarcely had I entered the apartment of the first consul the 
next morning, when he said to me, "Well, Bourrienne, you do 
not speak to me about M. Defeu; are you satisfied?" "General, 
I cannot find words to express my gratitude." "Very well, but I 
do not like to do things by halves. Write to Ferino, that I desire 
M. Defeu may be immediately liberated. I make perhaps one 
who will prove ungrateful. But we can't help that — so much the 
worse for him. In such cases, Bourrienne, never be afraid to 
speak to me — when I refuse, it is because I cannot do otherwise." 

I sent off", at my own expense, an extraordinary courier, who * 
arrived in time to save the life of M. Defeu. His mother, whose 
only son he was, and his uncle, came from Sens to Paris to 
express to me their gratitude. I saw tears of joy fall from the 
eyes of his mother, who, according to all probability, had been 
destined to shed those of the most bitter sorrow. M. Defeu is 
now living at Sens, the happy father of three children. 

Emboldened by this success, and by the kind expressions of the 
first consul, I ventured to solicit a pardon for M. de Frotte, a 
Vendean chief, who had been warmly recommended to me. 
Count Louis de Frotte had set himself in opposition to every effort 
for the pacification of La Vendee. At length, broken down by a 
succession of unfortunate battles, he was himself obliged to make 
those advances which he had formerly rejected. He addressed to 
General Guidal a letter containing proposals for a peace. A safe 
conduct was sent him to repair to Alencon. Unfortunately for M. 
Frotte, General Guidal was not the only person with whom he 
corresponded ; for while availing himself of the safe conduct, he 
sent a letter to his lieutenants, in which he counselled them on no 
account to submit, or agree to lay down their arms. This letter 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 143 

being intercepted, gave to his pacific propositions the appearance 
of a fraud, and the more so, as in a former manifesto he had 
spoken of the criminal enterprise of Bonaparte, which must soon 
terminate. 

I had more difficulty now than in the affair of M. Defeu, in 
prevailing on the first consul to exercise his clemency ; however, 
I pressed the affair so much, I exerted myself so warmly in repre- 
senting the good effects which such an act of mercy would pro- 
duce, that I at length obtained an order to respite judgment. 
What a lesson did I then receive of the misfortunes consequent 
on a loss of time! Not knowing that matters had advanced so 
far as they had, I did not instantly despatch the courier charged 
with the order for suspending judgment. The minister of police 
had already marked his victim, and he never lost time when he 
had in view to inflict an injury ; having determined, for what rea- 
son I do not know, upon the destruction of M. de Frott6, he for- 
warded an order for his immediate execution. The count was 
tried and condemned on the 28th Pluviose, and shot the next day, 
the horrible precipitation of the minister rendering of no effect 
the result of my solicitations. I have reason to think that in the 
interval the first consul had received some fresh secret charge 
against M. de Frotte, for on learning his death, he appeared quite 
indifferent; he merely said to me, with unusual bitterness, "You 
must take your measures better; you see it is not my fault." 

Of all the actions of Louis XIV., that which Bonaparte admired 
the most was his having obliged the envoys of Genoa to come to 
Paris, to apologize for the Doge. The least slight offered in a for- 
eign country to the rights and dignity of France put him beside 
himself He evinced this desire to make the French government 
respected in a matter which, at the time, made great noise, but 
which, notwithstanding, terminated amicably by means of that 
great peace-maker — Gold. 

Two Irishmen, Napper Tandy and Blackwell, domiciled in 
France, and whose names appeared in the lists of the officers of 
the French army, had retired to Hamburg. The English gov- 
ernment having claimed them as traitors to their country, they 
were delivered up; and as the French government considered 
them also as subjects of France, their surrender gave occasion to 
violent complaints against the Senate of Hamburg. 

Blackwell was said to have been a chief of the United Irish- 
men ; he had become naturalized in France, and had attained the 
rank of chief of squadron. Sent upon a secret mission to Norway, 
the vessel in which he embarked was wrecked on the coast of 
that kingdom. He made his way to Hamburg, where the author- 



144 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

ities arrested him on the demand of Mr. Crawford, the English 
minister; and, after having been confined a year, he was sent to 
England to be tried. The French government interfered, and 
saved his life, if not his liberty. 

Napper Tandy was one of the founders of the society of United 
Irishmen : and to escape the persecutions to which his political 
sentiments subjected him from the English government, he fled to 
Hamburg with the intention of passing into Sweden. Proscribed 
by the Irish Parliament, he was given up by the Senate, more anx- 
ious at the time to conciliate the government of England than that 
of France. Being carried a prisoner to Ireland, and condemned to 
death, he owed the suspension of his sentence to the remonstrances 
of France. He remained two years in prison, but M. Otto, who 
negotiated the preliminaries of peace with Lord Hawkesbury, 
obtained his liberation, and he was sent back to France. The first 
consul threatened a terrible vengeance ; but the Senate of Ham- 
burg addressed him a letter in justification of its conduct, and 
strengthened this justification by a remittance of four and a half 
milUons of francs. This softened him greatly. It was in some 
sort a remembrance of Egypt. One of those pleasing extortions to 
which the general had accustomed the pachas, except that this 
time the Treasury did not see a franc of it. 

I kept, during eight days, the four millions and a half in Dutch 
bonds in my desk. Bonaparte then determined on their distribu- 
tion. After paying, as we shall presently see, the debts of Josephine, 
and the heavy expenses incurred at Malmaison, he gave me a list 
of persons to whom he wished to make presents. He never men- 
tioned my name, and consequently I was spared the pain of writing 
it; but, some time after, he said to me, with the most engaging 
kindness, " Bourrienne, I gave you none of that Hamburg money ; 
but I am going to make you amends." He then took from his 
drawer a large sheet of paper printed, with blanks filled up in his 
own writing, and saying, " Here is a bill of exchange for three hun- 
dred thousand Italian livres upon the Cisalpine Republic, for the 
price of cannons sold them; I give it you." On casting my eye 
over it, however, I perceived that the bill was long over due, and 
that he had allowed it to run out without troubling himself about 
it. "But, general," said I, "this bill has been long due — the parties 
are all exonerated." "France has engaged to pay these sort of 
debts," said he ; " send the bill to M. Fermont, he will liquidate it 
for three per cent." I thanked him, and I sent the bill as desired, 
to M. Fermont. I received for answer that the claim had fallen 
into arrear, and could not be paid, not falling under any of the 
classifications provided for by the law. By order of the gen- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 145 

eral I wrote again, but received a second refusal. "Well," said he, 
with the tone of a man who appeared to have anticipated such 
an answer, "what the devil am I to do? — you see the laws are 
against us !" To be short, the Cisalpine Republic kept the cannons 
and the money, and the first consul kept the bill. For myself, I 
never received any money whatever. 

I never had, either from the general-in-chief of the army of Italy, 
nor from the general-in-chief of the army of Egypt, nor under the 
first consul for ten years, nor under the first consul for life, any fixed 
salary ; I took from his drawer what I wanted for my own expenses, 
as well as his : he never asked me for an account. After his present 
of a bill on the insolvent Cisalpine Republic, he said to me at the 
beginning of the winter of 1800, "Bourrienne, the weather grows 
cold; I shall be but seldom at Malmaison. Go, while I am at the 
council, for my papers and little effects : here is the key of my desk ; 
bring away whatever you find in it." I got into a coach at two, and 
returned at six. He was at dinner. I laid upon the table of his 
cabinet divers matters which I had taken from his desk, and fifteen 
thousand francs in bank notes, which I found in the corner of a little 
drawer. When he came up, he said, "Why, here's money ; where 
did you get this ?" I replied, that it was in the desk. " Ah," said he, 
"I had forgotten it; it was for my petty expenses. Here, keep it." 

I have already stated the disbursement of the four millions and 
a half extorted from the Senate of Hamburg, in the afTair of Napper 
Tandy and Blackwell. The whole, however, was not given away 
in presents ; there was a considerable sum destined to discharge the 
debts of Josephine ; but the management of this affair requires some 
observations. 

The estate of Malmaison had cost one hundred and sixty thou- 
sand francs : Josephine had purchased it while we were in Egypt. 
Many improvements had been made, and considerable additions to 
the beautiful park. All this was not done for nothing ; besides which, 
a considerable part of the purchase money remained unpaid; and 
this was not the only debt of Josephine. Creditors murmured. 
This had a bad effect in Paris ; and, I confess, I was so apprehen- 
sive of the first burst of the consul's displeasure, that I deferred 
speaking to him on the subject to the very last. ' It was therefore 
with much satisfaction I learned that this had already been done 
by M. Talleyrand. No one, as the phrase is, knew better how to 
gild a pill for Bonaparte. Endowed with as much independence of 
character as of mind, he did him the service, at the risk of offending 
him, to tell him, that a great number of the creditors expressed 
their discontent, in bitter complaints, respecting the debts con-- 
tracted by Madame Bonaparte during his campaign in the east. 
K 13 



146 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Bonaparte felt it advisable to remove promptly the occasion of 
these complaints It v^as one night, at half-past eleven o'clock, 
that Talleyrand broke this delicate matter to him. As soon as 
he was gone, I entered the little apartment v^here Bonaparte 
remained alone; "Bourrienne," said he to me, "Talleyrand has 
been speaking to me about my wife's debts. I have that Ham- 
bm'g money; learn from her their exact amount; let her state the 
whole. I wish to finish, and not to begin again; but do not pay 
until you show me the accounts of those rascals. They are a 
band of robbers." 

Till then the apprehension of a terrible scene, the mere idea of 
which made Josephine tremble, had always prevented my opening 
the affair to the first consul ; but, happy that Talleyrand had first 
mentioned it, I resolved to do every thing in my power to put an 
end to this disagreeable affair. 

On the morrow I saw Josephine; she was delighted with the 
dispositions of her husband ; but this did not last long. When I 
asked her for the exact amount of what she owed, she entreated 
me not to insist upon it, and to be satisfied with what she would 
confess. I said to her, " Madam, I cannot deceive you as to the 
dispositions of the first consul. He is aware that you owe a con- 
siderable sum, and he is disposed to discharge it. You will have 
to endure some cutting reproaches, and a violent scene, I have 
no doubt; but this scene will be the same for the sums you may 
acknowledge, as for a still more considerable amount. If you 
conceal any material part of your debts, in a short time the mur- 
murs will recommence, and they will reach the ears of the first 
consul; then his anger will burst out again with greater violence. 
Be advised by me; confess all. The results will be the same, 
and you will have to hear but once the disagreeable things he will 
say to you; by concealment, you will renew them incessantly." 
She replied, "I can never tell all, that is impossible; do me the 
favour to conceal what I am about to divulge to you: I owe, I 
believe, nearly one million two hundred thousand francs, but I 
cannot own to more than six hundred thousand; I will contract 
no more debts, and I will pay the remainder, by degrees, out of 
my savings." " Here, madam," said I, " I recur to my first observa- 
tions. As I do not believe that he estimates your debts at so 
much as six hundred thousand francs, I will engage that you will 
not experience more displeasure for one million two hundi'ed 
thousand than you will for six hundred thousand; and by stating 
the full amount, you will get rid of the whole at once." "I can 
never do it, Bourrienne," said she; "I know him; I could never 
support his violence." After a quarter of an hour's discussion on 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 147 

the same subject, I was obliged to yield to her pressing entreaties, 
and to promise to mention six hundred thousand francs only to 
the first consul. 

The indignation of the first consul may be imagined, and he 
rightly judged that his wife had concealed something. He said 
to me, "Well, take these six hundred thousand francs; but this 
sum must discharge her debts; and let me be troubled no more 
about the matter. I authorize you to threaten these tradesmen, 
if they do not consent to reduce their enormous demands; and we 
must teach them not to be so ready in giving credit." Madame 
Bonaparte gave me all their bills. The extravagant prices which 
the fear of having long to wait for their money had induced them 
to charge, can scarcely be imagined. 

At length, I had the good fortune, after the most violent squab- 
bling, to settle the whole for six hundred thousand francs. But 
Madame Bonaparte soon fell into similar excesses. Happily, money 
had become more plentiful. This inconceivable rage for expense 
became for her almost the sole cause of all her unhappiness ; her 
thoughtless profusion rendered disorder permanent in her house- 
hold, until the period of the second marriage of Bonaparte, when 
she became, as I have been informed, more careful. I cannot say 
so much for her when empress, in 1804. 

At Paris, I quitted Bonaparte more rarely than at Malmaison. 
Sometimes we walked of an evening in the gardens of the 
Tuileries. He always waited till the gates were closed. In these 
evening rambles he wore a gray surtout, and a round hat ; when 
challenged by the sentinels, I was instructed to answer, "The 
first consul." These promenades, which were of much benefit 
both to Bonaparte and myself, as a relaxation from our labours, 
resembled a good deal those which we had at Malmaison; but 
our walks in town were frequently very amusing. 

During the early part of our residence at the Tuileries, when I 
saw Bonaparte enter his cabinet at eight o'clock in the evening, 
in his gray surtout, I knew that he was about to say to me, 
"Bourrienne, let us take a turn." Sometimes then, instead of 
going out by the arcade of the garden, we passed by the little 
gate leading to the apartments of the Duke d'AngouIeme. He 
would take my arm, and we went on making small purchases in 
the shops of the Rue St. Honore, seldom extending our excur- 
sions farther than the Rue de I'Arbre Sec, while I affected to 
examine the articles we appeared to wish to purchase, he under- 
took the part of questioner. Nothing could be more amusing 
than to see him endeavouring to assume the careless manners of 
the young man of fashion. How awkward his attempts at the 



148 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

airs of a dandy, when, adjusting his cravat, he would say, " Well, 
madam, is there any thing new to-day? Citizen, what do they 
say of Bonaparte? Your shop appears to be well furnished, you 
ought to have a great many customers. What do people say of 
Bonaparte ?" How happy was he one day, when we were obliged 
to retreat with precipitation from a shop, to avoid the abuse 
which the irreverent manner in which Bonaparte spoke of the 
first consul had brought upon us! 

The destruction of men and the construction of monuments 
were things entirely in unison in the mind of Bonaparte ; and it 
might be said, that his passion for monuments was nearly equal 
to his passion for war. But as, in all things, he had a dislike for 
what was sordid and mean, he preferred vast erections as he loved 
great battles. The appearance of the colossal ruins of Egypt had 
contributed not a little to develop in him his natural taste for 
great erections. It was not the edifices themselves that he valued, 
but the historical recollections they perpetuate, the great names 
they consecrate, and the great events they record. Why, in fact, 
should we value the column which we see, on arriving at Alexan- 
dria, were it not the column of Pompey? It is for artists to 
descant on its proportions and its ornaments ; for the learned, to 
explain its inscriptions; but the name of Pompey recommends it 
to the world. 

In endeavouring to sketch the character of Bonaparte, I ought 
to have spoken of his taste for monuments ; for, without this char- 
acteristic trait, something essential would have been wanting in 
filling up the portrait. But although this taste, or, to speak more 
correctly, this passion, held a principal place in his thoughts and 
projects of glory, it did not prevent him from appreciating equally 
projects of amelioration of lesser importance. His genius would 
have great monuments to eternize the recollections of his glory; 
but, at the same time, his good sense enabled him to appreciate 
truly every thing that was of real utility. He could seldom be 
charged with rejecting any plan without examination, and this 
examination was not long; for his habitual tact enabled him, at a 
glance, to see things in their true light. 

The recollection of the superb Necropolis of Cairo recurred 
frequently to Bonaparte's mmd. He had admired that city of the 
dead ; to the peopling of which, he had contributed not a little ; 
and he designed to establish, at the four cardinal points of Paris, 
four vast cemeteries, on the plan of that at Cairo, which had so 
rivetted his attention. 

Bonaparte determined that all the new streets in Paris should 
be forty feet wide, with foot pavements; in a word, nothing 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 149 

appeared to him too magnificent for the embellishment of the cap- 
ital of a country which he wished to make the first in the world. 
Next to war, this was the first object of his ambition. The two 
ideas were commingled in his mind; so much so, that he never 
considered a victory complete till it had received its appropriate 
monument to carry down its recollections to posterity. Glory — 
continual glory for France as well as for himself How often has 
he said to me, after conversing on his grand schemes, "Bour- 
rienne, it is for France that I do this; all that I wish, all that I 
desire, the object of all my labours, is, that my name shall be for 
ever connected with the name of France!" , 

Paris is not the only city, nor is France the only kingdom, 
which bears traces of the passion of Napoleon for great and use- 
ful monuments. In Belgium, in Holland, in Piedmont, in the 
kingdom of Italy, wherever he had an imperial residence, he exe- 
cuted great improvements. At Turin, a magnificent bridge was 
constructed over the Po, in place of the old one, which had fallen 
to ruin. How many things undertaken and executed under a 
reign so short and so eventful! The communications were diffi- 
cult between Metz and Mayence. A magnificent road was formed, 
as if it were by magic, and carried in a direct line through impassa- 
ble marshes and trackless forests ; mountains opposed themselves, 
they were cut through ; ravines presented obstacles, they were 
filled up; and very soon one of the finest roads in Europe was 
opened to commerce. He would not allow nature, any more than 
man, to resist him. 

In his great works of bridges and roads, Bonaparte had always 
in view to remove the obstacles and barriers which nature had 
placed to the limits of ancient France, and the better to unite the 
provinces which he added successively to the empire. Thus, a 
road, level as the walk of a garden, replaced in Savoy the precipi- 
tous passes in the wood of Bramant, and thus the passage of Mont 
Cenis, on the summit of which he erected a barrack, and intended 
to have built a town, became a pleasant promenade at almost all 
seasons of the year. The Simplon was obliged to bow its head 
before the mattocks and the mines of the engineers of France; 
and Bonaparte might say, " There are now no Alps," with greater 
reason than Louis XIV. said, " There are now no Pyrenees." 

13* 



150 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Louis XVin. writes to Bonaparte ; Bonaparte's Answer ; Conversation on the subject ; Bonaparte 
and Paul I. ; Lord Wtiitwortli ; Paul's Admiration of Bonaparte. 

The importance of events varies with the times of their occur- 
rence. An affair which passes away unnoticed, may be rendered 
of consequence by events which subsequently ensue. This reflec- 
tion naturally presents itself to my mind, when I am about to speak 
of the correspondence which Louis XVIII. sought to open with 
the first consul. It certainly is not one of the least interesting 
passages in the life of Bonaparte. While the empire appeared to 
rest upon a sure foundation, it might be considered but as a mat- 
ter of curiosity ; but since the happy restoration of the Bourbons, 
the question of their reestablishment on the throne assumes a 
more elevated character, and it is necessary to relate facts with a 
scrupulous exactness. I shall therefore lay before the reader the 
text of this correspondence, and the curious circumstances con- 
nected with it. The letter of Louis XVIII. ran thus: 

"Whatever may be their apparent conduct, men like you, sir, never inspire alarm. 
You have accepted an eminent station, and I thank you for it. You know better than 
any one the strength and power necessary to ensure the happiness of a great nation. 
Save France from her own violence, and you will have gratified the first wish of my 
heart ; restore to her her king, and future generations will bless your memory. You 
will always be too necessary to the state for me to be able to discharge, by important 
appointments, the debt of my family and my own. Louis." 

The first consul was much agitated on the receipt of this letter; 
although he every day declared his determination to have nothing 
to do with the princes, he considered whether he should reply to 
this overture. The pressure of affairs which then occupied his 
attention favoured this hesitation, and he was in no haste to reply. 
I ought to mention that Josephine and Hortense entreated him to 
give the king hopes, as, by doing so, that would not pledge him to 
any thing, and would afford him time to see whether he might not 
in the end play -a more distinguished part than that of Monk. 
Their entreaties were so urgent, that he one day said to me, 
"These devils of women are mad. The Faubourg St. Germain 
has turned their heads! they have made it their guardian-angel; 
but that is of no consequence, I will have nothing to do with them." 
Madame Bonaparte told me, that she urged him to this step, lest 
he should think of making himself king, the expectation of which 
always raised in her mind a painful foreboding, which she could 
never overcome.* 

* A strong impression of the fate that awaited her, had been made on her mind 
during Bonaparte's absence in Egypt. She, like many other ladies of Paris, went at 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 151 

In the numerous conversations which the first consul had with 
me, he discussed, with admirable sagacity, the proposition of Louis 
XVIII. and its consequences. But he said, "the partisans of the 
Bourbons deceive themselves much, if they imagine that I am a 
man to play the part of Monk." The matter rested here, and the 
king's letter remained upon the table. During this interval, Louis 
XVIIL wrote a second letter without date. It was as follows : 

" For a length of time, general, you must be aware that you possess my esteem. 
If you doubt my gratitude, name your reward, and fix that of your friends. As to my 
principles, I am a Frenchman. Merciful by character, I am still more so from the dic- 
tates of reason. No, the conqueror of Lodi, of Castiglione, of Areola, the conqueror 
of Italy and Egypt, cannot prefer a vain celebrity to true glory. But you are losing 
precious time. We may ensure the glory of France. I say we, because I require the 
assistance of Bonaparte, and he can do nothing without me. General, Europe observes 
you. Glory awaits you, and I am impatient to restore peace to my people. 

(Signed) " Louis." 

The first consul allowed some time to elapse before he replied to 
this letter, so noble and dignified. At length he wished to dictate 
one to me. I begged to observe to him that the letters of the king 
were autographs, and that it appeared more suitable that he him- 
self should write a reply. He then wrote as follows : 

" Sir : I have received your letter : I thank you for the handsome manner in which 
you have spoken of me. 

" You ought not to wish to return to France ; to do so, you must march over one 
hundred thousand dead bodies. 

" Sacrifice your interest to the repose and happiness of France, and history will 
render you justice. 

" I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family, and shall learn with pleasure, 
that you are surrounded with all that can contribute to the tranquiUity of your retire- 
ment. ^ " Bonaparte." 

By these general expressions, he pledged himself to nothing, 
not even in words. Every day that augmented his power, and 
strengthened his position, diminished, in his opinion, the chances 
of the Bourbons; and seven months were allowed to elapse 
between the receipt of the king's first letter and the answer of the 
first consul. 

Some days after the receipt of Louis XVIII. 's letter, we were 
walking in the gardens at Malmaison; he was in good humour, for 
every thing was going on to his mind. "Has my wife been speak- 
ing to you of the Bourbons?" said he. "No, general." "But 
when you converse with her, you lean a little to her opinions; tell 

that time to consult a celebrated fortune-teller, a Madame Villeneuve, who lived in the 
Rue de Lancry. This woman had revealed her destiny as follows: "You are," said 
she, "the wife of a great general, who will become still greater. He will cross the 
seas which separate him from you, and you will occupy the first station in France, but, 
it will be only for a short time." 



152 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

me, now, why do you desire their return ? you have no interest in 
their return; nothing to expect from them. Your rank is not 
sufficiently elevated to allow you to look to any great post. You 
will never be any thing with them. It is true, that through the 
interest of M. de Chambonas, you were named secretary of lega- 
tion at Stuttgard ; but had no change happened, you would have 
remained there all your life, or in an inferior situation. Have you 
ever seen men rise under kings by merit alone?" "General," said 
I, " I am quite of your opinion on one point. I have never received 
any thing under the Bourbons; neither gifts, nor places, nor 
favours; neither have I the vanity to suppose that I should have 
ever risen to any conspicuous station. But it is not myself I con- 
sider, but all France. I believe you will continue to hold your 
power as long as you live ; but you have no children, and it is 
pretty certain you never will by Josephine. What are we to do 
when you are gone — what is to become of us? You have often 

said to me that your brothers were not " Here he interrupted 

me, "Ah, as to that, you are right; if I do not live thirty yeai-s to 
finish my work, you will, when I am dead, have long civil wars : 
my brothers do not suit France, you know them. You will then 
have a violent contest among the most distinguished generals, each 
of whom will think he has a right to take my place." " Well then, 
general, why do you not endeavour to remedy those evils which 
you foresee ?" " Do you suppose I have never thought of that ? but 
weigh well the difficulties that are in my way. In case of a 
restoration, what is to become of those who have voted for the 
death of the king, the men who were conspicuous in the revolu- 
tion, the national domains, and a multitude of things done during 
the last twelve years? Do you suppose there would be no reac- 
tion?" "General, need I recall to your recollection, that Louis 
XVIII., in his letter, guarantees the contrary of all you apprehend? 
I know what will be your answer; but are you not in a situation 
to impose any conditions you may think fit? Grant, at that price, 
but what they ask of you. There is no need of haste. Take three 
or four years; you can in that time establish the happiness of 
France, by institutions conformable to her wants. Custom and 
habit would give them a force that it would not be easy to destroy, 
and even if such an intention were entertained, it could not suc- 
ceed." "Depend upon it," said he, "the Bourbons will think they 
have reconquered their inheritance, and will dispose of it as they 
please. Engagements the most sacred, promises the most posi- 
tive, will disappear before force. None but fools will trust them. 
My mind is made up, let us say no more upon the subject ; but I 
know how these women torment you — let them mind their knit- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 153 

ting, and leave me to mind my own affairs." The women knitted — 
I wrote at my desk — he made himself emperor — the empire has 
fallen to pieces — he is dead in St. Helena — and the Bourbons have 
been restored. 

"The first relations between Bonaparte and Paul I. commenced 
a short time after the accession to the consulate. Affairs then 
began to look a little less unfavourable : already vague reports from 
Switzerland and the banks of the Rhine indicated a coldness exist- 
ing between the Russians and Austrians ; and, at the same time, 
symptoms of a misunderstanding between the courts of London 
and St. Petersburg began to be perceptible. The first consul hav- 
ing, in the mean time, discovered the chivalrous and somewhat 
eccentric character of Paul I., thought the moment a propitious one 
to attempt breaking the bonds which united Russia and England. 
He was not the man to allow so fine an opportunity to pass, and 
he took advantage of it with his ordinary sagacity. The English 
had some time before refused to comprehend in a cartel for the 
exchange of prisoners seven thousand Russians taken in Holland. 
Bonaparte ordered them all to be armed, and clothed in new 
uniforms appropriate to the corps to which they had belonged, and 
sent them back to Russia, without ransom, without exchange, or 
any condition whatever. This judicious munificence was not 
thrown away. Paul showed himself deeply sensible of it, and, 
closely allied as he had lately been with England, he now, all at 
once, declared himself her enemy. This triumph of policy de- 
lighted the first consul. 

"Thenceforth the consul and the czar became the best friends 
possible. They strove to outdo each other in professions of friend- 
ship; and it may be believed that Bonaparte did not fail to turn 
this contest of politeness to his own advantage. He so well worked 
upon the mind of Paul, that he succeeded in obtaining a direct 
influence over the cabinet of St. Petersburgh. 

" Lord Whitworth, at that time the English ambassador in Russia, 
was ordered to quit the capital without delay, and to retire to Riga, 
which then became the focus of the intrigues of the north, which 
ended in the death of Paul. The English ships were seized in all 
the ports, and, at the pressing instance of the czar, a Prussian army 
menaced Hanover. Bonaparte lost no time, and, profiting by the 
friendship manifested towards him by the inheritor of Catherine's 
power, he determined to make that friendship subservient to the 
execution of the vast plan which he had long conceived : he meant 
to undertake an expedition by land against the English colonies in 
the East Indies. 

" The arrival of Baron Sprengporten at Paris caused great satis- 



154 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

faction among the partisans of the consular government, that is 
to say, almost every one in Paris. He came on an extraordinary 
mission, being ostensibly clothed with the title of plenipotentiary, 
and at the same time appointed confidential minister to the consul. 
Bonaparte was extremely satisfied with the ambassador whom Paul 
had selected, and with the manner in which he described the empe- 
ror's gratitude for the generous conduct of the first consul. 

"We could easily perceive that Paul placed great confidence in 
M. Sprengporten. As he had satisfactorily discharged the mission 
with which he had been intrusted, Paul expressed pleasure at his 
conduct in several frfendly and flattering letters, which Spreng- 
porten always allowed us to read. No one could be fonder of 
France than he was, and he ardently desired that his first nego- 
tiations might lead to a long alliance between the Russian and 
French governments. The autograph and very frequent corres- 
pondence between Bonaparte and Paul passed through his hands. 
I read all Paul's letters, which were remarkable for the frankness 
with which his affection for Bonaparte was expressed. His admi- 
ration of the first consul was so great, that no courtier could have 
written in a more flattering manner. This admiration was not 
feigned on the part of the Emperor of Russia: it was no less sin- 
cere than ardent, and of this he soon gave proofs. 

"Bonaparte never felt greater satisfaction in the whole course 
of his hfe, than he experienced from Paul's enthusiasm for him. 
The friendship of a sovereign seemed to him a step by which he 
was to become a sovereign himself On the other hand, the affairs 
of La Vendee began to assume a better aspect, and he hoped soon 
to etiect that pacification in the interior, which he so ardently 
desired.* 

* This account agrees precisely with the following, dictated by Napoleon himself at 
St. Helena. 

" The Emperor Paul had succeeded the Empress Catherine. Half frantic with his 
hostility to the French revolution, he had performed what his mother had contented 
herselt with promising, and engaged in the second coalition. General Suwarrow, at 
the head of sixty thousand Russians, advanced in Italy,, while another Russian army 
entered Switzerland, and a corps of fifteen thousand men was placed by the czar at 
the disposal of the Duke of York, for the purpose of conquering Holland. These were 
all the disposable forces the Russian empire had. Suwarrow, although victorious at 
the battles of Cassano, the Trebia, and Novi, had lost half his army in the St. Gothard, 
and the ditferent valleys of Switzerland, after the battle of Zurich, in which Korsakow 
had been taken. Paul then became sensible of the imprudence of his conduct; and iu 
1800. Suwarrow returned to Russia with scarcely a fourth of his army. The Emperor 
Paul complained bitterly of having lost the flower of his troops, who had neither been 
seconded by the Austrians nor by the English. He reproached the cabinet of Vienna 
with having refused, after the conquest of Piedmont, to replace the King of Sardinia 
upon his throne ; with being destitute of grand and generous ideas, and wholly gov- 
erned by calculation and interested views. He also complained that the EngUsh, when 
they took Malta, instead of reinstating the order of St. John of Jerusalem, and restoring 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 155 

"The first consul, meanwhile, proceeded to turn the friendship 
of the Russian Emperor to solid account. It has never, in truth, 
been difficult to excite angry and jealous feelings among the minor 
maritime powers, with regard to the naval sovereignty of England. 
The claim of the right of searching neutral ships, and her doctrine 
on the subject of blockades, had indeed been recognised in many 
treaties by Russia, and by every maritime government in Europe. 
Nevertheless, the old grudge remained; and Bonaparte most art- 
fully employed every engine of his diplomacy to awaken a spirit 

that island to the knights, had appropriated it to themselves. The first consul did all 
in his power to cherish these seeds of discontent, and to make them productive. A 
little after the battle of Marengo, he found means to flatter the Uvely and impetuous 
imagination of the czar, by sending him the sword which Pope Leo X. had given to 
riUe Adam, as a memorial of his satisfaction for having defended Rhodes against the 
infidels. From eight thousand to ten thousand Russian soldiers had been made pris- 
oners in Italy, at Zurich, and in Holland ; the first consul proposed their exchange to 
the English and Austrians — both refused : the Austrians, because there were still many 
of their people prisoners in France ; and the English, although they had a great number 
of French prisoners, because, as they said, this proposal was contrary to their principles. 
' What !' it was said to the cabinet of St. James, ' do you refuse to exchange even the 
Russians, who were taken in Holland, fighting in your own ranks under the Duke of 
York!' And to the cabinet of Vienna it was observed, 'How! do you refuse to 
restore to their country those men of the north to whom you are indebted for the 
victories of the Trebia, and Novi, and for your conquests in Italy, and who have left 
in your hands a multitude of French prisoners taken by them? Such injustice excites 
my indignation,' said the first consul. ' Well, I will restore them to the czar without 
exchange ; he shall see how I esteem brave men.' The Russian officers, who were 
prisoners, immediately received their swords, and the troops of that nation were 
assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle, where they were soon completely new clothed, and 
furnished with good arms of French manufacture. A Russian general was instructed 
to organize them in battahons and regiments. This blow struck at once at London 
and St. Petersburgh. Paul, attacked in so many different directions, gave way to his 
enthusiastic temper, and attached himself to France with all the ardour of his character. 
He despatched a letter to the first consul, in which he said, 'Citizen, First Consul, I 
do not write to you to discuss the rights of men or citi2ens ; every country governs 
itself as it plea.scs. Wherever I see, at the head of a nation, a man who knows how 
to rule and how to fight, my heart is attracted towards him. I write to acquaint 
you withmy dissatisfaction of England, who violates every article of the law of nations, 
and has no guide but her egotism and interest. I wish to unite with you to put an 
end to the unjust proceedings of that government.' 

"In the beginning of December, 1800, General Sprengporten, a Finlander, who had 
entered the Russian service, and who in his heart was attached to France, arrived at 
Paris. He brought letters from the Emperor Paul, and was instructed to take the 
command of the Russian prisoners, and to conduct them back to their country. All 
the officers of that nation, who returned to Russia, constantly spoke in the highest 
terms of,the kind treatment and attention they had met with in France, particularly 
after the arrival of the first consul. The correspondence between the emperor and 
Napoleon soon became daily ; they treated directly on the most important interests, 
and on the means of humbhng the English power. General Sprengporten was not 
instructed to make peace, he had no powers for that purpose ; neither was he an 
ambassador; peace did not exist. It was, therefore, an extraordinary mission, which 
allowed of this general's being treated with every distinction calculated to gratify the 
sovereign who had sent him, without the possibility of the occurrence of any incon- 
venience from such attentions." — Napoleon's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 130. 



156 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

of hostility against England; first, in the well-prepared mind of 
the czar, and then in the cabinets of Prussia, Denmark, and Swe- 
den. The result was, in effect, a coalition of these powers against 
England." 



CHAPTER XIV. 



Negotiations for Peace ; Negotiations unsuccessful ; Preparations for War ; Bonaparte departs from 
Paris ; at Dijon ; Passes tlie Great St, Bernard ; Battle of Marengo. 

"Much had been already done towards the internal tranquilliza- 
tion of France : but it was obvious that the result could not be 
perfect until the war, which had so long raged on two frontiers of 
the country, should have found a termination. The fortune of 
the last two years had been far different from that of the glorious 
campaigns which ended in the treaty — or armistice, as it might 
more truly be named — of Campo Formio. The Austrians had 
recovered the north of Italy, and already menaced the Savoy 
frontier, designing to march into Provence, and there support a 
new insurrection of the royalists. The force opposed to them in 
that quarter was much inferior in numbers, and composed of the 
relics of armies beaten over and over again by Suwarrow. The 
Austrians and French were more nearly balanced on the Rhine 
frontier; but even there, there was ample room for anxiety. On 
the whole, the grand attitude in which Bonaparte had left the 
Republic when he embarked for Egypt, was exchanged for one of 
a far humbler description ; and, in fact, the general disheartening 
of the nation, by reason of those reverses, had been of signal ser- 
vice to Napoleon's ambition. If a strong hand was wanted at 
home, the necessity of having a general who could bring back 
victory to the tri-colour banners in the field had been not less 
deeply felt. And hence the decisive revolution of Brumaire. 

"Of the allies of Austria, meanwhile, one had virtually aban- 
doned her. The Emperor Paul, of Russia, resenting the style in 
which his army under Suwarrow had been supported, withdrew it 
altogether from the field of its victories. In his new character of 
chief consul, Bonaparte resolved to have the credit of making over- 
tures of peace to England, ere the campaign with the Austrians 
should open; and, discarding the usual etiquette of diplomatic 
intercourse, he addressed a letter to King George III. in person. 
The reply was an official note from Lord Grenville, then secretary 
of state for the department of foreign affairs, to Talleyrand, which 
terminated the negotiation. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 157 

" It was Bonaparte's policy, even more clearly than it had been 
that of his predecessors, to buy security at home by battle and* 
victory abroad. The national pride had been deeply wounded 
during his absence; and something must be done in Europe, 
worthy of the days of Lodi, Rivoli, and Tagliamento, ere he could 
hope to be seated firmly on his throne. On receiving the answer 
of the British minister, he said to Talleyrand (rubbing his hands, 
as was his custom when much pleased), 'It could not have been 
more favourable.' On the same day, the seventh of January (just 
three days after the date of Lord Grenville's note), the first consul 
issued his edict for the formation of the army of reserve, consist- 
ing of all the veterans who had ever served, and a new levy of 
thirty thousand conscripts." 

It was then, in the days of his youth, that the fertility of his 
genius, and the vigour of his mind, could not fail to command the 
admiration of even his most bitter enemy. I was astonished at 
the facility with which he entered into details. While the most 
important occupations engrossed every moment of his time, he 
sent twenty-four thousand francs to the hospital of Mont St. 
Bernard, to purchase provisions. When he saw the army of 
reserve formed, and that every thing went to his wishes, he said 
to me, "I hope to fall on Melas's rear before he is aware that I 
am in Italy. That is, provided Genoa holds out; but Massena 
defends it." 

On the 17th of March, in a moment of gayety and good 
humour, he desired me to unroll Chauchard's great map of Italy 
— he stretched himself upon it, and told me to do the same. He 
then stuck into it pins, whose heads were tipped with red and 
black sealing-wax. I observed him in silence, and awaited the 
result of a campaign so inoffensive. When he had stationed the 
enemy's corps, and drawn up the pins with red heads on the 
points where he intended to conduct his own troops, he said to 
me, "Do you think that I shall beat Melas?" "Why, how can I 
tell?" "You are a simpleton," said he; "look you here — Melas 
is at Alexandria, where he has his head-quarters; he will remain 
there till Genoa surrenders. He has in Alexandria his magazines, 
his hospitals, his artillery, his reserves. Passing the Alps here 
(pointing to the Great St. Bernard), I fall upon Melas, I cut off 
his communications with Austria, and I meet him here in the 
plains of Scrivia (sticking a red pin at San Juliano)." Perceiving 
that I looked upon this manoeuvring of pins as mere pastime, he 
addressed to me some of his usual apostrophes, which served as a 
sort of relaxation, and then recurred to his demonstrations upon 
the map. We rose in about a quarter of an hour, I replaced the 

14 



158 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

map, and thought no more about it. But when, four months after, 
I found myself at San Juhano, with his portfolio and despatches, 
which I had saved from the rout which took place in the early- 
part of the day ; and when, the same night, I wrote from his dic- 
tation, at Torre di Galifolo, a league from thence, the bulletin of 
the battle, I frankly avowed my admiration of his military plans. 
He smiled himself at the justness of his foresight. 

"At this time France had four armies on her frontiers: that of 
the north, under Brune, watched the partisans of the house of 
Orange in Holland, and guarded those coasts against any new 
invasion from England; the defeat of the Duke of York had ena- 
bled the government to reduce its strength considerably. The 
second was the army of the Danube, under Jourdan, which, after 
the defeat at Stockach, had been obliged to repass the Rhine; 
the third, under Massena, styled the army of Helvetia, had been 
compelled, in the preceding campaign, to evacuate great part of 
Switzerland; but, gaining the battle of Zurich, against the Rus- 
sians, now rSoccupied the whole of that republic : the fourth, was 
that broken remnant which still called itself the 'army of Italy,' 
After the disastrous conflict of Genoa, it had rallied in disorder 
on the Appenine and the heights of Genoa, where the spirit of the 
troops was already so much injured, that whole battalions deserted 
en masse, and retired behind the Var. Their distress, in truth, 
was extreme ; for they had lost all means of communication with 
the valley of the Po, and the English fleet eflTectually blockaded 
the whole coasts both of Provence and Liguria; so that, pent up 
among barren rocks, they suflfered the hardships and privations of 
a beleaguered garrison. 

" The chief consul sent Massena to assume the command of the 
'army of Italy;' and issued, on that occasion, a general order, 
which had a magical effect on the minds of the soldiery. Massena 
was highly esteemed among them ; and, after his arrival at Genoa, 
the deserters flocked back rapidly to their standards. At the 
same time, Bonaparte ordered Moreau to assume the command of 
the two corps of the Danube and Helvetia, and consolidate them 
into one great 'army of the Rhine.' Lastly, the rendezvous of 
the ' army of reserve' was appointed for Dijon : a central position, 
from which either Massena or Moreau might, as circumstances 
demanded, be supported and reinforced, but which Napoleon 
really designed to serve for a cloak to his main purpose. For he 
had already, in concert with Carnot, sketched the plan of that 
which is generally considered as at once the most daring and the 
most masterly of all the campaigns of the war; and which, in so 
far as the execution depended on himself, turned out also the most 
dazzlingly successful. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 159 

"In placing Moreau at the head of the army of the Rhine, full 
one hundred and fifty thousand strong, and out of all comparison 
the best disciplined as well as the largest force of the Republic, 
Bonaparte exhibited a noble superiority to all feelings of personal 
jealousy. That general's reputation approached the most nearly 
to his own; but his talents justified this reputation, and the chief 
consul thought of nothing but the best means of accomplishing 
the purposes of the joint campaign. Moreau, in the sequel, was 
severely censured by his master for the manner in which he 
executed the charge intrusted to him. His orders were to march 
at once upon Ulm, at the risk of placing the great Austrian army 
under Kray between him and France; but he was also commanded 
to detach fifteen thousand of his troops for the separate service of 
passing into Italy by the defiles of St. Gothard ; and given to under- 
stand that it must be his business to prevent Kray, at all hazards, 
from opening a communication with Italy by way of the Tyrol. 
Under such circumstances, it is not wonderful that a general, who 
had a master, should have proceeded more cautiously than suited 
the gigantic aspirations of the unfettered Napoleon. Moreau, how- 
ever, it must be admitted, had always the reputation of a prudent, 
rather than a daring, commander. The details of his campaign 
against Kray must be sought elsewhere. A variety of engage- 
ments took place, with a variety of fortune. Moreau, his enemies 
allow, commenced his operations by crossing the Rhine in the end 
of April ; and, on the fifteenth of July, had his head-quarters at 
Augsburgh, and was in condition either to reinforce the French 
in Italy, or to march into the heart of the Austrian states, when 
the success of Bonaparte's own expedition rendered either move- 
ment unnecessary. 

"The chief consul had resolved upon conducting, in person, one 
of the most adventurous enterprises recorded in the history of 
war. The formation of the army of reserve at Dijon was a mere 
deceit. A numerous staff, indeed, assembled in that town; and 
the preparation of the munitions of war proceeded there as else- 
where with the utmost energy : but the troops collected at Dijon 
were few; and — it being universally circulated and believed that 
they were the force meant to reestablish the once glorious army 
of Italy, by marching to the head-quarters of Massena, at Genoa 
— the Austrians received the accounts of their numbers and 
appearance not only with indifference, but with derision. Bona- 
parte, meanwhile, had spent three months in recruiting his armies 
throughout the interior of France ; and the troops, by means of 
which it was his purpose to change the face of affairs beyond the 
Alps, were already marching by different routes, each detachment 



160 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

in total ignorance of the other's destination, upon the territory of 
Switzerland. To that quarter Bonaparte had already sent for- 
ward Berthier, the most confidential of his military friends, and 
other officers of the highest skill, with orders to reconnoitre the 
various passes in the great Alpine chain, and make every other 
preparation for the movement, of which they alone were, as yet, 
in the secret." 

The first consul was not satisfied with the administration of 
General Berthier, as minister of war: he replaced him by Carnot, 
who had given great proofs of firmness and integrity, but whom 
Bonaparte did not like, being too decidedly a republican. Berthier 
set out for Dijon, where he began the creation of the famous army 
of reserve, which was nothing in the beginning, but which, in a 
few weeks after, by a single battle, brought all Italy again under 
the dominion of the French. 

The consular constitution did not permit the first consul to 
command an army out of the territory of the Republic. He did 
not wish it to be known that he had formed the resolution of 
placing himself at the head of the army of Italy, and which he 
now for the first time called the grand army. I observed to him, 
that, by appointing Berthier to the command-in-chief, nobody 
could be deceived ; because all the world would see that, in 
making such a choice, his intention must have been to command 
in person. My observation amused him much. 

The chief consul remained in Paris until he received Berthier's 
decisive despatch from Geneva — it was in these words: "I wish 
to see you here. There are orders to be given by which three 
armies may act in concert, and you alone can give them in the 
lines. Measures decided on in Paris are too late." 

Bonaparte immediately fixed the day of our departure from 
Paris for the sixth of May. All his arrangements were made, all 
his orders given, but he did not wish that it should yet be known 
that he went to take command of the army. On the preceding 
evening, in the presence of the other two consuls, and the minis- 
ters, he said to Lucien, "Prepare, by to-morrow, a circular to the 
prefects ; you, Fouche, will have it published in the journals. Say 
that I have set out for Dijon, where I go to inspect the army of 
reserve; you may add, that I may, perhaps, go as far as Geneva; 
but say positively that I shall not be absent more than fifteen 
days. You, Cambaceres, will preside to-morrow in the Council 
of State. In my absence, you are the head of the government, 
and speak in the same way to the Council ; you may say that my 
absence will be short, but specify nothing. Assure the Council 
of State of my entire satisfaction ; it has rendered great services, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 161 

which I hope it will continue to do. Stay, I had forgot — you will 
at the same time announce that I have named Joseph a councillor 
of state. If any thing should happen, I will return like a thunder- 
bolt. I recommend to you all the great interests of France. I 
hope, in a little time, to be spoken of in Vienna and London." 

We set out at two o'clock in the morning, taking the Burgundy 
road, which we had already so often travelled, under very differ- 
ent circumstances. 

On the joui'ney, Bonaparte conversed much about the warriors 
of antiquity, especially of Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal. 
He showed himself well acquainted with the localities and with 
the respective means of these commanders. He had made a spe- 
cial study of strategy, ancient and modern. Nothing, in the great 
science of war, escaped his genius. I asked him whether he gave 
his preference to Alexander or Cassar. "I place Alexander," said 
he, "in the first rank; I admire the fine campaign of Caesar iii 
Africa. My reason for giving the preference to the king of 
Macedon, is, on account of the conception, and above all, for the^ 
execution of his campaign in Asia. He can have no idea of war,, 
who blames this prince for having spent seven months in the siege' 
of Tyre. Had it been myself, I would have remained there seven 
years, if necessary. This is a grand subject; but, for my part,.!' 
consider the siege of Tyre, the conquest of Egypt, and the marchi 
to the Oasis of Ammon, as proofs of the genius of this great captain.. 
He wished to afford the lung of Persia, whose advanced guard' 
only he had defeated at the Granicus and the Issus, time to assem- 
ble all his forces, that he might by a single blow overturn that: 
colossus, which he had as yet only shaken. Alexander, by pur- 
suing Darius into his stages, would have separated himself from- 
his reinforcements, wouJd have encountered only scattered parties; 
of troops, who would have drawn him into deserts where his army 
would have been lost. By persevering in the taking of Tyre, he- 
secured his communications with Greece, that country for' which 
he did so much, and which he loved as dearly as I do France, and' 
in whose glory he placed his own. In possessing himself of the 
rich province of Egypt, at that time so powerful, he forced Darius 
to come to defend or deliver it, and to march half way to meet 
him. By representing himself as the son of Jupiter, he worked in 
a way useful for his designs upon the ardent temper of the orien- 
tals. We know how that assisted him. Finally, he died at the 
age of thirty-three — what a name did he leave behind him!" 

Although completely a stranger to the noble science of war, I 
could not avoid admiring the sublime projects of Bonaparte, his 
shrewd remarks and his ingenious observations on the great'. 
L 14* 



162 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

captains of ancient and modern times ; and I could not help say- 
ing to him, "General, you reproach me often with not being a 
flatterer, but now I tell you truly, I admire you," and I told 
the truth. 

"On the seventh of May, we arrived at Dijon, where he 
reviewed, in great form, some seven or eight thousand raw 
and half-clad troops, and committed them to the care of Brune. 
The spies of Austria reaped new satisfaction from this consular 
review ; meanwhile. Napoleon had halted but two hours at Dijon ; 
and, travelling all night, arrived the next day at Geneva. Here 
he was met by Marescot, who had been employed in exploring 
the wild passes of the Great St. Bernard, and received from him 
an appalling picture of the difficulties of marching an army by 
that route into Italy. 'Is it possible to pass?' said Napoleon, cut- 
ting the engineer's narrative short. ' The thing is barely possible,' 
answered Marescot. 'Very well,' said the first consul; 'en avant 
— let us proceed.' " 

While the Austrians were thinking only of the frontier where 
Souchet commanded an enfeebled and dispirited division — des- 
tined, as they doubted not, to be reinforced by the army, such as 
it was, at Dijon — the chief consul had resolved to penetrate into 
Italy, as Hannibal had done of old, through all the dangers and 
difficulties of the great Alps themselves. The march on the Var 
and Genoa might have been executed with comparative ease, and 
might, in all likelihood, have led to victory; but mere victory 
would not suffice. It was urgently necessary that the name of 
Bonaparte should be surrounded with some blaze of almost super- 
natural renown ; and his plan for purchasing this splendour was 
to rush down from the Alps, at whatever hazard, upon the rear of 
Melas, cut off all his communications with x\ustria, and then force 
him to a conflict, in which, Massena and Suchet being on the 
other side of him, reverse must needs be ruin. 

"For the treble purpose of more easily collecting a sufficient 
stock of provisions for the march, of making its accomplishment 
more rapid, and of perplexing the enemy on its termination, Napo- 
leon determined that his army should pass in four divisions, by as 
many separate routes. The left wing, under Moncey, consisting 
of fifteen thousand detached from the army of Moreau, was ordered 
to debouche by the way of St. Gothard. The corps of Thureau, 
five thousand strong, took the direction of Mont Cenis ; that of 
Chabran, of similar strength, moved by the Little St. Bernard. Of 
the main body, consisting of thirty-five thousand, the chief consul 
himself took care ; and he reserved for them the gigantic task of 
surmounting, with the artillery, the huge barriers of the Great St. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 163 

Bernard. Thus, along the Alpine chain — from the sources of the 
Rhine and the Rhone, to Isere and Durance — about sixty thousand 
men, in all, lay prepared for the adventure. It must be added, if 
we would form a fair conception of the enterprise, that Napoleon 
well knew not one-third of these men had ever seen a shot fired 
in earnest. 

"The difficulties encountered by Mouncey, Thureau, and 
Chabran, will be sufficiently understood from the narrative of 
Bonaparte's own march. From the 15th to the 18th of May, all 
his columns were put in motion: Lannes, with the advanced 
guard, clearing the way before them; the general, Berthier, and 
the chief consul himself, superintending the rear guard, which, as 
having with it the artillery, was the object of highest importance. 
At St. Pierre, all semblance of a road disappeared. Thenceforth, 
an army, horse and foot, laden with all the munitions of a cam- 
paign, a park of forty field-pieces included, were to be urged up 
and along airy ridges of rock and eternal snow, where the goat- 
herd, the hunter of the chamoise, and the outlaw-smuggler, are 
alone accustomed to venture ; amid precipices where to slip a foot 
is death ; beneath glaciers from which the percussion of a musket- 
shot is often sufficient to hurl an avalanche ; across the bottomless 
chasms caked over with frost or snow-drift. The transport of 
the artillery and ammunition was the most difficult point; and to 
this, accordingly, the chief consul gave his personal superintend- 
ence. The guns were dismounted, grooved into the trunks of 
trees hollowed out so as to suit each calibre, and then dragged 
on by sheer strength of muscle — not less than a hundred soldiers 
being sometimes harnessed to a single cannon. The carriages 
and wheels, being taken to pieces, were slung on poles, and 
borne on men's shoulders. The powder and shot, packed into 
boxes of fir- wood, formed the lading of all the mules that 
could be collected over a wide range of the Alpine country. 
These preparations had been made during the week that elapsed 
between Bonaparte's arrival at Geneva and the commencement 
of Lannes's march. He himself travelled sometimes on a mule, 
but mostly on foot, cheering on the soldiers who had the burden 
of the great guns. The fatigue undergone is not to be described. 
The men in front durst not halt to breathe, because the least 
stoppage there might have thrown the column behind into con- 
fusion, on the brink of deadly precipices; and those in the rear 
had to flounder, knee deep, through snow and ice trampled into 
sludge by the feet and hoofs of the preceding divisions. Happily 
the march of Napoleon was not harassed, like that of Hannibal, 
by the assaults of living enemies. The mountaineers, on the con- 



164 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

trary, flocked in to reap the liberal rewards which he offered to 
all who were willing to lighten the drudgery of his troops. 

"On the 16th of May, Napoleon slept at the convent of St. 
Maurice ; and, in the course of the four following days, the whole 
army passed the Great St. Bernard. It was on the 20th, that 
Bonaparte himself halted an hour at the convent of the Hospital- 
lers, which stands on the summit of this mighty mountain. The 
good fathers of the monastery had been warned beforehand of the 
march, and they had furnished every soldier as he passed with a 
luncheon of bread and cheese and a glass of wine; for which 
seasonable kindness, they now received the warm acknowledg- 
ments of the chief. It was here that he took his leave of a peasant 
youth, who had walked by him, as his guide, all the way from the 
convent of St. Maurice. Napoleon conversed freely with the 
young man, and was much interested with his simplicity. At 
parting, he asked the guide some particulars about his personal 
situation; and, having heard his reply, gave him money and a 
billet to the head of the monastery of St. Maurice. The peasant 
delivered it accordingly, and was surprised to find that, in conse- 
quence of a scrap of writing which he could not read, his worldly 
comforts were to be permanently increased. The object of this 
generosity remembered, nevertheless, but little of his conversation 
with the consul. He described Napoleon as being 'a very dark 
man' (this was the effect of the Syrian sun), and having an eye 
that, notwithstanding his affability, he could not encounter without 
a sense of fear. The only saying of the hero which he treasured, 
in his memory was, ' I have spoiled a hat among your mountains ; 
well, I shall find a new one on the other side.' Thus spoke 
Napoleon, wringing the rain from his covering, as he approached 
the hospice of St. Bernard. The guide descriljed, however, very 
strikingly, the effects of Bonaparte's appearance and voice, when 
any obstacle checked the advance of his soldiery along that fearful 
wilderness which is called, emphatically, ' The Valley of Deso- 
lation.' A single look or word was commonly sufficient to set all 
in motion again. But if the way presented some new and appa- 
rently insuperable difficulty, the consul bade the drums beat and 
the trumpets sound, as if for the charge, and this never failed. 
Of such gallant temper were the spirits which Napoleon had at 
command, and with such admirable skill did he wield them! 

"On the 16th, the vanguard, under Lannes, reached the beau- 
tiful vale of Aosta, and the other divisions descended rapidly on 
their footsteps. This part of the progress was not less difficult 
than the ascent before. The horses, mules, and guns, were to be 
led down one slippery steep after another — and we may judge 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 165 

with what anxious care, since Napoleon himself was once con- 
tented to slide nearly a hundred yards together, seated. 

"On the 17th, Lannes arrived at Chatillon, where he attacked 
and defeated a corps of five thousand Austrians — who received 
the onset of a French division, in that quarter, with about as 
much surprise as if an enemy had dropped on them from the 
clouds." 

The first consul ascended Mount St. Bernard with that calm 
indifference and self-possession, which never left him when he 
considered it necessary to set an example. He interrogated his 
guide, as to the condition of the inhabitants of the two valleys ; 
what were their means of subsistence, and whether accidents 
were as frequent as they were said to be? The guide informed 
him, that long experience, and a succession of recorded facts, had 
enabled the inhabitants to foresee any change of weather, and that 
they were seldom deceived. Bonaparte, who wore his gray riding- 
coat, and had his whip in his hand, walked with somewhat of a 
pensive air, and appeared to be disappointed at not hearing of the 
fall of the fort of St. Bard. The army was in full march towards 
the Great St. Bernard. He waited three days in this frightful 
solitude, expecting to hear that the fort of St. Bard, which is situ- 
ated at the other side of the mountain, and which covers the road 
to Yvrea, had surrendered. The town was carried, on the 21st 
of May, but he learned, three days after, that the fort still held 
out, and that there was no appearance of its immediate surrender ; 
he broke out into complaints against the siege : " I am tired wait- 
ing," said he; "these imbeciles will never take the fort of St.Bard; 
I must go there myself" 

On the 23d, we arrived within sight of the fort, which com- 
mands the road, having the little river of Dora Baltea to the 
right, and Mount Albaredo on the left. Arrived on an eminence 
which commands the fort, Bonaparte levelled his telescope on the 
grass, and sheltering himself from the shot of the besieged behind 
some bushes, which concealed him, he attentively examined the 
fort. After several questions, addressed to different persons who 
had come to give him information, he pointed out, with a tone of 
displeasure, the faults that had been committed, and with that 
coup d'ceil which seldom deceived him, he ordered a new battery 
to be constructed, for the attack of a point marked out ; and from 
whence, he said, the firing of a few guns would oblige the fort to 
surrender. Having given his orders, he descended the mountain, 
and went to sleep that night at Yvrea. He learned, on the 2d of 
June, that the fort had surrendered the day before. 

If the passage of Mount St. Bernard deserves to occupy a dis- 



1G6 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tinguished place in the annals of fortunate temerity, we cannot 
too much admire the conception, and, at the same time, the for- 
tune, of the fu"st consul, which dazzled the eyes of the enemy. So 
little was this enterprise foreseen, that not a single Austrian corps 
defended the approaches to the fort of St. Bard. The country 
was stripped of troops, and we only fell in with some feehle par- 
ties, incapable of arresting our march towards Milan. Bonaparte 
knew how to take advantage of a defect in his enemy's defences, 
whom he astonished and confounded, and who saw no other 
means of escape than by retracing his steps and abandoning the 
invasion of France. It is under such circumstances that rashness 
in war becomes a veritable proof of genius; but this talented bold- 
ness, which inspired Bonaparte, was not to be found in General 
Melas, who commanded the Austrian army. If Melas had had 
the lirnniess which the commander of an army ought to possess; 
if he had compared the respective positions of the two armies ; 
if he had considered, that it was no longer in his power to regain 
his line of operations, and to place himself again in communi- 
cation with the hereditary states — that he was master of all the 
fortified towns of Italy — that he had nothing to fear from Massena, 
and that Suchet could ofler no resistance ; it^ then, following the 
example of Bonaparte, he had marched upon Lyons, what would 
have become of the first consul? Melas would have encountered 
but few obstacles; he would have found all the towns undefended, 
while the French army would have been exhausted, without hav- 
ing had an enemy to fight. This is what Bonaparte w^ould have 
done if he had been Melas; but, happily for us, Melas was not a 
Bonaparte. 

We arrived at Milan on the 2d of June, the day on which the 
first consul heard that the fort of St. Bard was taken : we remained 
there six days. The day was now approaching when all was to 
be lost or won. The first consul made his arrangements, and 
despatched the diflerent corps of his army to occupy the points 
marked out. I have already said that Murat was charged with 
the occupation of Placentia, and he had scarcely possessed himself 
of the town, when he intercepted a courier of General Melas. It 
announced the capitulation of Genoa on the 4th of June, after the 
long and celebrated defence which reflected so much honour on 
Massena. 

I have read, in different accounts, that the first consul in person 
had gained the battle of Montebello. This is an error. The first 
consul did not leave Milan till the 9th of June, and on that same 
day Lannes was engaged with the enemy. The combat was so 
terrible, that Lannes, a few davs after, described it in these words, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAl'AUTE. 167 

whicli I well remember: "Bones were cracking in my division 
like hail falling on a skylight." 

By a singular chance, Desaix, who afterwards contributed to 
the victory, and stopped the rout at Marengo, arrived from Egypt 
at Toulon, the same day that we left Paris. He wrote me a letter, 
dated 6th May, 1800, informing me of his arrival. I received this 
letter at Martigny. I showed it to the first consul. "Ah," said 
he, "Desaix at Paris!" and immediately despatched an order for 
him to repair, without delay, to the head-quarters of the army of 
Italy. Desaix arrived at Stradella on the morning of the 11th of 
June. The first consul received him in the kindest manner, as a 
man for whom he had the most sincere esteem, and whose talents 
and character gave him a high opinion of what he would one day 
become. Bonaparte was jealous of some generals, the rivalry of 
whose ambition he feared; but Desaix never gave him any uneasi- 
ness. He was modest and unassuming, uniting firmness with the 
mildest manners, and proved by his conduct that he loved glory 
only for her sake; and I affirm, that every sentiment of ambition 
and political power was a stranger to his breast. Bonaparte's 
friendship for him amounted to enthusiasm. At their first inter- 
view, on his return from Egypt, he was closeted with the first 
consul for three hours. The day after his arrival, an order of the 
day informed the army that Desaix commanded the division of 
Boudet. 

I expressed to Bonaparte my surprise at his long interview with 
Desaix; "Yes," said he, "I have been a long time with him, but I 
had my reasons. As soon as I return to Paris, I will make him 
minister-at-war. He shall always be my lieutenant : I would make 
him a prince, if I could. I find him quite an antique character." 
Desaix was killed two days after he had completed his thirty- 
third year. 

The first consul slept on the 13th at Torre di Galifolo. In the 
evening he ordered a staff-officer to ascertain whether the Aus- 
trians had a bridge over the Bormida. It was reported to him, 
late at night, that there was none. This tranquillized his mind, 
and he went to bed satisfied ; but early next morning the sound 
of cannon was heard, and he learned that the Austrians had 
debouched in the plain, and that an engagement had taken place: 
he testified the greatest dissatisfaction at the conduct of the officer, 
whom he accused of cowardice, and said he had not advanced far 
enough. He then mounted his horse, and hastened to the scene 
of action. I did not see him again till six in the evening. In 
obedience to his directions, I had repaired to San Juliano, the 
village which, in the March preceding, he had pointed out to me 



168 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

as the site of a future battle. San Juliano was not more than two 
leagues distant from the place where the battle commenced. In 
the afternoon, I saw pass through the village a crowd of wounded, 
with the soldiers who accompanied them, and a short time after a 
number of fugitives. At San Juliano they spoke of nothing but a 
a retreat, which Bonaparte, it was said, alone opposed with firm- 
ness. I was advised to leave San Juliano, where I had just 
received a courier for the commander-in-chief On the morning 
of the 14th, General Desaix had advanced on Novi, to observe 
the road to Genoa, which city had unfortunately fallen within the 
last few days, in spite of the efforts of its illustrious defender. I 
returned with this division to San Juliano, and was struck with 
the numerical weakness of the corps which was marching to the 
assistance of an army already much weakened and dispersed. 
They looked upon the battle as lost; and so, in fact, it was; for 
the first consul having inquired of Desaix what he thought of it, 
this brave general answered him bluntly, " The battle is completely 
lost, but it is only two o'clock, there is still time enough to gain 
another." It was the first consul himself, who, the same evening, 
recounted to me these simple and heroic words of Desaix. Who 
could have thought that this small column, and the handful of 
heavy cavalry under Kellerman, should, about five o'clock, have 
changed the fortune of the day ? It cannot be dissembled that it 
was the instantaneous inspiration of Kellerman which changed a 
defeat into a victory, and gained the battle of Marengo. 

Two hours had scarcely elapsed since the division commanded 
by Desaix had left San Juliano, when I was agreeably surprised 
by seeing that army, which since the morning had caused me so 
much uneasiness, returning triumphant. JNever did fortune within 
so short a time show herself under two aspects so different. At 
two o'clock, it was the desolation of defeat with all its calamitous 
consequences; at five, victory was again faithful to the flag of 
Areola. Italy was reconquered at a single blow; and the crown 
of France appeared in the perspective. 

This memorable battle, of which the results were incalculable, 
has been the theme of many writers. Bonaparte commenced an 
account of it three different times ; but I must say, that in none of 
these relations is there more truth than in the account published in 
the Memoirs of the Duke de Rovigo, who, at that time, was aid- 
de-camp to Desaix. He makes the following observations on the 
part Kellerman had in this brilliant affair : 

■" Afler the fall of the imperial government, some pretended friends of 
'General Kellerman have presumed to claim for him the merit of origin- 
ating the charge of cavalry. That general, whose share of glory is suffi. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 169 

ciently brilliant to gratify his most sanguine wishes, can have no knowl- 
edge of so presumptuous a pretension. I the more readily acquit him, 
from the circumstance that, as we were conversing one day respecting 
that battle, I called to his mind my having brought to him the first consul's 
orders, and he appeared not to have forgotten that fact. I am far from sus- 
pecting his friends of the design of lessening the glory of either General 
Bonaparte or General Desaix : they know, as well as myself, that their's 
are names so respected that they can never be affected by such detractions, 
and that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the chief who plan- 
ned the battle, as to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share General Kel- 
lerman had in its successful result. I will add to the above a few reflections. 

"From the position which he occupied. General Desaix could not see 
General Kellerman : he had even desired me to request the first consul 
to afford him the support of some cavalry. Neither could General Keller- 
man, from the point where he was stationed, perceive General Desaix's 
division : it is even probable that he was not aware of the arrival of that 
general, who had only joined the army two days before. Both were 
ignorant of each other's position, which the first consul was alone 
acquainted with; he alone could introduce harmony into their move- 
ments; he alone could make their efforts respectively conduce to the 
same object. 

"The fate of the battle was decided by Kellerman's bold charge: had 
it, however, been made previously to General Desaix's attack, in all 
probability it would have had a quite different result. Kellerman appears 
to have been convinced of it, since he allowed the Austrian column to 
cross our field of battle, and extend its front beyond thatof the troops we 
had still in line, without making the least attempt to impede its progress. 
The reason of Kellerman's not charging it sooner was, that it was too 
serious a movement, and the consequences of failure would have been 
irretrievable ; that charge, therefore, could only enter into a general com- 
bination of plans, to which he was necessarily a stranger." 

On returning at seven in the evening with the first consul to 
head-quarters, he expressed the most lively sorrow for the loss of 
Desaix; he then said, "Little Kellerman made a fine charge — he 
did it just at the right time — we owe him much; see what trifles 
decide these affairs." 

These few words show that Bonaparte knew how to appreciate 
the service rendered by Kellerman. However, when that general 
approached the table at which the first consul was seated, sur- 
rounded by a number of generals and other officers, Bonaparte 
said to him, coldly, "You made a pretty good charge:" and as a 
set ofT to this coldness, turning to Bessieres, who commanded the 
horse grenadiers of the guard, he said to him, audibly, "Bessieres, 
the guard has covered itself with glory." It is, however, true, that 
the guard had taken no part in the charge of Kellerman, who could 

15 



170 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

not get together more than five hundred heavy cavahy. It was 
this handful of brave men who cut in two the Austrian column 
which had just crushed Desaix's division, and had made six thousand 
prisoners. The guard made no charge at Marengo till nightfall. 

It was reported the next day that Kellerman, in his first feelings 
of dissatisfaction at the dry compliment paid to him, had said to 
Bonaparte, " I have placed the crown on your head." I did not hear 
this said, and I cannot take upon me to say that it was said at all ; 
for I could only have ascertained it from the first consul, and of 
course I could not have reminded him of a thing which must have 
displeased him. But this I can say, that, whether true or not, it 
was in general circulation, and Bonaparte knew it. Hence the 
little favour shown to Kellerman, who was not made a general of 
division on the field of battle as a reward for the eminent service 
he had rendered. 

The death of Desaix has been related in different ways, and it is 
unnecessary to say that the speech attributed to him in the bulletin 
is imaginary. He did not die in the arms of his aid-de-camp, 
Lebrun, as I had to write from the dictation of the first consul; 
neither did he pronounce that fine discourse which I wrote out in 
the same manner. The following is the fact, or, at least, what is 
more probable : — The death of Desaix was not perceived at the 
moment he was struck by the ball which deprived him of life. He 
fell without a word, at a short distance from Lefebvre Desnouettes. 
A battalion serjeant of the ninth brigade of light infantry, com- 
manded by Barrois, observing him stretched upon the ground, 
asked permission to take his cloak ; it was perforated behind, and 
this circumstance occasioned a doubt, whether Desaix was killed 
at the head of the troops, through the awkwardness of some of his 
own men, or whether, in turning round to encourage them, he had 
been shot by the enemy. However, the onset in which he fell 
was so short, the disorder so instantaneous, the change of fortune 
so sudden, that it is not surprising that, in the midst of so much 
confusion, the circumstances attendant on his death could not be 
exactly known. 

Early the next m.orning, the Prince of Lichtenstein came from 
General Melas to open negotiations with the first consul. The 
proposals of this general did not suit Bonaparte, and he told the 
prince that the army shut up in Alexandria should march out with 
the honours of war; but under conditions well known, and by 
which the whole of Italy was to be fully restored to the French 
domination. That day were repaired the blunders of Scherer, the 
most incapable of men, whose imbecility had paralyzed all, and who 
had fled, always beaten, from the Adriatic to Mont Cenis. The 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 171 

Prince of Lichtenstein begged to return to his general to give him 
an account of his mission ; he came back in the evening, and made 
many observations on the hardness of the conditions: "Sir," 
replied the first consul, with marked displeasure, "bear my final 
determination to your general, and return quickly: it is irrevoca- 
ble. Know, that I am as well acquainted with your position as 
you are yourselves. I did not begin to make war yesterday. You 
are shut up in Alexandria; you are encumbered with sick and 
wounded; you want provisions and medicines; I occupy the 
country in your rear. You have lost in killed and wounded the 
flower of your army. I might insist upon more, and my position 
authorizes it ; but I moderate my demands through respect for the 
gray hairs of your general, whom I esteem." This answer was 
given with as much nobleness as energy. The prince agreed to 
every thing. I conducted him out, when he said to me: "These 
terms are very severe, particularly the giving up Genoa, which 
surrendered to us only a fortnight ago, after so long a siege." This 
condition turned out still more hard, from the circumstance that 
the Emperor of Austria heard of the restitution of Genoa, at the 
same time that he was informed of its capitulation. 

When the first consul returned to Milan, he took for aids-de-camp 
Savary and Rapp, who had served as such with Desaix, whom 
they called their father. The first consul was little disposed to do 
this, alleging that he had already a sufficiency of aids-de-camp. 
But the respect he had for the name of Desaix, and for the choice 
he had made of these young officers, with some solicitation on my 
part, soon removed his objections. They both served him to the 
last hour of his political existence, with a zeal and devotion above 
praise, 

"The following is Napoleon's own account of the battle of 
Marengo, as dictated at St. Helena to General Gourgaud: 

"During the battle of the 11th, Desaix, who had returned from Egypt, 
and had been performing quarantine at Toulon, arrived at the head-quar- 
ters, at Montebello, with his aids-de-camp, Rapp and Savary. 

"Desaix burned to signalize himself. He thirsted to avenge the ill- 
treatment he had received from Admiral Keith, at Leghorn ; this lay at 
his heart. The first consul immediately gave him the command of the 
division of Boudet. 

" Melas's head-quarters were at Alexandria : all his army had been 
two days assembled there : his position was critical, because he had lost 
his line of operation. The longer he delayed determining what to do, the 
worse his position became ; for on one side, Suchet's corps was advancing 
upon his rear, and on the other, the first consul's army was daily increas- 
ing its fortifications and intrenchments in its position of Stradella. 



172 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

"On the 12th, in the afternoon, the first consul, surprised at the inac- 
tion of General Melas, became uneasy, and began to fear that the Aus- 
trian army had moved on Genoa, or upon the Tesino, or else had marched 
against Suchet to crush him, with the intention of afterwai'ds returning 
against the first consul ; the latter determined to quit Stradella, and 
advance upon Scrivia, in the form of a strong reconnoitring party, in 
order to be able to act according to the course adopted by the enemy. 
In the evening, the French army took up a position upon the Scrivia, 
Tortona was surrounded, the head-quarters were stationed at Voghera. 
During this movement no intelligence of the enemy was obtained ; only 
some few cavalry scouts were perceived, which did not indicate the 
presence of an army in the plains of Marengo. The first consul no 
longer doubted that the Austrian army had escaped him. 

"On the 13th, at day-break, he passed the Scrivia, and marched to 
San Juliano, in the midst of the immense plain of Marengo. The light 
cavalry discovered no enemy ; there was no longer room to doubt that 
he was in full manoeuvre, since, if he had thought proper to wait for 
the French army, he would not have neglected the fine field of battle 
presented to him by the plain of Marengo, advantageous as it was for 
the development of his immense cavalry : it appeared probable that the 
enemy was marching on Genoa. 

" Under this impression, the first consul, with all expedition, despatched 
Desaix's corps in the form of a vanguard, upon his extreme left, with 
orders to observe the high-road leading fi'om Novi to Alexandria ; he 
ordered Victor's division to enter the village of Ma(rengo, and to send 
scouts upon the Bormida, to ascertain whether the enemy had any bridge 
there. Victor arrived at Marengo; he there found a rear-guard of 
three or four thousand Austrians, attacked and routed them, and made 
himself master of the village. His scouts arrived upon the Bormida at 
nightfall ; they gave information that the enemy had no bridge there, and 
that there was only an ordinary garrison in Alexandria; they gave no 
intelligence of the army of Melas. 

" Lannes's corps bivouacked diagonally in the rear of Marengo, upon 
the right. 

" The first consul was very uneasy ; during the night, he determined 
to visit his head-quarters of the preceding day, in order to meet intelli- 
gence from General Moncey, General Lapoype, and the agents who had 
been sent towards Genoa, and who were to rendezvous upon those head- 
quarters ; but the Scrivia had overflowed its banks. This stream swells 
considerably in the course of a few hours, and a few hours also are 
sufficient for its return to its usual state. This circumstance determined 
the first consul to fix his head-quarters at Torre di Garifolo, between 
Tortona and Alexandria. In this situation was the night spent. 

" Meanwhile, the most dreadful confusion had prevailed in Alexan- 
dria, since the battle of Montebello. The Austrian council was agitated 
by the most sinister presentiments : they beheld the Austrian army cut 
off" from its line of operation and depots, and placed between the army 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 173 

of the first consul and that of General Suchet, whose advanced posts 
had passed the mountains, and began to be felt upon the rear of the right 
flank of the Austrians. The greatest irresolution pervaded their minds. 

"After much hesitation, Melas, on the 11th, resolved to send a strong 
detachment against Suchet, the remainder of the Austrian army con- 
tinuing covered by the Bormida and the citadel of Alexandria ; but, 
during the night of the 11th and 12th, Melas heard of the first consul's 
movement upon the Scrivia. On the 12th, he recalled his detachment, 
and passed the whole day and night of the 13th in deliberation; at last, 
after some sharp and stormy discussions, the council of Melas pronounced 
that the existence of the army of reserve had been unknown to him ; 
that the orders and instructions of the Aulic council had mentioned only 
the army of Massena ; that the unfortunate position in which they found 
themselves ought, therefore, to be attributed to the ministry, and not to 
the general ; that in this unforeseen situation, brave soldiers ought to do 
their duty; that they were, then, called upon to cut their way through 
the army of the first consul, and thus reopen the communications with 
Vienna ; that, in case of success, every thing was gained, since they 
were masters of Genoa, and, by returning promptly upon Nice, they could 
execute the plan of operations fixed at Vienna; and, lastly, that if they 
failed, and lost the battle, their position would, no doubt, be dreadful ; 
but that the whole responsibility of it would fall upon the ministry. 

"This train of reasoning settled all opinions; there was but one cry, 
'To arms! to arms!' and every one began to make his dispositions for 
the next day's battle. 

" The chances of victory were wholly in favour of the Austrian army, 
which was very numerous. It had, at least, three times as many cavalry 
as the French army. The strength of the latter was not exactly known ; 
but the Austrian army, notwithstanding its losses at the battle of Monte- 
bello, and those it had experienced in the neighbourhood of Genoa and 
Nice after the retreat, was still very superior to the army of reserve. 

"On the 14th, at break of day, the Austrians defiled by the three 
bridges of the Bormida, and made a furious attack on the village of 
Marengo. The resistance was obstinately kept up for a long time. The 
first consul, finding, from the briskness of the cannonade, that the Aus- 
trians had commenced the attack, immediately despatched orders to Gen- 
eral Desaix to return with his troops upon San Juliano ; he was half a 
day's march off" to the left. The first consul arrived on the field of battle 
at ten o'clock in the morning, between San Juliano and Marengo. The 
enemy had at length carried Marengo ; and the division under Victor 
having been forced to give way after a firm resistance, was thrown into 
the utmost disorder. The plain on the left was covered with our fugi- 
tives, who spread alarm wherever they went, and many were even 
exclaiming in dismay, 'AH is lost!' 

" The corps of General Lannes, a little in the rear of the right of 
Marengo, was engaged with the enemy, who, after taking that place, 
deployed upon its left, and formed its line opposite our right, beyond 

15* 



174 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

which it already extended. The first consul immediately despatched 
his battalion of the cavalry guard, consisting of eight hundred grenadiers, 
the best troops in the army, to station themselves at five hundred toises 
distance from Lannes, on the right, in a good position, in order to keep 
the enemy in check. Napoleon himself, with the seventy-second demi- 
brigade, hastened to the support of Lannes, and directed the division of 
reserve of Cara Saint-Cyr, upon the extreme right, to Castel-Ceriolo, to 
flank the entire left of the enemy. 

" In the mean time, the army perceived, in the middle of this immense 
plain, the first consul, surrounded by his staff* and two hundred horse 
grenadiers with their fur caps: this sight proved sufficient to inspire the 
troops with hopes of victory ; their confidence revived, and the fugitives 
rallied upon San Juliano, in the rear of the left of General Lannes. 
The latter, though attacked by a large proportion of the enemy's army, 
was effecting his retreat through the midst of this vast plain with admi- 
rable order and coolness. This corps occupied three hours in retiring 
three-quarters of a league, entirely exposed to the grape-shot of eighty 
pieces of cannon ; at the same time that, by an inverse movement, Cara 
Saint-Cyr advanced upon the extreme right, and turned the left of the 
enemy. 

"About three o'clock in the afternoon the corps of Desaix arrived : the 
first consul made him take a position on the road in advance of San Juli- 
ano. Melas, who believed the victory decided, being overcome with 
fatigue, repassed the bridges, and entered Alexandria, leaving to General 
Zach, the head of his staff", the care of pursuing the French army. The 
latter, thinking that this army was effecting its retreat by the road from 
Tortona, endeavoured to reach this road behind San Juliano ; but the first 
consul had altered his line of retreat at the commencement of the action, 
and had directed it between Sala and Tortona, so that the high-road from 
Tortona was of no consequence to the French army. 

"Lannes's corps, in its retreat, constantly refused its left, thus direct- 
ing its course towards the new point of retreat ; and Cara Saint-Cyr, who 
was at the extremity of the right, found himself almost upon the line of 
retreat, at the very time that General Zach imagined the two corps were 
intersected. 

"The division of Victor had, in the mean time, rallied, and burned 
with impatience to recommence the contest. All the cavalry of the army 
was concentrated in the advance of San Juliano, on the right of Desaix, 
and in the rear of the left of General Lannes. Balls and shells fell upon 
San Juliano; its left was already gained by a column of six thousand of 
Zach's grenadiers. The first consul sent orders to General Desaix to 
charge with his fresh division this column of the enemy. Desaix imme- 
diately prepared to execute these orders ; but, as he advanced at the head 
of two hundred troopers of the ninth light demi-brigade, he was shot 
through the heart by a ball, and fell dead at the very moment that he had 
given the word to charge : by this stroke, the first consul was deprived 
of the man whom he esteemed most worthy of being his lieutenant. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 175 

"This misfortune by no means disconcerted the movement, and Gen- 
eral Boudet easily inspired the soldiers with the same lively desire of 
instant revenge for so beloved a chief, which actuated his own breast. 
The ninth light demi-brigade, who did indeed, on this occasion, deserve 
the title of Incomparable, covered themselves with glory. General Keller- 
man, with eight hundred heavy horse, at the same time charged intrepidly 
the middle of the left flank of the column : in less than half an hour these 
six thousand grenadiers were broken, overthrown, dispersed, and put to 
flight. General Zach and all his staff were made prisoners. 

" General Lannes immediately charged forward. Cara Saint-Cyr, who 
was on our right, and en potence with the left flank of the enemy, was 
much nearer than the enemy to the bridges upon the Bormida. The 
Austrian army was thrown into the most dreadful confusion in a moment. 
From eight to ten thousand cavalry, which were spread over the field, 
fearing that Saint-Cyr's infantry might reach the bridge before them, 
retreated at full gallop, and overturned all they met with in their way. 
Victor's division made all imaginable haste to resume its former field 
of battle, at the village of Marengo. The enemy's army was in the most 
horrible disorder. No one thought of any thing but flight. The pres- 
sure and confusion became extreme on the bridges of the Bormida, where 
the masses of fugitives were obliged to crowd together ; and at night, all 
who remained upon the left bank fell into the power of the republic. 

"It would be difficult to describe the confusion and despair of the 
Austrian army. On one side, the French army was on the bank of the 
Bormida, and was expected to pass it at daybreak. On the other, they 
had General Suchet with his army on their rear, in the direction of 
their right. 

<' Which way could they effect their retreat ? Behind, they would be 
driven to the Alps and the frontiers of France ; they might have moved 
towards Genoa on the right, before the battle ; but they could not hope 
to do so after their defeat, and closely followed by the victorious army. 
In this desperate situation. General Melas resolved to give his troops the 
whole night to rally and repose themselves, availing himself of the screen 
of the Bormida and the protection of the citadel of Alexandria for this 
purpose ; and afterwards to repass the Tanaro, if necessary ; and thus 
maintain himself in that position, and endeavour, at any rate, by enter- 
ing into negotiations, to save his army by capitulating." 



176 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Results of the Battle of Marengo; Bonaparte returns to Paris; is received with Enthusiasm; 
Conspiracies formed against hini ; Infernal Machine ; Arbitraiy Condemnations. 

The battle of Marengo decided the fate of Italy: the discomfit- 
ure of the Austrian army was so complete, that, rather than stand 
the chance of another contest with their victorious enemy, the gen- 
eral-in-chief proposed on the following day to negotiate for peace. 

Melas offered to abandon Genoa and all the strong places in 
Piedmont, Lombardy, and the Legations—provided Bonaparte 
would allow him to march the remains of his army unmolested to 
the rear of Mantua. Napoleon accepted this offer, and a suspen- 
sion of hostilities immediately took place. By one battle, he had 
regained nearly all that the French had lost in the unhappy Italian 
campaign of 1799: at all events, he had done enough to crown his 
own name with unrivalled splendour, and to show that the French 
troops were once more what they had used to be, when he was in 
the field to command them. He had another motive for closing 
with the propositions of General Melas : it was of urgent import- 
ance to regain Genoa, ere an English army, which he knew was 
on its voyage to that port, could reach its destination. 

As soon as this convention was signed, Bonaparte dictated to 
me, at Torre di Galifolo, the following letter to his colleagues : 

" The day after the battle of Marengo, Citizen Consuls, General Melas transmitted 
a message to our advanced posts, requesting permission to send General Skal to me. 
During the day, the convention, of which I send you a copy, was drawn up, and at 
night it was signed by Generals Berlhier and Melas. I hope the French people will 
be satisfied with the conduct of their army. " Bonaparte." 

The only thing worthy of remark in this letter, would be the 
concluding sentence, in which the first consul still affected to 
acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, were it not that the 
words, "Citizen Consuls," were evidently foisted in with a partic- 
ular design. The battle was gained ; and even in a trifling mat- 
ter like this, it was necessary that the two other consuls should 
feel that they were not so much the colleagues as the inferiors of 
the first consul. 

We returned on the 17th of June to Milan, and our second 
occupation of that city was marked by continued acclamations, 
wherever the first consul showed himself. At Milan, the first 
consul now saw Massena for the first time since our departure for 
Egypt. Bonaparte lavished upon him the highest praises, but not 
higher than he deserved, for his admirable defence of Genoa. He 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 177 

appointed him his successor in the command of the army of Italy. 
Moreau was on the Rhine, and therefore none but the conqueror 
of Zurich could properly have succeeded the first consul in that 
command. The 'first blow was struck; but there might still occur 
an emergency, requiring the presence of a skilful, experienced gen- 
eral, well acquainted with the country. And, besides, we could 
not be perfectly at ease, until it Avas ascertained what conditions 
would be adhered to by the cabinet of Vienna, which was then 
entirely under the influence of the cabinet of London. 

The first consul, confirmed in his power by the victory of 
Marengo, continued a few days longer at Milan, to settle the 
aflfairs of Italy, and then set out on his return to Paris. We took 
the road by Turin, and in passing through that city the first consul 
spent some hours in visiting the citadel, which had been surren- 
dered to us in pursuance of the capitulations of Alexandria. In 
passing over Mont Cenis, we met the carriage of Madame Keller- 
man, who was going to meet her husband. The first consul, on 
recognising that lady, ordered his carriage to stop, and congratu- 
lated her on the gallant conduct of her husband at Marengo. 

I shall say but little of the manifestations of joy and admiration 
with which Bonaparte was met throughout his journey; for this 
was always the case whenev^er he travelled. On arriving at Lyons 
we alighted at the Hotel des Celestins, where the acclamations of 
the people were so great, and the multitude so numerous and so 
eager to have a sight of the first consul, that Bonaparte was obliged 
to show himself at the balcony. The next day he proceeded, amid 
the shouts of the Lyonese, to lay the first stone of the new Place 
de Bellecour, which was to be erected on the ruins of a great square 
destroyed by the Jacobins during the revolutionary madness. 

We left Lyons in the evening, and continued our journey by 
Dijon ; and there the joy of the inhabitants amounted to phrensy. 
I have seldom seen a more fascinating sight than that presented by 
a group of young women of particular beauty and elegance, who, 
crowned with flowers, accompanied Bonaparte's carriage. It 
revived all the republican recollections of Greece and Rome, and' 
recalled the chorus of virgins dancing round the victor at the 
Olympic games. 

Bonaparte was rather talkative when travelling; but his conver- 
sation was not at all times equally interesting. On this occasion 
he said to me, as we traversed Burgundy on our return to Paris 
— "Well, a few more events like this campaign, and I may perhaps 
go down to posterity." " I think," I replied, " that you have already 
done enough to secure a long and lasting fame." "Done enough!" 
said he; "you are very good! — it is true, I have conquered, in less 
M 



178 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

than two years, Cairo, Paris, and Milan. Well, my dear fellow, 
and after all, suppose I was to die to-morrow, I should, after the 
lapse of ten centuries, have perhaps half a page of general history." 
He was right — many ages pass before the eye in the reading of a 
few hours, and the duration of a reign or of a life is the affair of 
but a moment. 

We arrived at the Tuileries on the 2d of July, and in an absence 
of less than two months what wonders had been accomplished ! 

"The enthusiasm of the Parisians exceeded all that has been 
recorded of any triumphal entry. Night after night every house 
was illuminated ; and day following day the people stood in crowds 
around the palace, contented if they could but catch one glimpse 
of the preserver of France. 

" The effusion of joy was the greater — because the tale of vic- 
toiy came on a people prepared for other tidings. About noontide, 
on the 14th of June, when the French had been driven out of 
Marengo, and were apparently in full and disastrous retreat, a 
commercial traveller left the field, and arriving, after a rapid jour- 
ney in Paris, announced that Bonaparte had been utterly defeated 
by Melas. It is said that the ill-wishers of the first consul imme- 
diately set on foot an intrigue for removing him from the govern- 
ment, and investing Carnot with the chief authority. It is" not 
doubtful that many schemes of hostility had been agitated during 
Napoleon's absence ; or that, amidst all the clamour and splendour 
of his triumphant reception in Paris, he wore a gloomy brow ; nor 
has any one disputed that, from this time, he regarded the person of 
Carnot with jealousy and aversion. 

" The tidings of the great battle, meanwhile, kindled the emula- 
tion of the Rhenish army : and they burned with the earnest desire 
to do something worthy of being recorded in the same page with 
Marengo. But the chief consul, when he granted the armistice 
to Melas, had extended it to the armies on the German frontier 
likewise : and Moreau, consequently, could not at once avail him- - 
self of the eagerness of his troops. The negotiations which ensued, 
however, were unsuccessful. The emperor, subsidized as he had 
been, must have found it very difficult to resist the remonstrances 
of England against the ratification of any peace in which she 
should not be included ; and it is natural to suppose, that the proud 
spirit of the Austrian cabinet revolted from setting the seal to an 
act of humiliation, not yet, as the English government insisted, 
absolutely necessary. News, meantime, were received, of the sur- 
render of Malta to an EngHsh expedition under Lord Keith and 
Sir Ralph Abercrombie:* and this timely piece of good fortune 

* On the 5th of September, 1800. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 17& 

breathed fresh spirit into the AntigaUican league. In fine, insin- 
cerity and suspicion protracted, from day to day, a negotiation not 
destined to be concluded until more blood had been shed. 

"During this armistice, which lasted from the 15th of June 
to the 10th of November, the exiled princes of the house of Bour- 
bqn made some more ineffectual endeavours to induce the chief 
consul to be the Monk of France. The Comte d'Artois took a 
delicate method • of negotiating. He sent a very beautiful and 
charming lady, the Duchesse de Guiche, to Paris; she without 
difficulty gained access to Josephine, and shone, for a time, the 
most brilliant ornament of the consular court. But the moment 
Napoleon discovered the fair lady's errand, she was ordered to 
quit the capital within a few hours. These intrigues, however, 
could not fail to transpire ; and there is no doubt that at this epoch 
the hopes of the royalists were in a high state of excitement." 

The immense number of letters which were at this time 
addressed to the first consul, is scarcely conceivable. These 
letters were often exceedingly curious, and I have preserved 
many of them; among the rest, was one from Durosel Beauma- 
noir, an emigrant, who had fled to Jersey. This letter contains 
some interesting particulars relative to Bonaparte's family. It is 
dated "Jersey, 12th July, 1800;" and the following are the most 
remarkable passages it contains: 

"I trust, general, that I may, without indiscretion, intrude upon your notice, to 
remind you of what I flatter myself you have not totally forgotten, after having lived 
eightees or nineteen years at Ajaccio. But you will, perhaps, be surprised that so 
trifling an afl"air should be the subject of the letter which I have the honour to address 
to you. You cannot have forgotten, general, that when your late father was obliged 
to take your brothers from the college of Autun, from whence he went to see you at 
Brienne, he was unprovided with money, and he asked me for twenty-five louis, which 
I lent him with pleasure. After his return, he had not an opportunity of paying me; 
and when I left Ajaccio, your mother offered to dispose of soine plate, in order to pay 
the debt. To this I objected, and told her that I would wait until she could pay me 
at her convenience; and, previous to the breaking out of the revolution, I believe it 
was not in her power to fullil her wish of discharging the debt. 

" I am sorry, general, to be obliged to trouble you about such a trifle. But, such is 
my unfortunate situation, that even this trifle is of some importance to me. Driven 
from my country, and obliged to take refuge in this island, where every thing is exceed- 
ingly expensive, the little sum I have mentioned, which was formerly a matter of 
indifference, would now be of great service to me. 

"At the age of eighty-six, general, after having served my country for sixty years, 
without interruption, I am compelled to take refuge here, and to subsist on a scanty 
allowance granted by the English government to French emigrants; I say emigrants, 
for I am obliged to be one against my will." 

I read this letter to the first consul, who immediately said, 
"Bourrienne, this is sacred! Do not lose a minute. Send the 
old man ten times the sum. Write to General Durosel, that he 



180 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

shall be immediately erased from the list of emigrants. What 
mischief those brigands of the convention have done ! I can never 
repair it all." Bonaparte uttered these words with a degree of 
emotion which I rarely saw him evince. In the evening, he 
asked me whether I had executed his orders, which I had done 
immediately. 

Availing myself of the privilege I have already frequently taken, 
of making abrupt transitions from one subject to another, accord- 
ing as the recollection of past circumstances occurs to my mind, 
I shall here note down a few details, which may not improperly 
be called dojnestic, and afterwards describe a conspiracy, which 
was protected by the very man against whom it was hatched. 

At the Tuileries, where the first consul always resided during 
the winter, and sometimes a part of the summer, the grand saloon 
was situated between his cabinet and the room in which he 
received the persons with whom he had appointed audiences. 
When in this audience-chamber, if he wanted any thing, or had 
occasion to speak to any body, he pulled a bell, which was 
answered by a confidential servant named Landoire, who was the 
messenger of the first consul's cabinet. When Bonaparte's bell 
rang, it was usually for the purpose of making some inquiry of me 
respecting a paper, a name, a date, or some^matter of that sort; 
and then Landoire had to pass through the cabinet and saloon to 
answer the bell, and afterwards to return and to tell me I was 
wanted. Impatient at the delay occasioned by this running about, 
Bonaparte, without saying- any thing to me, ordered the bell to be 
altered, so that it should ring within "the cabinet, and exactly above 
my table. Next morning, when I entered the cabinet, I saw a 
man mounted upon a ladder. "What are you doing there?" said 
I. "I am hanging a bell, sir." I called Landoire, and asked him 
who had given the order. "The first consul," he replied. I 
immediately ordered the man to come down and remove the ladder, 
which he accordingly did. When I went, according to custom, to 
call the first consul, and read the papers to him, I said, " General, 
I found a man this morning hanging a bell in your cabinet. I 
was told it was by your orders ; but being convinced there must 
be some mistake, I sent him away. Surely the bell was not 
intended for you, and I cannot imagine it was intended for me: 
who, then, could it be for?" "What a stupid fellow that Lan- 
doire is!" said Bonaparte. "Yesterday, when Cambaceres was 
with me, I wanted you. Landoire did not come ^Yhen I touched 
the bell. I thought it was broken, and ordered him to get it 
repaired. I suppose the bell-hanger was doing it when you saw 
him, for you know the wire passes through the cabinet." I was 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 181 

satisfied with this explanation, though I was not deceived by it. 
For the sake of appearance, he reproved Landoire, who, however, 
had done nothing more than execute the order he had received. 
How could he imagine I would submit to such treatment, consid- 
ering that we had been friends since our boyhood, and that I was 
now living on full terms of confidence and familiarity with him?" 

Before I speak of the conspiracy of C^racchi, Arena, and 
Topino-Lebrun, and others, I must notice a remark made by 
Napoleon at St. Helena. He said, or is alleged to have said, 
" The two attempts which placed me in the greatest danger, were 
those of the sculptor Ceracchi, and the fanatic of Schoenbrun." 
I was not at Schoenbrun at the time; but I am convinced that 
Bonaparte was in the most imminent danger. I have been 
informed, on unquestionable authority, that Staps set out from 
Erfurth with the intention of assassinating the emperor; but he 
wanted the necessary courage for executing the design. He was 
armed with a large dagger, and was twice sufficiently near Napo- 
leon to have struck him. I heard this from Rapp, who seized 
Staps, and felt under his coat the hilt of the dagger. On that 
occasion, Bonaparte owed his life only to the irresolution of the 
young illuminato, who wished to sacrifice him to his fanatical 
fury. It is equally certain that, on another occasion, respecting 
which the author of the St. Helena Narrative observes entire 
silence, another fanatic, more dangerous than Staps, attempted the 
life of Napoleon. 

About this time various attempts were made to assassinate the 
first consul, and the following is a correct account of that made 
by C6racchi. 

The plot itself was a mere shadow; but it was deemed advisa- 
ble to give it substance, to exaggerate, at least in appearance, the 
danger to which the first consul had been exposed. 

There was at that time in Paris an idle fellow, called Harrel; 
he had been a chef de hataillon, but he had been dismissed the 
service, and was consequently dissatisfied. He became connected 
with Ceracchi, Ar6na, Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. From 
different motives, all these individuals were violently hostile to the 
first consul, who, on his part, was no friend to Ceracchi and Arena, 
but scarcely knew the two others. These four individuals formed, 
in conjunction with Harrel, the design of assassinating the first 
consul, and the time fixed for the perpetration of the deed was one 
evening when Bonaparte intended to visit the opera. 

On the 20th of September, 1800, Harrel came to me at the 
Tuileries. He revealed to me the plot in which he was engaged, 
and promised that his accomplices should be apprehended in the 

16 



182 Mr.JlOlK^ OV NAPOLKOX UONAVARTE. 

very act, if I would supply him A\ith money to bring the plot to 
maturity. 1 knew not liow to act upon this disclosure, which I, 
however, could not reject, without incurring too great a responsi- 
bility. I immediatel}' coininuuicated the business to the lb"st 
consul, who ordered me to supply Ilarrel with money. 

The 10th ot" October having been tixed for the visit of the tlrst 
consul to the opera, the consuls, on the breaking up of the council 
on that day, assembled in the cabinet of their colleague. Bona- 
parte asked, in my presence, whether they thought he ought to go 
to the opera? I'hey observed, that as every precaution was 
taken, there was no reason to apprehend any danger, and that it 
was proper to show how useless were all attempts against his life. 
At"[ei' dinner, Bonaparte put on a great-coat over his green uniform, 
and got into a coach with Puroc and me. He seated himself in 
the front of his box, which was at the left entrance, between the 
two cohnnns which separate the front from the side boxes. In 
about half an hour, the first consul, keeping Duroc only with him, 
told me to go and see what was going on in the lobby. I had 
scarcely left the box, when I heard a great noise, and w'as soon 
informed that a great number of persons, whose names I could not 
learn, had been arrested. I hastened to inform the first consul, 
and we immediately returned to the Tuileries. Harrel's name 
Avas again placed upon the army list, and he was named command- 
ant of Vincennes. He held that post at the time of the assassin- 
ation of the Due d'Enghien. I have heard since that his wife was 
foster-sister to the unfortunate prince, and that she knew him on 
his entry into that prison, which in a few hours w-as to be his 
tomb. Alas! I cannot mention the Due dEnghien, without 
retlecting upon what it will cost me to relate all that I know of 
that melancholy catastrophe which put a period to his days; but I 
will one day relate it : I owe it to those who have been unworthily 
calumniated. 

As to the conspiracy of Ceracchi and Arena, it is beyond a 
doubf that those conspirators intended to take the life of the tirst 
consul, and that they endeavoured by every means in their power 
to accomplish their atrocious project. It is, however, but fair to 
say, that having become acquainted with the plot through the 
information of Harrel, it would have been easy to have crushed it 
without allowing it to come to maturity. Such was then, and 
such is now. my opinion. 

Although three months intervened between the conspiracy of 
Ceracchi and Arena, and the horrible attempt of the 3d Xivose. I 
will not separate these events, which, however, resemble each 
other only in having the same object in view. The former con- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. 183 

spirators belonged to the revolutionary faction. The latter, it must 
with grief* be confessed, were royalists, and in their desire to take 
away the life of the first consul, these men were not restrained by 
the fear of sacrificing the lives of a number of citizens. It is for 
this reason that it is impossible for an author who respects himself 
to avoid stigmatizing it as one of the most atrocious crimes that 
has been committed in the world, however well he may wish to 
that party in whose favour it was intended to operate. 

The police knew nothing of the plot of the 3d Nivose, for two 
reasons: first, because they were no parties to it; and secondly, 
because conspirators do not betray and sell each other when they 
are resolute in their purpose. In such cases, confession can arise 
only from two causes, the one excusable, the other infamous; viz: 
the dread of punishment, and the hope of reward. But neither of 
these causes influenced the conspirators of the 3d Nivose, the 
inventors and constructors of that machine which has so justly 
been denominated infernal! 

On the 3d Nivose, the first performance of Haydn's magnificent 
oratorio of the "Creation" took place at the opera, and the first 
consul had expressed his intention of being present. I did not 
dine with him that day; but as he left me he said, "Bourrienne, 
you know I am going to the opera to-night, and you may go too; 
but I cannot take you in the carriage, as Lannes, Berthier, and 
Lauriston, are going with me." I was very glad of this, for I 
much wished to hear one of the master-pieces of the German 
school of composition. I got to the opera before Bonaparte, who, 
on his entrance, seated himself, according to custom, in front of 
the box. The eyes of all present were fixed upon him, and he 
was perfectly calm and self-possessed. Lauriston, as soon as he 
saw me, came to my box, and told me that the first consul, on his 
way to the opera, had narrowly escaped being assassinated, in the 
Rue St. Nicaise, by the explosion of a barrel of gunpowder, the 
concussion of which had shattered the windows of his carriage. 
"Within ten seconds after our escape," added Lauriston, "the 
coachman, having turned the corner of the Rue St. Honor4 stop- 
ped to take the first consul's orders, and he coolly said, 'Drive to 
the opera.' " 

On hearing this, I immediately left the theatre, and returned to 
the palace, under the expectation that I should speedily be wanted. 
Bonaparte soon returned home, and as intelligence of the affair 
had spread through Pari.s, the grand saloon, on the ground floor, 
was filled with a crowd of functionaries, eager to read in the eye 
of their master what they were to think or say on the occasion. 
He did not keep them long in suspense. " This," exclaimed he„ 



184 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

vehemently, "is the work of the Jacobins: they have attempted 
my hfe! There are neither nobles, priests, nor Chouans, in this 
affair ! I know myself what I am about, and they need not think 
to impose on me. These are the Septembrizers, who have been 
in open revolt and conspiracy, and arrayed against every suc- 
ceeding government. It is scarce three months since my life was 
attemp'ted by Ceracchi, Arena, Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. 
They all belong to one gang! The cut-throats of September, the 
assassins of Versailles, the brigands of the 31st of May, the con- 
spirators of Prairial, are the authors of all crimes committed 
against estabhshed governments! If they cannot be restrained, 
they must be crushed! France must be purged of these ruffians !" 
It is impossible to form any idea of the bitterness with which 
Bonaparte pronounced these words. In vain did some of the coun- 
cillors of state, and Fouche in particular, endeavour to point out to 
him that there was no evidence against any one, and that before he 
pronounced people to be guilty, it would be right to ascertain the 
fact. Bonaparte repeated, with increased violence, what he had 
before said of the Jacobins; thus adding, not without some ground 
of suspicion, one crime more to the long catalogue for which they 
had already to answer. 

The following particulars respecting the affair of the infernal 
machine are related by Rapp, who attended Madame Bonaparte 
to the opera. He differs from Bourrienne as to the total igno- 
rance of the police : 

" The affair of the infernal machine has never been properly under- 
stood by the public. The police had intimated to Napoleon that an 
attempt would be made against his life, and cautioned him not to go out. 
Madame Bonaparte, Mademoiselle Beauharnois, Madame Murat, Lannes, 
Bessieres, the aid-de-camp on duty, and Lieutenant Lebrun, now Duke 
of Placenza, were all assembled in the saloon, while the first consul was 
writing in his closet. Hadyn's oratorio was to be performed that even- 
ing : the ladies were anxious to hear the music, and we also expressed 
a wish to that effect. The escort picquet was ordered out ; and Lannes 
requested that Napoleon would join the party. He consented ; his car- 
riage was ready, and he took along with him Bessieres and the aid-de-camp 
on duty. I was directed to attend the ladies. Josephine had received a 
magnificent shawl from Constantinople, and she that evening wore it for 
the first time. 'Allow me to observe, Madame,' said I, 'that your shawl 
is not thrown on with your usual elegance.' She good-humouredly begged 
that I would fold it after the fashion of the Egyptian ladies. While I 
was engaged in this operation, we heard Napolean depart. ' Come, sister,' 
said Madame Murat, who was impatient to get to the theatre, 'Bonaparte 
is going.' We stepped into the carriage : the first consul's equipage had 
already reached the middle of the Place Carrousel. We drove after it; 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 185 

but we had scarcely entered the Place when the machine exploded. 
Napoleon escaped by a smgular chance. Saint-Regent, or his French 
servant, had stationed himself in the middle of the Rue Nicaise. A gren- 
adier of the escort, supposing he was really what he appeared to be, a 
water-carrier, gave him a few blows with the flat of his sabre, and drove 
him off. The cart was turned round, and the machine exploded between 
the carriages of Napoleon and Josephine. The ladies shrieked on hear- 
ing the report; the carriage windows were broken, and Mademoiselle 
Beauharnois received a slight hurt on her hand. I alighted, and crossed 
the Rue Nicaise, which was strewed with the bodies of those who had 
been thrown down, and the fragments of the walls that had been shat- 
tered by the explosion. Neither the consul nor any individual of his 
suite sustained any serious injury. When I entered the theatre. Napo- 
leon was seated in his box, calm and composed, and looking at the audience 
through his opera-glass. Fouche was beside him. 'Josephine,' said he, 
as soon as he observed me. She entered at that moment, and he did not 
finish his question. ' The rascals,' said he, very coolly, ' wanted to blow 
me up. Bring me a book of the oratorio.' " 

The atrocity of the conspiracy roused universal horror and 
indignation, and invested the person of the chief consul with a 
new species of interest. The assassins were tried fairly, and 
executed, glorying in their crime : and in the momentary exalta- 
tion of all men's minds, an edict of the senate, condemning to per- 
petual exile one hundred and thirty of the most notorious leaders 
of the Terrorists, was received with applause. But Napoleon 
himself despised utterly the relics of that odious party; and the 
arbitrary decree in question was never put into execution. 

The chief consul, nevertheless, was not slow to avail himself 
of the state of the public mind, in a manner more consistent with 
his prudence and far-sightedness. It was at this moment that the 
erection of a new tribunal, called the Special Commission, con- 
sisting of eight judges, without jury, and without revision or 
appeal, was proposed to the legislative bodies. To their honour, 
the proposal was carried by very narrow majorities ; for after that 
judicature was established, the chief consul had, in effect, the 
means of disposing of all who were suspected of political offences, 
according to his own pleasure. Another law which soon suc- 
ceeded, and which authorized the chief magistrate to banish disaf- 
fected persons, as "enemies of the state," from Paris, or from 
France, whenever such steps should seem proper, without the 
intervention of any tribunal whatever, completed (if it was yet 
incomplete) the despotic range of his power ; and the police, man- 
aged as that fearful engine was by Fouche, presented him with 
the most perfect means of carrying his purposes into execution. 

16* 



lSt> MF.MOIUJ! OV XAVOI.KOX 150N AP .\UTE. 

A list Nvas draNvn up of tho persons styled Jacobins, ^vho 
•were conden\ned to transportation. 1 was fortunate enough to 
obtain the erasure of the names of several. Nvhose opinions had. 
perhaps, been violent, but whose education and private character 
presented claims to reconniiendation. Some of my readers may 
probably recollect then^ without my namii\g them, and 1 shall only 
mention M. Tissot. for the purpose of recording, not the service! 
rendered him. but an instance of grateful acknowledgment. 

When, in 1815. Napoleon was on the point of entering Paris, 
M. Tissot came to the prefecture of police, where I then was. and 
ottered me his house as a safe asylum, assuring me I should there 
run no risk of being discovered. Tiiough I did not accept the 
otrer. yet I gladly seize on this opportunity of making it known. 
It is gratitying to find that dilVereuce of political opinion does not 
always exclude sentiments of generosity and honour! I shall 
never forget the wav in which the author of the "Essays on Virgil" 
uttered the words l)on)us mea. 

But TO return to the iatal list. Even while I write this. I shudder 
to think of the way in which men, utterly innocent, were accused 
of a revolting crime, without even the shadow of a proof. The 
name of an individual, his opinion, perhaps, only assumed, was 
sufficient ground for his banishment. A decree of the consul's, 
dated -1th .tanuary. ISOl. contirmed by a senatus consultum on the 
next day. banished from the territory of the republic, and placed 
under special inspectoi-s. one hundred and thirty individuals, nine 
of whom were merely designated by the qualtication of Septem- 
brixei's. 

The exiles, who. in the reports and in the public acts, were so 
unjustly accused of being the authors of the infernal machine, 
were received at Xantes with so much indignation, that the 
military were compelled to interfere, to save ^hem from being 
massacred. 

The illegality of the proceciiing was so evident, that the senatus 
consultum contained no mention of the transactions of the 3d 
Nivose, which was very remarkable. It was, however, declared, 
that the measure of tlie previous day had been adopted with a 
view to the preservation of the constitution. This was promising. 

The first consul manifested the most violent hatred of the 
Jacobins; for this he could not have been blamed, if. under the 
title of Jacobins, he had not comprised every devoted advocate of 
public liberty. Their opposition annoyed him. and he could never 
parvion them for having pi-esumed to condemti his tyrannical act>s, 
and to resist the destruction of the freedom which he had himself 
sworn to defend, but which he was incessantlv labouriui: to over- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 187 

turn. These were the true motives of his conduct ; and, conscious 
of his own faults, he regarded with dislike those who saw and dis- 
approved of them. For this reason, he was more afraid of those 
whom he called Jacobins, than of the royalists. 

I am here recording the faults of Bonaparte, but I excuse him; 
situated as he was, any other person would have acted in the same 
way. Truth now reached him with difficulty, and when it was 
not agreeable, he had no disposition to hear it. He was sur- 
rounded by flatterers; and the greater number of those who 
approached him, far from telling him what they really thought, 
only repeated what he had himself been thinking. Hence he 
admired the wisdom of his counsellors. Thus Fouche, to main- 
tain himself in favour, was obliged to deliver up to his master one 
hundred and thirty names, chosen from among his own most inti- 
mate friends, as objects of proscription. 

Meanwhile, Fouch6, still believing that he was not deceived as 
to the real authors of the attempt of the 3d Nivose, set in motion, 
with his usual dexterity, all the springs of the police. His efforts, 
however, were for some time unsuccessful; but at length, on 
Saturday, the 31st of January, 1801, about two hours after our 
arrival at Malmaison, Fouche presented himself, and produced 
authentic proofs of the accuracy of his conjectures. There was 
no longer any doubt on the subject; and Bonaparte saw clearly 
that the attempt of the 3d Nivose was the result of a plot hatched 
by the partisans of royalty. But as the act of proscription against 
those who were jumbled together under the title of the Jacobins, 
had been executed, it was not to be revoked. 

Thus, the consequence of the 3d Nivose was, that both the 
innocent and guilty were punished; with this ditTerence, however, 
that the guilty, at least, had the benefit of a trial. When the 
Jacobins, as they were called, were accused, Fouch6 had not any 
positive proofs of their innocence ; and therefore their illegal con- 
demnation ought not to be attributed to him. A sufficient load 
of guilt attaches to his memory, without his being charged with a 
crime he never committed. Still, I must say, that had he boldly 
opposed the opinion of Bonaparte, in the first burst of his fury, he 
might have averted the blow. Every time he came to the Tuile- 
ries, even before he had acquired any traces of the truth, Fouch6 
always declared to me his conviction of the innocence of the per- 
sons first accused. But he was afraid to make the same observ- 
ation to Bonaparte. I often mentioned to him the opinion of the 
minister of police; but as proof was wanting, he replied to me, 
with a triumphant air, "Bah! bah! This is always the way with 
Fouche. Besides, it is of little consequence. At any rate, I shall 



188 MEMOIUS OF NAPOLEOX BOXAPARTE. 

get rid of them. Should the guilty be discovered among the roy- 
alists, they shall also be punished." 

The real criminals being at length discovered. St. Regent and 
Carbon expiated their crime by the forfeit of their heads. Thus 
the first consul gained his point, and justice gained hers. 



CHAPTER XVL 



Austi-ia, bribed by England, reAises to ratify the Treaty of Peace ; Rnpiiiro of the -Vrmistico ; Battle 
of Hoheiilindeii; Congress at LxmeviUe; Peace between France and Austria; I>eath of Paul I. of 
Russia; the French defeated in Egj-pt, and evacuate the coxmtry; negotiations with Fjigland; 
Peace of Amiens. 

The armistice concluded after the battle of Marengo, which 
had been first'broken and then resumed, continued to be observed 
for some time between the armies of the Rhine and Italv, and the 
imperial armies. But Austria, bribed by a subsidy of two mil- 
lions sterling, would not treat for peace, unless England was also 
included. This was quite in character with her usual policv — 
when beaten in the field, she was ever ready to make promises, 
but she evaded them on the slightest advantage being obtained; 
and at this time she did not despair of again recommencing the 
war successfully by the assistance of the money oi' England. " 

M. de Saint Julien, on the part of Austria, had signed the pre- 
liminaries of Peace at Paris, but the court of Vienna disavowed 
them; and Duroc, whom Bonaparte sent to convey the prehmi- 
naries to Vienna, for the imperial ratification, was not permitted 
to pass the Austrian advanced posts. This unexpected proceed- 
ing, the result of the powerful influence of England, justly irritated 
the first consul, who had given proofs of his moderation and his 
desire for peace. 

In his irritation, the first consul despatched orders to 3Ioreau 
to break the armistice, and to recommence hostilities, unless he 
regained possession of the bridges of the Rhine and the Danube, 
by the surrender of Philipsburgh, Ulm. and Ingolstadt. The Aus- 
trians then otTered to treat on a new basis, and England wished to 
take part in the negotiations, but the first consul would not con- 
sent to treat with them jointly. England would not hear of an 
armistice by sea. like that which France had concluded with 
Austria by land. She alleged, that in case of a rupture, France 
would derive from that armistice greater advantage than Austria 
would gain by that already concluded. The ditficulty and delay 
attending the necessarv communications rendered these reasons 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 189 

plausible. The first consul consented to accept other propositions 
from England, and to allow her to take part in the discussions of 
Luneville, but on condition that she should sign a treaty with him 
without the intervention of Austria. This England refused to do. 
Weary of this uncertainty, and the tergiversation of Austria, 
which was still under the influence of England, and feeling that 
the prolongation of such a state of things could only turn to his 
disadvantage, Bonaparte broke the armistice. He had already 
consented to sacrifices which his successes in Italy did not justify. 
The hope of an immediate peace had alone made him lose sight 
of the immense advantages which victory had given him. 

Far from appearing sensible to the many proofs of moderation 
which the first consul evinced, the combined insolence of England 
and Austria seemed only to increase. Orders were immediately 
given for resuming the offensive in Germany and Italy, and hos- 
tilities then recommenced. 

The French armies of Italy and Germany passed, the one the 
Mincio, the other the Danube, and the celebrated battle of Ilohen- 
linden brought the French advanced posts to within ten leagues 
of Vienna. This victory brought peace ; because, instructed by 
past experience, the first consul would not hear of a suspension 
of arms, until Austria consented to a separate treaty. Driven into 
her last entrenchments, she was obliged to yield, and to abandon 
England. The English cabinet, which had paid two millions, 
could not prevent this separation. The impatience and indigna- 
tion of the first consul at the evasions of Austria, and the plots of 
England, can scarcely be conceived, for he was not ignorant of 
the plans which were carrying on for the restoration of the 
Bourbons. His joy, therefore, was great, when the victory at 
Hohenlinden threw all its weight into the scale in his favour. It 
was on the 3d of December, 1800, under circumstances by no 
means favourable, that Moreau gained that celebrated battle,* 
which put an end to the hesitations of the cabinet of Vienna. On 
the 6th of December, the first consul received the news ; it was 
on a Saturday, and he had just returned from the opera when I 
delivered him the despatches. He literally leaped for joy. I 
ought to observe, that he did not expect so grand a result from the 
movements of the army of the Rhine. This victory gave a new 
feature to the negotiations for peace, and decided the opening of 

* On the eve of the battle of Hohenlinden, Moreau was at supper, with a party of 
officers, when a despatch was delivered to him. After he had read it, he said to his 
guests, though he was far from being in the habit of boasting, " I am here made 
acquainted with Baron Kray's movements. They are all I could wish. To-morrow 
we will take from him ten thousand prisoners." 



190 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

the congress of Luneville, which took place on the 1st of January- 
following. 

On receiving the news of the battle of Hohenlinden, Madame 
Moreau hastened to the Tuileries to call' on the first consul and 
Madame Bonaparte. She did not see them, and repeated her call 
several times without any better success. The last time she 
came, she was accompanied by her mother, Madame Hulot. She 
waited a long time in vain, and when going away, her mother, 
who could no longer restrain her feelings, said aloud in the saloon, 
before me and several others of the household, " That it ill became 
the wife of the conqueror of Hohenlinden to dance attendance in 
this way." This remark reached those for whom it was intended. 
Madame Moreau shortly after joined her husband in Germany. 
Madame Hulot came afterwards to Malmaison to solicit promotion 
for her eldest son, since dead, who served in the navy. Josephine 
received her very well, and invited her to dinner, as well as M. 
Carbonnet, a friend of Moreau's, who had accompanied her: she 
accepted the invitation. The first consul, who did not see her till 
dinner, treated her coolly, spoke but little, and after dinner imme- 
diately withdrew. His rudeness on this occasion was so marked 
and offensive, that Josephine considered it necessary to make an 
apology, and to assign his irritation to some trifling disappointment. 

Bonaparte had no dislike to Moreau, because he did not fear 
him; and after the battle of Hohenlinden he spoke of him in the 
highest terms, and did not seek to hide the obligations he was 
under to him on that important occasion; but he could not endure 
the family of his wife, who, he said, were a set of intriguers. 

As M. de Bourrienne has given no details of the celebrated 
battle of Hohenlinden, we have extracted the following account 
of it from Napoleon s Memoirs : 

"On the 1st of December, at break of day, the archduke deployed 
sixty thousand men before the heights of Ampfingen, and attacked Lieuten- 
ant-general Grenier, who had only twenty five thousand men, in front; 
while another of his columns, debouching by the bridge of Crayburg, 
marched to the heights of Achau, in the rear and on the right flank of 
Grenier. General Ney was at first obliged to yield to the superior 
numbers of the enemy, but rallied, returned to the attack, and broke 
eight battalions ; but the enemy continuing to deploy his numerous 
forces, and debouching by the valleys of the Issen, Lieutenant-general 
Grenier was compelled to retreat. 

"The manoeuvre of the Austrian army was a very fine one, and this 
first success augured others of great importance. But the archduke did 
not know how to profit by these circumstances ; he did not make a vigor- 
ous attack on the corps of Grenier, who only lost a few hundred prison- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 191 

ers and two pieces of cannon. On the following day, the 2d of December, 
he made only petty movements, and gave the French army time to rally 
and recover from its first surprise. He paid dearly for this error, which 
was the principal cause of the catastrophe of the following day. 

" Moreau having had the whole of the 2d to reconnoitre his forces, 
began to hope that he should have sufficient time for all his divisions to 
join. But the Archduke John, although he had committed the capital error 
of losing the whole of the 2d, did not fall into that of losing the 3d also. 
At break of day he began to move, and the dispositions made by the 
French general to effect the junction of his army became useless ; neither 
Lecourbe's corps nor that of Sainte-Suzanne could take part in the 
battle : the divisions of Richepanse and Decaen fought separately ; they 
arrived too late on the 3d to defend the forest of Hohenlinden. 

"The Austrian army came on in three columns; that of the left, con- 
sisting often thousand men, between the Inn and the Munich road, direct- 
ing its march on Albichengen and Saint Christopher ; that of the centre, 
forty thousand strong, proceeded by the road leading from Muhldorf to 
Munich, by Haag, towards Hohenlinden ; the grand park, the wagons 
and baggage, took this road, the only one which was firm. The column 
of the right, twenty-five thousand strong, commanded by General Latour, 
was to march on Bruckrain. 

"The roads were much cut up, as is usual in the month of December; 
the columns of the right and left marched by almost impracticfible cross 
roads; the snow fell heavily. The column of the centre, followed by 
the parks and baggage, having the advantage of the high road, soon dis- 
tanced the others; its head penetrated into the forest without impediment. 
Richepanse, who was to have defended it at Altenpot, had not arrived; 
but this column was stopped at the village of Hohenlinden, which was 
the ajjpui of Ney's left, and the station of Grouchy 's division. The 
French line, which had thought itself covered, was at first surprised ; 
several battalions were broken, and some disorder prevailed. Ney has- 
tened up; a terrible charge carried death and consternation into the 
head of a column of Austrian grenadiers ; General Spanochi was taken 
prisoner. At that moment the vanguard of the Austrian right debouched 
from the heights of Bruckrain. Ney was obliged to gallop to his left in 
order to face them ; his efforts would have been insufficient had Latour 
supported his vanguard ; but he was two leagues distant from it. In the 
mean time the divisions of Richepanse and Decaen, which ought to have 
arrived before daybreak, at the debouche of the forest, at the village of 
Altenpot, being embarrassed in the midst of the night in dreadful roads, 
and the weather being tremendous, were wandering a great part of the 
night on the edge of the forest. Richepanse, on arriving at the village 
of Altenpot, with his division, the eighth, the forty-eighth of the line, and 
the first chasseurs, found himself in the rear of the enemy's parks, and 
of all his artillery, which had defiled. He passed through the village, 
and drew up in line on the heights. Eight squadrons of the enemy's 
cavalry, which formed the rear-guard, deployed ; the cannonade com- 



192 MEM'OIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

menced ; the first chasseurs charged, and were repulsed. The situation 
of General Richepanse became more and more critical ; he was speedily 
informed that he was not to depend on Drouet, whose progress had been 
arrested by considerable forces ; and of Decaen he had no intelligence. 
In this dreadful predicament he took a desperate resolution; leaving 
General Walter with the cavalry, to keep the cuirassiers of the enemy 
in check, he entered the forest of Hohenlinden at the head of the forty, 
eighth and eighth of the line. Three battalions of Hungarian grenadiers, 
forming the escort of the parks, formed ; they advanced on Richepanse 
with the bayonet, taking his soldiers for an irregular force. The forty- 
eighth overthrew them. This petty engagement decided the fortune of 
the day. Disorder and alarm spread through the convoy ; the drivers 
cut their traces, and fled, abandoning eighty-seven pieces of cannon and 
three hundred wagons. The confusion of the rear spread to the van. 
Those columns which were far advanced in the defiles fell into disorder ; 
they were struck with the recollection of the disastrous campaign of the 
summer ; besides which they were in great measure composed of recruits. 
Ney and Richepanse joined. The Archduke John retreated with the 
utmost confusion and precipitation on Haag, with the wreck of his corps. 
" The evening after the battle, the head-quarters of the French army 
were transferred to Haag. In this battle, which decided the success of 
the campaign, six French divisions, composing half the army, alone 
engaged almost the whole of the Austrian army. The forces on the field 
of battle wei'e nearly equal, being about seventy thousand men on each 
side. But the Archduke John could not possibly have assembled a greater 
number, while Moreau might have brought twice as many into the field. 
The loss of the Frencli army was ten thousand men, killed, wounded, and 
taken, either at the actions of Dorfen, Amfingen, or at the battle of Hohen- 
linden. That of the enemy amounted to twenty-five thousand men, 
exclusively of deserters. Seven thousand prisoners, among whom were 
two generals, one hundred pieces of cannon, and an immense number of 
wagons, were the trophies of this day." 

The hopes of Austria having been again destroyed by the fatal 
battle of Hohenlinden, she had now no other alternative but to 
conclude peace on the best terms she could obtain. The defini- 
tive treaty was signed at Luneville on the 9th of February, 1801 ; 
by which'^the emperor, not only as the head of the Austrian mon- 
archy, but also in his quality of chief of the German empire, 
guaranteed to France the boundary of the Rhine ; thereby sacri- 
ficing certain possessions of Prussia, and other subordinate princes 
of the empire, as well as his own. Another article, extremely 
distasteful to Austria, yielded Tuscany ; which Napoleon resolved 
to transfer to a prince of the house of Parma, in requital of the 
good offices of Spain during the war. The emperor recognised 
the union of the Batavian Republic with the French; — and 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 193 

acknowledged the Cisalpine and Ligurian commonwealths; both 
virtually provinces of the great empire, over which the authority 
of the first consul seemed now to be permanently established. 

England was now the only power which continued steadfast in 
her hostility to France ; and the first consul used all the influence 
which he possessed to bring the alliance of the northern powers of 
Europe against her. It has already been stated that the half-crazy 
Emperor of Russia had taken up a violent personal admiration for 
Bonaparte, and, under the influence of that feeling, had virtually 
forsaken Austria before the campaign of Marengo. The first consul 
took all means to flatter the autocrat, and secure him in his interests. 

The result was, in eflfect, a coalition against the mistress of the 
seas ; and at the opening of the nineteenth century, England had 
to contemplate the necessity of encountering single-handed the 
colossal military force of France and the combined fleets of Europe. 

Early in March, 1801, Admiral Sir Hyde Parker and Vice-admi- 
ral Lord Nelson conducted a fleet into the Baltic, with the view 
of attacking the northern powers in their own harbours, ere they 
could effect their meditated junction with the fleets of France and 
Holland. The English passed the Sound on the 13th of March, 
and reconnoitred the road of Copenhagen, where the Crown-Prince, 
Regent of Denmark, had made formidable preparations to receive 
them. It was on the 2d of April that Nelson, who had volunteered 
to lead the assault, having at length obtained a favourable wind, 
advanced with twelve ships of the line, besides frigates and fire- 
ships, upon the Danish armament, which consisted of six sail of 
the line, eleven floating batteries, and an enormous array of small 
craft, all chained to each other and to the ground, and protected 
by the crown-batteries, mounting eighty-eight guns, and the forti- 
fications of the isle of Amack. The battle lasted for four hours, 
and ended in a signal victory. Some few schooners and bomb- 
vessels fled early, and escaped : the whole Danish fleet, besides, 
were sunk, burned, or taken. The Prince Regent, to save the 
capital from destruction, was compelled to enter into a negotia- 
tion, which ended in the abandonment of the French alliance by 
Denmark. Lord Nelson then reconnoitred Stockholm ; but, being 
unwilling to inflict unnecessary suffering, did not injure the city, 
on discovering that the Swedish fleet had already put to sea. 
Meantime, news arrived that Paul had been assassinated in his 
palace at St. Petersburg ; and that the policy which he had adopted, 
to the displeasure of the Russian nobility, was likely to find no 
favour with his successor. The moving spirit of the northern 
confederacy was, in eflfect, no more, and a brief negotiation ended 
in its total disrupture. 

N 17 



194 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Paul I. fell by a revolution of the palace, and under the hands 
of assassins, on the night of the 24th of March, 1801. This event 
caused the first consul much pain. In accordance with the feel- 
ing which this unexpected event occasioned him, and which had 
so important an influence on his policy, he directed me to have the 
following note inserted in the Moniteur: 

"Paul the First died on the night of the 24th of March; the English squadron 
passed the Sound on the 30th. History will point out the connexion existing between 
these two events." 

Thus were united in his mind the crime of the 24th of March, 
and the not ill-founded suspicion, as I believe, of its authors. 

The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte had been draw- 
ing closer from day to day. Bonaparte said to me, " In concert 
with the czar, I was sure of striking a mortal blow at the English 
power in India. A palace revolution has overset all my projects." 
This resolution, and the admiration which the autocrat had for 
the chief of the French republic, ought, no doubt, to be reckoned 
among the causes of his death. At this time the persons generally 
accused were those who had been most perseveringly and most 
violently threatened, and who had the greatest interest in a change 
of emperors. I have read a letter from a northern sovereign, 
which has left no doubt upon my mind in this respect; and the 
letter of this august personage even mentioned the price of the 
crime, as well as the part to be taken by each actor. But it must 
be acknowledged that the conduct and the character of Paul, his 
tyrannical acts, his violent caprices, and the frequent excesses of 
his despotism, had rendered him the object of general hatred — 
for patience has its limits. These causes of complaint did not 
probably create the conspiracy, but they greatly facilitated the 
execution of the plot which deprived the czar of his throne and 
his life. 

After Paul had ceased to exist, and Alexander had mounted 
the throne, the thoughts of the first consul reverted to the dis- 
memberment and partition of Poland, a subject which unceasingly 
occupied his mind. Already, during the first campaign in Italy, 
and frequently in Egypt, he had said to Sulkowsky, that his first 
wish was to reestablish Poland, to avenge the iniquity of its par- 
tition, and to restore, by this great act of justice, the ancient 
balance of Europe. He often dictated to me, for the Moniteur, 
articles which had the tendency to prove, by various arguments, 
that Europe never could enjoy repose until these great spoliations 
were repaired and avenged. But he often destroyed these notes 
without sending them to the press. His policy towards Russia 
changed shortly after the death of Paul. The idea of a war 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 195 

against this empire was constantl}^ present to his mind, and he no 
doubt akeady had formed the idea of that fatal campaign which 
took place eleven years afterwards, and which had other causes 
than the reestablishment of Poland, which was only a pretext. 
Since this war, the conception of which dates from the time of 
which we speak, has unfortunately taken place, it is a melancholy 
consideration, that private views have prevented the regeneration 
of a generous nation, thrice torn to pieces by the greedy policy 
of its powerful neighbours. 

About this period a powerful party recommended Bonaparte to 
break with the pope, and to establish an independent Galilean 
church, the head of which should reside in France. They repre- 
sented, that by doing so he would acquire a great accession of 
power, and be able to establish a comparison between himself and 
the first Roman emperors. But his wishes did not coincide with 
theirs on this subject. "I am convinced," said he, "that apart of 
France would become Protestant, especially if I was to favour 
that disposition. I am also certain, that the much greater portion 
would continue Catholic, and that they would oppose with the 
greatest zeal the division among their fellow-citizens. But by 
reviving a religion which has always prevailed in the country, 
and by merely giving the liberty of exercising their worship to 
the minority, I shall satisfy every one." 

Bonaparte justly considered that, by reestablishing religion in 
France, he should procure a powerful support to his government ; 
and to accomplish that object he had been much occupied since 
his return from the field of Marengo. The concoi'date with the 
pope, which reestablished the Catholic worship in France, was 
signed on the 15th of July, 1801, and made a law of the state in 
April, 1802. 

A solemn Te Deum was chanted at the cathedral of Notre Dame, 
on Sunday the 11th of April. The crowd was immense, and the 
greater part of those present stood during the ceremony, which 
was splendid in the extreme. But who would presume to say that 
the general feeling was in harmony with all this pomp? It is 
unquestionably true, that a great number of the persons present at 
the ceremony expressed, in their countenances and gestures, rather 
a feeling of impatience and displeasure than of satisfaction or of 
reverence for the place in which they were. 

The consular court was, in general, extremely irreligious; nor 
could it be expected to be otherwise, being composed chiefly of 
those who had assisted in the annihilation of all religious worship 
in France, and of men who, having passed their lives in camps, 
had oftener entered a church in Italy to carry off a painting than 



196 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONArARTE. 

to hear mass. Those who, without being imbued with any reli- 
gious ideas, possessed that good sense which induces men to pay 
respect to the beUef of others, though it be one in which they do 
not participate, did not blame the first consul for his conduct, and 
conducted themselves with some regard to decency. But on the 
road f';om the Tuileries to Notre Dame, Lannes and Augereau 
wanted to alight from the carriage, as soon as they saw that they 
were being driven to mass, and it required an order from the first 
consul to prevent their doing so. They went, therefore, to Notre 
Dame, and the next day Bonaparte asked Augereau what he 
thought of the ceremony. "Oh! it was all very fine," replied the 
general; "there was nothing wanting, except the million of men 
who have perished in the pulling down of what you are setting up." 
Bonaparte was much displeased at this remark. 

Many endeavours were made to persuade the first consul to per- 
form in public the duties imposed by religion. An influential 
example, it was urged, was required. He told me once that he 
had put an end to that request by the following declaration — 
"Enough of this. Ask me no more. You will not obtain your 
object. You shall never make a hypocrite of me. Let us remain 
where we are." 

Bonaparte at length, however, consented to hear mass, and St. 
Cloud was the place where this ancient usage was first reestab- 
lished. He directed the ceremony to commence sooner than the 
hour announced, in order that those who would only make a scoff 
of it might not arrive until the service was ended. 

Whenever the first consul determined to hear mass publicly on 
Sundays in the chapel of the palace, a small altar was prepared in 
a room near his cabinet of business. This room had been Ann 
of Austria's oi-atory. A small portable altai% placed on a platform 
one step high, restored it to its original destination. During the 
rest of the week, this chapel was used as a bathing-room. On 
Sunday, the door of communication was opened, and we heard 
mass, sitting in our cabinet of business. The number of persons 
there never exceeded three or four, and the first consul seldom 
failed to transact some business during the ceremony, which never 
lasted longer than twelve minutes. Next day all the papers had the 
news that the first consul had heard mass in his apartments. In the 
same way Louis XVIII. has often heard it in his. 

I have read in a work, remarkable on many accounts, that it 
was on the occasion of the concordate of the 15th of July, 1801, 
that the first con'sul abolished the republican calendar, and reestab- 
lished the Gregorian. This, is an error. He did not make the 
calendar a religious affair. The senatus consultum, which restored 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 197 

the use of the Gregorian calendar, to commence in the French 
empire from the 11th Nivose, year XIV. (1st of January, 1806), 
was adopted on the 22d Fructidor, year XIII. (9th of September, 
1805), more than four years after the concordate. The introduc- 
tion of the ancient calendar had no other object than to bring us 
into harmony with the rest of Europe, on a point so closely con- 
nected with daily transactions, which were much embarra.:3ed by 
the decadary calendar. 

In April, 1801, there arrived one evening at Malmaison an 
English newspaper, which announced the successful landing in 
Egypt of the English army under Abercrombie, on the 13th of 
March, and also giving an account of the battle which followed 
on the 21st, in which our army was defeated, and the Enghsh 
general killed. Bonaparte at first affected not to believe the intel- 
ligence, and stated in the midst of the company that it was impos- 
sible. But in the evening, when alone, he expressed his fears and 
his conviction that the accounts were too true. It seemed to 
distress him very much ; for of all his conquests, he set the highest 
value on Egypt, because it spread his fame throughout the East. 
Accordingly, he left nothing unattempted for the preservation of 
that colony. In a letter to General Kleber, he said: "You are 
as able as I am to understand how important is the possession of 
Egypt to France. The Turkish empire, in which the symptoms 
of decay are every where discernible, is at present falling to pieces, 
and the evil of the evacuation of Egypt by France would now be 
the greater, as we should soon see that fine province pass into the 
possession of some other European power." The selection of 
Gantheaume, however, to carry succour to Kleber, was not judi- 
cious. The first consul, upon finding that he did not leave Brest 
after he had been ordered to the Mediterranean, repeatedly said 
to me, "What the devil is Gantheaume about?" 

Gantheaume's hesitation, his frequent tergiversations, his arrival 
at Toulon, his tardy departure, and his return to that port on the 
19th of February, 1801, only ten days prior to Admiral Keith's 
appearance with Sir Ralph Abercrombie off Alexandria, com- 
pletely foiled all the plans which Bonaparte had conceived of 
conveying succour and reinforcements to a colony on the brink 
of destruction. 

The first consul had long been apprehensive that the evacuation 
of Egypt was unavoidable. The last news he had received from 
that country was but little encouraging, and created a presenti- 
ment of the dreadful catastrophe. In the negotiations which pre- 
ceded the peace of Amiens, we made a great merit of abandoning 
our conquests in Egypt; but the sacrifice would not have been 

17* 



198 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

considered great, if the events which took place at the end of 
August had been known in London before the signing of the pre- 
liminaries on the 1st of October. Under the fear of such an event 
taking place, the first consul himself answered M. Otto's last des- 
patch, which contained a copy of the preliminaries ready to be 
adopted by the English ministry. Neither the despatch nor the 
answer was communicated to M. de Talleyrand, then minister for 
foreign affairs. The first consul urged the ratification of the pre- 
liminaries with all possible speed ; and it was well for us that his 
fears were so much excited, for the news of the compulsory evac- 
uation of Egypt arrived in London the day after the signing of the 
preliminaries. M. Otto informed the first consul, by letter, that 
Lord Hawkesbury, in communicating to him the news of this 
event, told him he was very glad every thing was settled, for it 
would have been impossible for him to have treated on the same 
bases after the arrival of such news. In reality, we consented at 
Paris to the voluntary evacuation of Egypt, and that was some- 
thing for England, while Egypt was at that very time evacuated 
by a convention made on the spot. The evacuation of Egypt 
took place on the 30th of August, 1801; and thus the conquest 
of that country, which had cost so dear, was rendered useless, or 
rather injurious. 

By this treaty, England surrendered all the conquests which 
she had made during the war, except Ceylon and Trinidad. 
France, on the other hand, restored what she had taken from 
Portugal, and guaranteed the independence of the Ionian Isles. 
Malta was to be restored to the Knights of St. John, and declared 
a free port : neither England nor France was to have any repre- 
sentative in the order, and the garrison was to consist of the troops 
of a neutral power. This article was that which caused the great- 
est difficulty, and which was destined to form the pretext for the 
reopening of the war at no distant time. 

The definitive treaty was signed on the 25th of March, 1802, 
and nothing could surpass the demonstrations of joy on this occa- 
sion, both in London and Paris. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 199 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The Peace of Amiens glorious for France ; Expedition to Saint Domingo ; is Unsuccessful and Disas- 
trous ; First Symptoms of Bonaparte's Malady ; Josephine's Intrigues for the Marriage of Hortense ; 
Hortense married to Louis ; Falsehood contradicted ; Bonaparte President of the Cisalpine Repub- 
lic ; Peace of Amiens signed ; his Dislike to the Liberty of the Press ; General Sebastiani sent to 
Constantinople ; his Report ; Legion of Honom- ; Consulate for Life. 

Peace having been concluded on terms which were highly 
honourable to the national character, all parties hoped that the 
sanguinary wars in which the country had been engaged would 
now have terminated, and that France would be left at liberty to 
adopt those institutions which would be agreeable to herself. But 
the brilliant position in which the peace of Amiens had placed 
France, seemed to excite the jealousy of her neighbours, and to 
produce those feelings which are opposed to the repose of nations. 
In fact, we shall see that war broke out afresh with unusual 
animosity, and from very trifling causes. 

At this period the consular glory was unsullied, and held in 
prospect the most flattering hopes ; and it cannot be doubted but 
that the first consul was really desirous to promote peace and to 
give repose to France. 

During the struggles of the revolution, the island of St. Domingo 
had declared itself independent of the mother-country. However, 
it was now determined to send out an expedition to reduce it 
again to dependence. This expedition left the shores of France 
on the 14th of December, 1801 ; the fatal and unsuccessful issue 
of which is well known. The command was given to General 
Leclerc, who had no other talent to recommend him for such an 
appointment than that he was brother-in-law to the first consul, 
whose personal dislike to him was so great, that he undoubtedly 
was selected on purpose to remove him to a distance. After the 
first consul had dictated to me the instructions for this expedition, 
he sent for Leclerc, and, in my presence, addressed him in the 
following words: "Here are your instructions. Now is your 
chance; go, and get rich; and trouble me no more with your 
continued importunities for money." The St. Domingo expedi- 
tion is one of the great faults committed bj Bonaparte: every one 
consulted, dissuaded him from it; but his temper was such that no 
one could divert him from any purpose he had determined upon. 

The first consul dictated to me, for Toussaint, a letter contain- 
ing the most honourable expressions and the most flattering 
promises. He also sent back his two sons, who had completed 
their education at Paris; he offered to him the vice-governorship,, 



200 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

provided he would use his efforts to bring back the colony to the 
mother-country. 

Toussaint, either dreading deception or entertaining more ambi- 
tious views, resolved on war, after having shown some inclination 
for an arrangement. He was, however, easily reduced by an 
army which was well disciplined, and, as yet, vigorous and well 
supplied. He capitulated, and retired to a plantation, whence he 
was not to remove without permission from Leclerc. A pretended 
conspiracy furnished the pretext for sending him a prisoner to 
France. On arriving in Paris, he was placed under a rigorous 
confinement, which, together with a change of climate, was suffi- 
cient to shorten his days without recourse to poison — a report 
unworthy of belief Bonaparte acknowledged him to be possessed 
of great talent, energy, and courage, and I am certain that he 
would have rejoiced in a different conclusion of relations with 
him. Probably, any other than Leclerc would have succeeded in 
bringing Toussaint to reconcile the interests of the colony and 
the rights of humanity with the claims of the mother-country, 
moderated as they had been by time and circumstances. The 
yellow fever, which carried off Leclerc, spread its ravages among 
the army, and desertion became general. Rochambeau succeeded 
Leclerc, and by his severity completed the loss of the colony. 
He abandoned the island to Dessalines, and gave himself up to an 
English squadron, in 1803. Thus terminated this unfortunate 
expedition, which cost us a fine army, and of which the original 
expense was furnished by the plunder of the navy-chest for the 
support of invalids. 

During this period, Bonaparte often suffered from extreme pain ; 
and I have no doubt, from the nature of his after sufferings, that 
they commenced about this time. The pains of which he con- 
stantly complained affected him with great severity during the night 
on which he dictated to me the instructions for General Leclerc. 

It was on the 7th of January, 1802, that the marriage of 
Mademoiselle Hortense with Louis Bonaparte took place. At 
this time, the practice had not been resumed of joining to the civil 
act the nuptial benediction. The religious ceremony was per- 
formed in the private chapel. Rue Victoire, where a priest attended 
for that purpose. At the same time, Bonaparte caused the mar- 
riage of his sister Caroline to be religiously solemnized, which had 
previously only taken place before the magistrates. He did not 
follow this example himself; from what motive, does not appear. 
Did he already entertain ideas of a divorce, which the sanction of 
religion would have rendered more difficult? It could not pro- 
ceed from fear of being accused of weakness, since he revived it 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 201 

where his sister and daughter-in-law were concerned. The few 
words I heard from him on the subject showed his perfect indif- 
ference. He has said at St. Helena, when speaking of the mar- 
riage of Louis and Hortense, "That it arose from attachment; 
each was respectively the other's choice. As to the rest, this 
marriage was the result of Josephine's intrigues, who found her 
advantage in it." The truth is, Louis and Hortense were not 
attached to each other, as the first consul very well knew; he 
knew that Hortense had a decided attachment to Duroc, who did 
not return her affection with equal warmth. He even had con- 
sented to their union ; but Josephine looked forward to the mar- 
riage with much pain, and used all her influence to prevent it. 
She said to me, " My two brothers-in-law are my most determined 
enemies; you see all their intrigues, and know how much uneasi- 
ness they have caused me; this projected marriage will leave me 
without any support ; besides, Duroc, independent of Bonaparte's 
friendship, is nothing ; he has neither fortune, rank, nor even rep- 
utation; he cannot be a protection to me against the declared 
enmity of the brothers. I must have some more certain reliance 
for the future. My husband loves Louis very much; if I can suc- 
ceed in uniting my daughter to him, he will prove a strong coun- 
terpoise to the calumnies and persecutions of my brothers-in-law." 
I replied, that she had too long concealed her intentions from me ; 
that I had promised my services to the young people the more 
willingly, knowing the favourable sentiments of the first consul, 
who had often said to me, " My wife labours in vain ; they are 
agreeable to each other; they shall be married. I am attached 
to Duroc ; he is well born : I have given Caroline to Murat, and 
Pauline to Leclerc: I can as well give Hortense to Duroc; he is 
brave; he is as good as the others; he is a general of division — 
there can be no objection to their union. Besides, I have other 
views for Louis." I added, in my conversation with Josephine, 
that her daughter burst into tears when a marriage with Louis 
was even mentioned. In anticipation of the projected marriage 
between Hortense and Duroc, the first consul sent him on a special 
mission to compliment the Emperor Alexander on his accession 
to the throne. During this absence, the correspondence of the 
youthful lovers passed through my hands, at their own request. 
Almost every evening I made one in a party at billiards with 
Mademoiselle Hortense, who played extremely well. When I 
whispered to her, "I have a letter," the game quickly ceased; she 
ran to her chamber, where I followed and delivered the billet. 
Her eyes filled with tears, and she did not descend again to the 
saloon till long after I had returned. 



202 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Josephine was so anxious to gain an additional support against 
the family, that seeing her resolution was so completely formed, I 
engaged no longer to oppose her views, which I could not disap- 
prove of; but I pointed out that it would be impossible for me to 
preserve silence and neutrality in their domestic disputes any 
longer. She appeared satisfied. During our stay at Malmaison, 
mtrigues continued, but probabilities still favoured Duroc. I even 
offered him my congratulations, which he received with wonderful 
coolness. We returned to the Tuileries a few days after, and 
there Josephine resolved on the marriage of her daughter with 
Louis, and used all her influence with the first consul to obtain 
his consent. On the 4th of January, 1802, after dinner, Bona- 
parte entered the cabinet where I was at work, and said, "Where 
is Duroc?" I replied, "Gone out; I believe, to the opera." — "Tell 
him, as soon as he returns, that I have promised him Hortense. 
He shall marry her, and this must take place at least in two days. 
I shall give him five hundred thousand francs (about £21,000), 
and name him commandant of the eighth military division. He 
must set out for Toulon, with his wife, the day after the marriage, 
and we shall live separate. I will have no son-in-law in the house 
with me. As I wish this affair settled, let him know, and let me 
have his answer this evening, if it suits him." — "I don't think it 
will." — "Very well; she shall marry Louis." — "Will she have 
him?" — "She must have him." 

This proposal was made in such a hasty and intemperate man- 
ner, that I could not doubt but that some difference had taken 
place between hiiTi and Josephine. About half-past ten, Duroc 
returaed. I repeated to him, as nearly as possible, every word 
which had been made use of by the first consul. Duroc replied, 
"Since it is so, my friend, he may keep his daughter for me; I am 

going to visit ." So saying, with an air of indifference beyond 

my comprehension, he took his hat, and went out. The first 
consul was informed of his refusal, and Josephine received that 
evening the assurance of her daughter's marriage with Louis; 
which accordingly took place a few days after. Such is a correct 
account of this matter as it happened, much to the sorrow of Hor- 
tense, and, probably, to the satisfaction of Duroc. Louis suffered 
the infliction of a wife, and Hortense that of a husband who had 
always been personally objectionable to her. The mutual dislike 
which then existed was not removed by their union, and these 
sentiments of indifference still remain unchanged. In mentioning- 
these circumstances, I consider it necessary to allude to a wicked 
and infamous assertion, which at this time was made by the 
enemies of the first consul, that he entertained for Hontense other 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 203 

sentiments than those of a father-in-law for his daughter. We 
shall see afterwards what he said to me on this subject; but we 
cannot too speedily remove such a base scandal; the insinuation 
was execrable in the extreme. 

In the leisure which the peace afforded to Bonaparte, he was 
desirous to place the Cisalpine republic on a footing of harmony 
with the government of France. It was necessary to select a 
president who should perfectly accord with his own views ; and, 
in this respect, no one could be more suitable than himself He 
therefore prepared to have himself appointed chief of that republic, 
and caused a deputation to meet him at Lyons for that purpose. 
Before our departure, I said to him, "Would it not have been 
agreeable to you to revisit Italy, the first scene of your glory, and 
the beautiful capital of Lombardy, where you were the subject of 
so much homage?" Yes, it certainly would," replied the first 
consul; "but the journey to Milan would occupy too much time. 
I have also reasons for preferring that the meeting should take 
place in France. My influence over the deputies will be more 
absolute and certain at Lyons than at Milan; and besides, I shall 
be very happy to see again the noble wreck of the army of Egypt 
which is there collected." 

On the 8th of January, 1802, we left Paris. Bonaparte, who 
was now ready to ascend the throne of France, wished to prepare 
the Italians for one day crowning him king of Italy, in imitation 
of Charlemagne, of whom he prospectively considered himself as 
successor. He saw that the presidency of the Cisalpine republic 
was a great advance towards the sovereignty of Lombardy, as he 
afterwards found that the consulate for life was an important step 
towards the throne of France. On the 26th, he obtained the title 
of president without much difficulty. The journey and the con- 
ferences were only forms, but public opinion had to be captivated 
by high-sounding words and solemn proceedings. 

The attempts recently made on the life of the first consul gave 
rise to a report that he took extraordinary precautions for his 
safety dui'ing this journey; I never saw any of these precautions 
— they were opposed to his disposition. He often repeated, " That 
whoever would risk his own life, might take his." He therefore 
travelled as a private person, and rarely had arms in his carriage. 

On the 25th of March of this year, 1802, England signed, at 
Amiens, a suspension of hostilities for fourteen months, which has 
been called the treaty of Amiens. The clauses of this treaty were 
not of a nature to induce the hope of a long peace. It was evi- 
dent that England would not evacuate Malta; and that island 
ultimately proved the chief cause of the rupture of the peace. 



204 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

But this treaty served to consolidate the power of the first consul, 
for England, formerly so haughty in her bearing towards him, had 
now treated him as the head of the French government. As he 
perceived that I appreciated these advantages, he did not dissem- 
ble his satisfaction in this particular. 

It was at this moment, when he saw his glory and power aug- 
menting, that he said to me, in one of our walks at Malmaison, 
" Well, Bourrienne, you will also be immortal 1" " Why, general ?" 
"Are you not my secretary?" "Tell me the name of Alexan- 
der's,"* said I. Bonaparte then turned to me, and laughing, said, 
"Hem! that is not bad." There was, to be sure, a little flattery 
conveyed in my question, but that never displeased him, and I 
certainly did not, in that instance, deserve the censure he often 
bestowed on me for not being enough of a courtier and a flatterer. 

Here I may state the grounds of quarrel between the first consul 
and the English journals, which exhibits a new proof of his love 
for liberty ! At all times a declared enemy to the freedom of the 
press, the first consul held the journals under a hand of iron. 
Often have I heard him say, "Should I give them the rein, my 
power would not continue three months." Unfortunately, too, 
the same sentiment guided his conduct with respect to all pre- 
rogatives of public liberty ; the silence thus forced upon France, 
he wished, but was unable, to impose in England. He was 
enraged at the insults heaped upon him by the English newspa- 
pers and libels, especially by the journal L'Ambigu (the Medley), 
edited by one Peltier, who, at Paris, had formerly been editor of 
" The Acts of the Apostles." This newspaper was constantly filled 
with the most violent attacks against the first consul and the 
French nation — doubtless a circumstance very honourable to its 
author, a Frenchman. Bonaparte had never been accustomed, 
like the English, to despise newspaper satire : he avenged himself 
by violent articles in the Moniteur. M. Otto even received orders 
to present an official note on the subject of these systematic 
calumnies, which the consul believed were authorized by the 
English government. Besides this official measure, he personally 
addressed Mr. Addington, chancellor of the exchequer, requesting 
him to support the representation, and urging him to institute 
legal proceedings against those publications complained of. In 
order to lose no time in satisfying his hatred against the liberty of 
the press, he seized, for this purpose, the moment of signing the 
preliminaries to urge his demand. 

Mr. Addington replied, in a long letter, written with his own 

* Bonaparte did not know the name of Alexander's secretary, and I forgot at the 
moment to tell him it was Callisthenes. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 205 

hand, and which I translated. The Enghsh mmister forcibly- 
refuted the arguments of the first consul; admitting, indeed, that 
the abuse of the press might occasionally become an evil; but that 
the constitution left every one free to use his pen at his own risk 
and peril. "One is punished for a delinquency in writing, as for 
any other crime. Such delinquencies," Mr. Addington acknowl- 
edged, "sometimes escaped the severity of the laws. But there 
is no remedy," continued he; "and it is difficult to discover one; 
for the liberty of the press, which forms a constituent of the 
national system, cannot be infringed. The people owe much to this 
liberty, and no minister would be found sufficiently bold to hazard 
the question in Parliament — so dear is this freedom to the Eng- 
lish." Mr. Addington afterwards observed to the first consul, that 
"though a foreigner, he was entitled to bring his complaint before 
the national tribunals; but that he must then be prepared to see 
reprinted, as portions of process, all the libellous pieces of which 
he» complained." He entreated him, "by profound contempt, to 
suffer these nuisances to remain in their obscurity, and to act like 
many others, who attached to such calumnies not the slightest 
importance." I was happy, also, in contributing to prevent for a 
time this scandalous prosecution. 

In this state things remained; but after the peace of Amiens, 
the first consul caused Peltier to be cited before the coui'ts. The 
defence was conducted by the celebrated Sir James Mackintosh, 
who, according to the accounts of the time, displayed the greatest 
eloquence in his pleadings. Peltier, however, was found guilty. 
This condemnation, which was regarded by public opinion as a 
triumph, was not carried into execution, because the rupture 
between the two countries speedily ensued. It is melancholy to 
think, that this excessive susceptibility to libellous articles in the 
English journals should have contributed as much, and perhaps 
more, than great political interests, to the renewal of hostilities. 

After the peace of Amiens, Bonaparte had despatched General 
Sebastiani to Constantinople, to induce the grand Seignior to 
renew his amicable relations with France, and he was very much 
pleased with his conduct on this occasion. 

Previous to the evacuation of Egypt, that country had occu- 
pied much of the first consul's attention, and he had contemplated 
sending a man, such as Sebastiani, to travel through Northern 
Africa, Egypt, and Syria, to endeavour to inspire the sovereigns 
of those countries with a more favourable idea of France than 
they now entertained, and also to remove the ill impressions which 
England was endeavouring to produce. Sebastiani was accord- 
ingly despatched upon this mission. He visited all the Barbary 

18 



206 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

states, Egypt, Palestine, and the Ionian Isles. Every where he 
drew a highly-coloured picture of the power of Bonaparte, and 
deprecated the glory of England. He strengthened old con 
nexions, and contracted new ones with the chiefs of each country. 
The secret information which he supplied respecting the means of 
successfully attacking the English establishments in India was very 
curious, though not affording the hope of success. An abstract of 
these reports was published in the Moniteur, which contained 
many expressions hostile to England ; and, among others, that 
Egypt might be reconquered with six thousand men, and that the 
Ionian Islands would, on the first favourable opportunity, declare 
themselves in favour of France. 

The English government complained of the insulting character 
of this publication; to which the PVench minister replied, that the 
English government had permitted the publication of Sir Robert 
Wilson's Narrative of the Egyptian expedition, which contained 
statements in the highest degree injurious to the character and 
honour of the first consul. These mutual recriminations very- 
soon led to the termination of the armistice. 

About the commencement of the year 1802, Napoleon began to 
feel acute pains in his right side, and I have frequently seen him 
at Malmaison, when sitting up at night, lean against the right arm 
of his chair, and, unbuttoning his coat and waistcoat, he has 
exclaimed, "What pain I feel!" I would then assist him to his 
bed-chamber, and have often been obliged to support him on the 
little staircase which led from his cabinet to the corridor. He 
very frequently, about this time, used to express his fear, that 
when he should be forty, he would become a great eater and very 
corpulent. This fear of obesity, which constantly haunted him, 
did not then appear to have the least foundation, judging from his 
habitual temperance and spare habit of body. He asked me who 
was my physician, when I told him that it was Corvisart, whom 
his brother Louis recommended to me. A few days after, he 
called in Corvisart, who afterwards became first physician to the 
emperor. He appeared at this time to derive much benefit from 
his prescriptions. The pain Bonaparte suffered increased his 
irritability, and influenced many acts of this period of his life. 
He would often destroy in the morning what he had dictated over 
night ; and sometimes I would take upon me to keep back articles 
which were ordered to be sent to the Moniteur, which I thought 
might have a mischievous effect. In the morning, he would some- 
times inquire, on not observing it in the Moniteur, if the article 
had been sent. I used to make some excuse for not sending it, 
and would show it to him again. He looked it over, and usually 
tore it up, saying it would not do. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 207 

After the ratification of peace, the first consul, wishing to send 
an ambassador to London, cast his eyes, some how or other, upon 
General Andr^ossy. I ventured to make some observations on a 
choice which appeared to me not to correspond with the high 
importance of the mission. Bonaparte replied, "I have not deter- 
mined upon it — I shall talk with Talleyrand on the matter when 
he comes to Malmaison." In the course of the evening, the pro- 
posed appointment of an ambassador was mentioned, and after 
several persons had been named, the first consul said, "I believe I 
must send Andreossy." Talleyrand, who was not much pleased 
with the choice, replied, in a dry and sarcastic tone, "You wish 
to send Andre aussi! Who is this Andre?" "I did not mention 
Andr6 ; I said, Andreossy ! You know him ; he is a general of 
artillery." "Ah, true!" replied Talleyrand; I did not think of 
him. I was only thinking of those in the diplomacy." Andreossy 
was, however, appointed ambassador, and he repaired to the court 
of London, but only continued there a few months. He had 
nothing of consequence to do, which was very fortunate for him. 

After the vote for adding a second ten years to the duration of 
the consulship, on the 4th of May, 1801, Bonaparte brought forward, 
for the first time officially, in the council of state, the question of 
establishing the Legion of Honour, which* on the 19th following 
was proclaimed a law of the state. The opposition was very 
strong, and all the power of the first consul, the force of his 
reasonings, and the influence of his situation, could obtain in the 
council no more than fourteen votes out of twenty-four. The 
same feeling was displayed in the tribunate, where the measure 
passed only by a majority of fifty-six to thirty-eight. The portion 
was nearly the same in the legislative body, where the votes were 
one hundred and sixty-six to one hundred and ten. Surprised at 
so feeble a majority, he said to me, in the evening, " You are right 
— prejudices are still against me. I ought to have waited ; there 
was no hurry in bringing it forward; but the thing is done; and 
you will soon find that the taste for these distinctions is not gone 
by. It is a taste which belongs to the nature of man. You will 
see that extraordinary results will arise from it." As Bonaparte 
contemplated, this institution wrought prodigies. The noblesse 
were mightily pleased with it. Thus, in a sho'rt space of time, the 
concordate to tranquillize the consciences and reestablish har- 
mony in the church ; the decree to recall the emigrants ; the con- 
tinuance of a consular power for ten years, by way of preparation 
for the consulship for life, and the possession of the empire ; and 
the creation, in a country which had abolished all distinctions, of 
an order which was to engender prodigies, followed closely on the 



208 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

heels of each other. The Bourbons, in reviving the aboHshed 
orders, were wise enough to preserve along with them the Legion 
of Honour. 

In April, 1802, the first consul employed all his efforts to get 
himself declared consul for life. It is, perhaps, at this period, that 
he most completely developed those principles of duplicity and 
dissimulation, which are commonly called Machiavelian. Never 
were trickery, falsehood, cunning, and affected moderation, put 
into practice with more talent or success. 

His brother Lucien was the most violent propagator of heredi- 
tary power and the stability of a dynasty; but in this he only 
acted under the directions of his brother. Liberty rejected an 
unlimited power, and had set bounds as yet, in spme degree, to 
excessive love of war and conquest. The "decenniality," said he 
to me, "does not satisfy me: I consider it calculated to excite 
unceasing troubles." He had formerly observed to me, that 
" The question whether France will be a republic is still doubtful ; 
it will be decided in less than five or six years." It was clear that 
he thought this too long a term. Whether he regarded France as 
his property, or considered himself as the defender of the people's 
rights, I know not, but I am convinced he sincerely desired her 
welfare; but, then, that welfare was, in his mind, inseparable from 
absolute power. It was with pain I perceived him following this 
course. 

The friends of liberty, those who sincerely wished to maintain 
a government constitutionally free, allowed themselves to be pre- 
vailed upon to consent to an extension of ten years of power, 
beyond the ten years formerly granted by the constitution. They 
made this sacrifice to glory, and to that power which was its con- 
sequence ; and they were far from thinking, at the time, that they 
were lending themselves to intrigue. They were thus far in 
favour; but only for the time. The senate rejected the nomina- 
tion of the consulship for life, and only added ten years more. 

The first consul was displeased with their decision; but he 
returned a calm and evasive reply to their address, in which he 
stated, "That he would submit to this new sacrifice, if the wish 
of the people demanded what the senate authorized" — thus nour- 
ishing his favourite hope of obtaining more from the people than 
from them. 

An extraordinary convocation of the council of state took place 
on Monday, the 10th of May, to which a communication was 
made, not merely of the senate's consultation, but also of the 
first consul's reply. The council regarded the first merely as a 
notification, and proceeded to consider on what question the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 209 

people should be consulted. Not satisfied with granting to the 
first consul an extension of ten years, they were so desirous to 
comply with his wishes, as to decide that the following question 
should be put to the people : " Should the first consul be appointed 
for life ? and shall he have the power of nominating his successor?" 
The decisions on these questions were carried as if by storm. 
The appointment for life passed unanimously, and the right of 
naming the successor, by a majority. The first consul, however, 
formally condemned this second measure ; he declared that it had 
not originated with himself On receiving the decision of the 
council of state, the first consul, to conceal his plan for obtaining 
absolute power, thought it advisable to reject a part of what had 
been offered him. He therefore cancelled that part which pro- 
posed to give him the power of appointing a successor, and which 
had passed with so small a majority. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



Bonaparte authorized to appoint his Successor ; Barbarity of Lucien ; his Theatricals ; the Consul's 
Private Theatre ; Lost Watch ; Canova ; Disgrace of Fouche ; Josephiae's Regi'et and Feara ; 
Injustice done to her Memoiy at St. Helena ; Prosperity of France ; Militaiy Government ; Bona- 
pai-te's Quarrel with Lannes ; Disgrace of Boui'rienne. 

We have now beheld Bonaparte first consul for life ; but still 
unsatisfied with this distinction, he very shortly afterwards, in the 
committee occupied with the consideration of the new code of 
laws, expressed his opinion in favour of the Roman law of adop- 
tion; urging, with his usual tact, that an heir so chosen ought to 
be dearer than a son. The object of this opinion was not difficult 
of detection — he no longer had any hope of having children by 
Josephine, and he meditated the adoption of one of his brother's 
sons as his heir. In the course of the autumn, a simple edict of 
the conservative senate authorized him to appoint his successor 
in the consulate, by a testamentary deed. By this act (August 
the 4th, 1802), a new dynasty was called to the throne of France, 
and from this time the words "Liberty, Equality, Sovereignty of 
the People," disappeared from the state papers and official docu- 
ments of the government. 

The republic had now ceased to be any thing else than a fic- 
tion, or an historical recollection. All that remained of it was a 
deceptions inscription on the gates of the palace. Even previ- 
ously to his installation at the Tuileries, Bonaparte had caused the 
two trees of liberty which were planted in the court to be thrown 
O 18* 



210 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

down , thus removing the outward emblems before he destroyed 
the reahty. But the moment the senatus consulta of the 2d and 
4th of August were published, it was evident to the dullest percep- 
tions that the power of the first consul wanted nothing but a name. 

After these senatus consulta, Bonaparte readily accustomed him- 
self to regard the principal authorities of the state merely as 
necessary instruments for the exercise of his power. Interested 
advisers then crowded round him. It was seriously proposed 
that he should restore the ancient titles, as being more in harmony 
with the new power which the people had confided to him, than 
the republican forms. He was of opinion, however, according to 
his phrase, that "the pear was not yet ripe," and would not hear 
this project spoken of for a moment. "All this," he said to me 
one day, "will come in good time; but you must see, Bourrienne, 
that it is necessary I should, in the first place, assume a title, from 
which the others that I shall give will naturally take their origin. 
The greatest difficulty is surmounted. There is no longer any 
person to deceive. Every body sees as clear as day that it is 
only one step which separates the throne from the consulate for 
life. However, we must be cautious. There are some trouble- 
some fellows in the tribunate — but I will take care of them." 

While these serious questions agitated men's minds, the greater 
part of the residents at Malmaison took a trip to Plombieres. 
Josephine, Bonaparte's mother, Madame Beauharnois-Lavalette, 
Hortense, and General Rapp, were of this party. It pleased the 
fancy of the jocund company to address to me an amusing bulle- 
tin, of the pleasant and unpleasant occurrences of the journey. 
But this journey to Plombieres was preceded by a scene, which I 
should abstain from describing, if I had not undertaken to relate 
the truth respecting the family of the first consul. Two or three 
days before her departure, Madame Bonaparte sent for me. I 
obeyed the summons, and found her in tears. "What a man — 
what a man is Lucien!" she exclaimed, in accents of grief "If 
you knew, my friend, the shameful proposals he has dared to make 
to me! 'You are going to the waters,' said he; 'you must get a 
child by some other person, since you cannot have one by him.' 
Imagine the indignation with which I received such advice. — 
'Well,' he continued, 'if you do not wish it, or cannot help it, 
Bonaparte must get a child by another woman, and you must 
adopt it; for it is necessary to secure an hereditary successor. 
It is for your interest; you must know that.' — 'What, sir!' I replied, 
'do you imagine that the nation will suffer a bastard to govern it? 
Lucien! Lucien! you would ruin your brother! This is dreadful! 
Wretched should I be, were any one to suppose me capable of 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 211 

listening, without horror, to your infamous proposal ! Your ideas 
are poisonous; your language horrible!' — 'Well, madame,' replied 
he, 'all I can say to that is, that I am really sorry for you!' " 

The amiable Josephine was sobbing while she described this 
scene to me, and I was not insensible to the indignation which she 
felt. The truth is, that at that period, Lucien, though constantly 
affecting to despise power for himself, was incessantly labouring 
to concentrate it in the hands of his brother; and he considered 
three things necessary to the success of his views, namely, here- 
ditary succession, divorce, and the imperial government. 

Lucien had a beautiful seat near Neuilly. Some days before 
the deplorable scene which I have related, he invited Bonaparte 
and all the inmates at Malmaison to witness a theatrical represent- 
ation. "Alzire" was the piece performed. Eliza played Alzire, 
and Lucien Zamore. The warmth of their declamation, the ener- 
getic expression of their gestures, the too faithful nudity of costume, 
disgusted most of the spectators, and Bonaparte more than any 
other. When the play was over, he was quite indignant. "It is 
a scandal," he said to me, in an angry tone; "I ought not to suffer 
such indecencies — I will give Lucien to understand that I will 
have no more of it." When his brother had resumed his own dress, 
and came into the saloon, he addressed him publicly, and gave him 
to understand, that he must, for the future, desist from such repre- 
sentations. When we returned to Malmaison, he again spoke of 
what had passed with dissatisfaction. "What!" said he, "when 
I am endeavouring to restore purity of manners, my brother and 
sister must needs exhibit themselves, upon a platform, almost in a 
state of nudity! it is an insult!" 

Lucien had a strong predilection for theatrical representations, 
to which he attached great importance. The truth is, he declaim- 
ed with a skill which would not have suffered in being compared 
with the best professional actors. Theatrical representations were 
not confined to Neuilly. We had our theatre at Malmaison ; but 
there, at least, every thing was conducted with the greatest deco- 
rum ; and now that I have got behind the scenes, I will not quit 
them until I have let the reader into the secret of our drama. 

The first consul had directed a very pretty theatre to be con- 
structed for our use at Malmaison. Our actors were Eugene 
Beauharnois, Hortense, Madame Murat, Lauriston, Didelot, one 
of the prefects of the palace, a few others connected with the 
household, and myself Forgetting the cares of government, which 
we confined as much as possible to the Tuileries, we were very 
happy in the colony at Malmaison ; and besides, we were young, 
and what is there that vouth does not add a charm to? The 



212 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

pieces which the first consul liked most to see performed were, 
"Le Barbiere de Seville," and "Defiance et Malice." Hortense's 
acting was perfection; Caroline's was middling, Eugene's very 
well, Lauriston's was very heavy, and T think I may say that I 
was not the worst in the company. If we were not good actors, 
it was not for want of good instruction and good advice. Talma 
and Michot came to hear us declaim — sometimes together, and 
sometimes separately. 

Bonaparte took great pleasure in our performances. He liked to 
see plays acted by those with whom he was acquainted. Some- 
times he complimented us on our exertions Although the thing 
amused me quite as much as the others, I was more than once 
obliged to remind him that my occupations left me no time to study 
my parts. Then he would assume his coaxing manner, and say, 
"Come, do not vex me! you have such a memory! you know that 
it amuses me; and Josephine takes much pleasure in them. Rise 
earlier in the morning: — in fact, I sleep too much; is not that the 
case? Come, Bourrienne, do oblige me." After a conversation 
of this sort, I could do nothing but set about to learn my parts. 

At this period I had, during summer, half the Sunday to myself. 
I was, however, obliged to devote a part of this precious leisure 
to gratify Bonaparte by studying a new part. Sometimes, how- 
ever, I went to spend the holiday at Ruel. I recollect, that one 
day when I hurried there from Malmaison, I lost a beautiful watch, 
made by Breguet. It was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the 
road was thronged with people. I made my loss known by means 
of the bellman of Ruel, and in an hour after, as I was sitting down 
to dinner, a young lad belonging to the village brought my watch, 
which he had found on the high-road in a wheel rut. Pleased 
with the honesty of the young man, I rewarded both him and his 
father, who accompanied him. I related the circumstance the 
same evening to the first consul, who was so struck with this 
instance of honesty, that he gave me instructions to obtain infor- 
mation respecting the young man and his family. I learned that 
they were honest peasants. Bonaparte gave three brothers of 
this family employments, and, what was most difficult to obtain, 
he exempted the young man who brought me the watch from the 
conscription. When a fact of this nature came to Bonaparte's 
knowledge, it was seldom he did not give the principal party in it 
some proof of his satisfaction. 

Two quahties predominated in his disposition — kindness and 
impatience. Impatience, when he was under its influence, got 
the better of him, and- it was then impossible to control him. Of 
the former, I have just given an instance, and I shall add another 
of the latter, which occurred about this very period. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 213 

Canova having arrived at Paris, came to St. Cloud to model 
the figure of the first consul, of whom he was about to execute a 
colossal statue. This great artist came often, in the hope to get 
his model to stand in a proper attitude; but Bonaparte was so 
tired, disgusted, and impatient, that he very seldom put himself in 
the proper attitude, and then only for a very short time. Bona- 
parte, however, retained the highest regard for Canova. When- 
ever he was announced, the first consul sent me to keep him com- 
pany until he was at leisure to give him an interview; but he 
would shrug up his shoulders, and say, "More modelling — good 
Heavens ! how tiresome." Canova often expressed to me his 
disappointment at not being able to study his model as he wished, 
and at the little anxiety of Bonaparte on the subject : this damped 
the ardour of his imagination. Every one agrees in saying that 
he has not succeeded, and the above may be considered as the 
reason. The Duke of Wellington now possesses this colossal 
statue. It is so high, that, as Lord Byron says, the Duke of Wel- 
lington just comes up to the middle of Napoleon's body. 

Bonaparte saw in men only helps and obstacles to the designs 
he had in view. On the 18th Brumaire, Fouch6 was a help; but 
now he was considered an obstacle, and it was necessary to think 
of dismissing him. Many of the first consul's sincere friends had 
from the beginning been opposed to Fouch6 having any share in 
the government ; but his influence was such, that whoever opposed 
him was sure to fall into disgrace. Throughout Paris, and, indeed, 
throughout France, Fouche had obtained an extraordinary credit 
for ability; but his principal talent was, in making others believe 
that he really possessed it. Bonaparte had been long dissatisfied 
with his conduct, as he had reason to believe that the police min- 
ister had been practising a system of deception upon him so as to 
increase his own importance. He decided upon his dismissal; 
but such was the influence that Fouche possessed over him, that 
he was desirous to proceed with caution. Therefore, to disguise 
the removal of the minister, he resolved upon the suppression of 
the ministry of police, and assigned as his reason for so doing, 
that it would give strength to his government, by showing his 
confidence in the security and internal tranquillity of France. 
Fouch4 overpowered by the arguments brought forward by the 
first consul, was unable to urge any good reason in opposition to 
them, and only recommended that the execution of the design 
should be delayed for at least two years. Bonaparte seemed to 
listen favourably to Fouch^'s recommendation ; but that was only 
while in his presence; his dismissal was already decided upon, 
which accordingly took place on the evening of the 12th of Sep= 



214 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tember. After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so long, 
Bonaparte still endeavoured to modify his rigour, by appointing 
Fouch6 a senator; in the notification of which to the senate he 
stated, "That Fouch^ as minister of police in times of difficulty, 
had, by his talent, his activity, and his attachment to the govern- 
ment, done all that circumstances required of him. Placed in the 
bosom of the senate, if events should again call for a minister of 
police, the government cannot find one more worthy of its con- 
fidence." Such is the history of Fouch6's disgrace: no one was 
more afflicted at it than Josephine, who only learned the news 
when it was announced to the public. She on all occasions de- 
fended Fouch6 against her husband's sallies, for she believed that 
he was the only minister who told him the truth, and because he 
was opposed to Bonaparte's brothers. 

I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad 
conduct of Bonaparte's brothers towards her; I will, therefore, 
describe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouch6, whom 
Madame Bonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which 
occurred about this period at Malmaison. Having been the con- 
fidant of both parties, and an involuntary actor in those scenes, 
now that twenty-seven years have passed since they occurred, 
what motive can induce me to disguise the truth in any respect? 

Madame Louis Bonaparte was pregnant. Josephine, although 
she tenderly loved her children, did not seem to behold the 
approaching event which the situation of her daughter indicated, 
with the interest natural to the heart of a mother. She had long 
been aware of the calumnious reports circulated respecting the 
supposed connexion between Hortense and the first consul, and 
that base accusation cost her many tears. Poor Josephine paid 
dearly for the splendour of her station ! As I knew how devoid 
of foundation these atrocious reports were, I endeavoured to con- 
sole her by telling her, what was true, that I was exerting all my 
efforts to demonstrate their infamy and falsehood. Bonaparte, 
however, dazzled by the affection which was manifested towards 
him from all quarters, aggravated the sorrow of his wife by a silly 
vanity. He endeavoured to persuade her that these reports had 
their origin only in the wish of the public that he should have a 
child; so that these seeming consolations, offered by self-love to 
maternal grief, gave force to existing conjugal alarms, and the 
fear of divorce returned with all its horrors. Under the foolish 
illusion of his vanity, Bonaparte imagined that France was desirous 
of being governed even by a bastard, if supposed to be a child of 
his — a singular mode, truly, of founding a new legitimacy ! 

Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me, even now, 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 215 

excusable, knew well my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's 
founding a dynasty, and she had not forgotten my conduct when, 
two years before, the question had been agitated on the occasion 
of Louis XVIII. 's letter to the first consul. I remember that, one 
day, after the publication of the parallel of Caesar, Cromwell, and 
Bonaparte, Josephine, having entered our cabinet without being 
announced, which she sometimes did, when, from the good-humour 
exhibited at breakfast, she reckoned upon its continuance, 
approached Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed 
her hand gently through his hair and over his face, and thinking 
the moment favourable, said to him, in a burst of tenderness, "1 
entreat of you, Bonaparte, do not make yourself a king! It is that 
Lucien who urges you to it. Do not listen to him." Bonaparte 
replied, without anger, and even smiling as he pronounced the last 
words, "You are mad, my poor Josephine. It is your old dow- 
ager of the Faubourg Saint-Germain, your Rochefoucaulds, who 

tell you all these fables! Come, now, you interrupt me — 

leave me alone." What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly 
to his wife, I often heard him declare seriously. I have been pres- 
ent at five or six altercations on the subject. That there existed, 
too, an enmity connected with this question, between the family 
of Beauharnois and the family of Bonaparte, cannot be denied. 

Fouche, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and 
Lucien was the most bitter of her enemies. One day Roederer 
inveighed with so much violence against Fouche, in the presence 
of Madame Bonaparte, that she replied, with extreme warmth, 
"The real enemies of Bonaparte ai^e those who feed him with 
notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of divorce, and of 
marriage!" Josephine could not control this exclamation, as she 
knew that Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread 
abroad by Lucien's direction. I recollect one day, that she had 
come to see us, at our little house at Ruel : as I walked with her 
along the high-road to her carriage, which she had sent forward, 
I acknowledged too unreservedly my fears on account of the 
ambition of Bonaparte, and of the perfidious advice of his brothers. 
"Madame," said I," "if we cannot succeed in dissuading the gen- 
eral from making himself a king, I dread the future for his sake. 
If ever he reestablishes royalty, he will, in all probability, labour 
for the Bourbons, and enable them one day to reascend the throne 
which he shall erect. The ancient system being reestablished, 
the occupation of the throne will then be only a family question, 
and not a question of government between liberty and despotic 
power. Why should not France, if it cease to be free, prefer the 
race of her ancient kings ? You surely know it. You had not 



216 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

been married two years, when, on returning from Italy, yom' hus- 
band told me that he aspired to royalty. Now, he is consul for 
life. Would he but resolve to stop there ! He already possesses 
every thing but an empty title. No sovereign in Europe has so 
much power as he has. I am sorry for it, Madame ; but I really 
believe that," in spite of yourself, you will be made queen or 
empress." 

Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without inter- 
ruption; but when I pronounced the words queen and empress, 
she exclaimed, "My God! Bourrienne, such ambition is far from 
my thoughts. That I may always continue the wife of the first 
consul is all I desire. Say to him all that you have said to me. 
Try and prevent him from making himself king." "Madame," I 
replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest men, the strongest 
minds, have resolutely and courageously opposed the tendency to 
the hereditary system. But advice is now useless. He would 
not hsten to me. In all discussions on the subject, he adheres 
inflexibly to the view he has taken. If he be seriously opposed, 
his anger knows no bounds ; his language is harsh and abrupt, his 
tone imperious, and his authority bears down all before him." 
" Yet, Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you, that if you 

should try once more " "Madame, I assure you he will 

not listen to me. Besides, what could I add to the remarks I have 
made upon the occasion of his receiving the letters of Louis 
XVIII. when I represented to him that, being without children, he 
would have no one to whom he could bequeath the throne — that, 
doubtless, from the opinion which he entertained of his brothers, 
he could not desire to erect it for them !" Here Josephine again 
interrupted me by exclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke 
of children, did he say any thing to you ? Did he talk of a divorce ?" 
"Not a word, madame, I assure you." 

Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with 
Madame Bonaparte, on a subject to which she often recurred. It 
may not, perhaps, be uninteresting, to endeavour to compare with 
this what Napoleon said at St. Helena, speaking of his first wife. 
According to the Memorial, Napoleon there stated, that when 
Josephine was at last constrained to renounce all hope of having' 
a child, she often let fall allusions to a great political fraud, and at 
length openly proposed it to him. I make no doubt Bonaparte 
made use of words to this effect, but I do not believe the assertion. 
I recollect one day, that Bonaparte, on entering our cabinet, where 
I was already seated, exclaimed, in a transport of joy impossible 

for me to describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at last " 

I sincerely congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesy, than 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 217 

from any hope I had of seeing him made a father by Josephine ; 
for I well remembered that Corvisart, who had given medicines to 
Madame Bonaparte, had nevertheless assm'ed me that he expected 
no result from them. Medicine was really the only political fraud 
to which Josephine had recourse ; and in her situation, what other 
woman would not have done as much ? Here, then, the husband 
and the wife are in contradiction, which is nothing uncommon. 
But on which side is truth? I have no hesitation in referring it 
to Josephine. There is, indeed, an immense difference between 
the statements of a woman intrusting her fears and her hopes to 
a sole confidant of her family secrets, and the tardy declarations 
of a man who, after seeing the vast edifice of his ambition levelled 
with the dust, is only anxious, in his compulsory retreat, to pre- 
serve intact and spotless the other great edifice of his glory. 
Bonaparte should have recollected that Csesar did not like the idea 
of his wife being even suspected. 

At this dazzling period of his career, the first consul neglected 
no opportunity of endeavouring to obtain, at the same time, the 
admiration of the multitude and the approbation of sensible men. 
Thus he displayed sufficient attachment to the arts, and was sen- 
sible that the promotion of industry demanded the protection of 
the government; but it must be acknowledged that he rendered 
that protection of little value, by the continual violations he com- 
mitted on that liberty which is the invigorating principle of all 
improvement. During the autumn of 1802, there was held at the 
Louvre, under the direction of M. Chaptal, an exhibition of the 
products of industry, which was highly gratifying to the first consul. 
He seemed proud of the high degree of perfection the industrious 
arts had attained in France, and particularly on account of the 
exhibition exciting the admiration of the numerous foreigners who, 
during the peace, resorted to Paris. In fact, during the year 1802, 
the capital presented an interesting and animated spectacle. All 
Paris flocked to the Carrousel on review-days, and regai'ded with 
delight the unusual sight of the vast number of English and Rus- 
sians, who drove about in splendid carriages. Never since the 
assembling of the States General had the theatres been so well 
frequented, or fetes so magnificent, and never since that period 
had the capital presented an aspect so cheering. Every where 
an air of prosperity was visible, and Bonaparte proudly claimed 
to be regarded as its author. He viewed with pleasure the rapid 
advance of the funds, which he considered the great political 
thermometer. For if he saw them increased in value from seven 
to sixteen, in consequence of the revolution of the 18thBrumaire, 
he saw even this rise tripled in value after the vote of the consul- 

19 



218 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

ship for life ; and the issuing of" the senatus consultum of the 4th 
of August, raised them to fifty-two. 

While Paris appeared thus flourishing, the departments were in 
a state of perfect tranquillity, and foreign affairs had every appear- 
ance of security. The reestablishment of external worship was, 
without doubt, one principal cause of such a happy state of things. 
The court of Rome, which, since the concordate, may be said to 
have become devoted to the first consul, gave every proof of her 
submission to the wishes of France. The first consul prided him- 
self on having succeeded, at least in appearance, over the scru- 
ples of those around him who were opposed to the reestablishment 
of worship ; and he read with much satisfaction the reports that were 
made to him, in which it was stated that the churches were well- 
frequented. Indeed, during the whole of the year 1802, he directed 
his attention to the reformation of manners, which had become 
very dissolute during the storms of the revolution. The first 
consul took advantage of the good feeling the pope had expressed 
towards him to advance his uncle, Monsieur Fesch, to the highest 
honours of the church. On the 15th of August, 1802, he was con- 
secrated bishop, and the following year received the cardinal's 
hat. Bonaparte afterwards gave him the archbishopric of Lyons, 
of which he is still the titular. 

We were now at peace with all the world, and every circum- 
stance tended to place in the hands of the first consul that abso- 
lute power which he desired, and which, indeed, was the only kind 
of government of which he was capable of forming any concep- 
tion. One characteristic distinction of his government, even 
under the denomination of consular, gave no doubtful evidence of 
his real intentions. Had he designed to establish a free govern- 
ment, it is quite evident that he would have made the ministers 
responsible to the country ; whereas he took care that there should 
be no responsibility but to himself He beheld his ministers only 
as instruments to carry his intentions into effect, and which he 
might use as h*e pleased. This circumstance alone was sufficient 
to disclose all his future designs ; and, in order to make this irre- 
sponsibility of ministers perfectly clear to the public, all govern- 
ment acts were signed only by M. Maret, then secretary of state. 
Thus the consulship for life was nothing but an empire in disguise, 
and even this did not long satisfy the ambition of the first consul; 
he resolved to found a new dynasty. This object was attended 
with many difficulties, and he felt the delicacy of his position; but 
he knew how to face obstacles, and he had been accustomed to 
overcome them. It was not from the interior of France that he 
apprehended any difficulty to arise, but he had reason to fear that 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 219 

foreign powers would not view with satisfaction the reestablish- 
ment of the monarchy in a new family. So long as the throne 
was unoccupied, the question respecting the Bourbons was, in 
some measure, kept back, but the monarchical form being revived 
to their exclusion, naturally created an alarm among the family 
of kings. Bonaparte laboured to establish in France, not only an 
absolute monarchy, but, what is still worse, a military one. He 
considered a decree signed by his hand to be possessed of some 
magic power, capable of at once transforming his generals into 
able diplomatists; and so he sent them on embassies, as if to 
indicate to the sovereigns to whom they were accredited that he 
would one day take their thrones by assault. The appointment 
of Lannes to the court of Lisbon arose out of circumstances 
which probably will be read with interest, as displaying , the char- 
acter of Bonaparte in its true light, and to point out the means he 
would often resort to when desirous to remove even his most 
faithful friends as soon as their presence became disagreeable 
to him. 

Bonaparte had ceased to address Lannes in the second person 
singular; but that general continued the practice, and it is hardly 
possible to conceive how much this familiarity offended the first 
consul. Lannes was the only one who dared to treat Bonaparte 
as a fellow-soldier, or to tell him the truth without ceremony. 
This was enough to determine Bonaparte to remove him from his 
presence. But what pretext could he devise to remove the con- 
queror of Montebello ? — that must be contrived ; and in this truly 
diabolical machination we shall see Bonaparte bring into play that 
crafty disposition for which he was so remark-able. Lannes, who 
never looked forward to the morrow, was as prodigal of his money 
as he was of his blood. Poor officers and soldiers partook largely 
of his liberality, and these he considered as his children. Thus 
he had no fortune, but plenty of debts. When he wanted money, 
which happened very often, he came to the first consul, as if it 
were a matter of course, to solicit it of him, who, I must confess, 
never refused him. Bonaparte, though he well knew his circum- 
stances, said to him one day, " My good fellow, you should attend 
a little more to appearances. You should have an establishment 
suitable to your rank. There is the Hotel de Noailles — why don't 
you rent it, and furnish it in a proper style?" Lannes, whose 
candour prevented him from suspecting any design, followed the 
advice of the first consul. The Hotel de Noailles was taken, and 
splendidly furnished. Odiot supplied a service of plate, valued at 
two hundred thousand francs. After having thus conformed to 
the wishes of Bonaparte, he came to ask for four hundred thousand 



220 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

francs (about £16,000), the amount of expense which had been 
incurred. "But," said the first consul, "I have not the money." 
"You have not the money! What the devil am I to do? Is 
there none in the chest of the guard ?" — " Take from it what you 
require, and we will settle it hereafter." Mistrusting nothing, 
Lannes went to the treasurer of the guards, who at first made 
some objection, but gave way when he understood it was with the 
consent of the first consul. 

Twenty-four hours had scarcely elapsed after Lannes had 
obtained the four hundred thousand francs, when the treasurer 
received from the chief commissary an order to balance his ac- 
counts. The receipt for the money advanced to Lannes was not 
acknowledged as a voucher. It was in vain the treasurer alleged 
the authority of the first consul : he had on a sudden lost all recol- 
lection of the matter ; he had entirely forgotten all that passed. In 
a word, it was incumbent on Lannes to repay the money to the 
guards' chest, and, as I have said before, he had none. On this 
he went to General Lefebvre, who loved him as a son, and to 
whom he related all that had passed. "Simpleton," said Lefebvre, 
"why did you not apply to me? Why did you go and get into 
debt with that fellow? Well, it cannot be helped ; here are the four 
hundred thousand francs ; take them to him, and let him go to the 
devil!" Lannes hastened to the first consul. "How," cried he, 
"could you condescend to such an unworthy act? To treat me 
in such a manner — to lay such a snare for me, after all that I have 
done for you; after all the blood I have shed to promote your am- 
bition ! Is this the recompense you have reserved for me ? You 
forget the 13th Vendemiaire, to the success of which I contributed 
more than you! You forget Millessimo: I was a colonel before 
you! For whom did I fight at Bassano? You saw what I did at 
Lodi and at Governolo, where I was wounded; and yet playest 
me such a trick as this! But for me, Paris would have revolted 
on the 18th Brumaire; without me, you would have lost the battle 
of Marengo. I alone! yes, I alone, passed the Po at Montebello, 
with my whole division, though you wished to give the honour to 
Berthier, who was not present; and this is the reward for my 
humiliation! This cannot, this shall not, be. I will — " Bona- 
parte, pale with anger, listened without stirring, and Lannes was 
on the point of challenging him, when Junot, who heard the uproar, 
hastily entered. The unexpected presence of this general relieved 
the embarrassment of the first consul, and calmed the rage of 
Lannes. "Well, then," said Bonaparte, "go to Lisbon; you will 
get money there, and when you return, you will not want any 
one to pay your debts." Thus was Bonaparte's object gained. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 221 

Lannes set off for Lisbon, and, on his return, never used the 
obnoxious thee and thouing. 

Having described Bonaparte's ill-treatment of Lannes, I may 
here subjoin a statement of the circumstances which led to a 
rupture between me and the first consul. So many false stories 
have been circulated on the subject, that I am anxious to relate 
the facts as they really were. 

It was now nine months since I had tendered my resignation 
to the first consul. The business of my office had become too 
great for me, and my health was so much endangered by over- 
application, that my physician, M. Corvisart, who had for a long 
time impressed upon me the necessity of relaxation, nov/ formally 
warned me, that I should not long hold out under the fatigue I 
underwent. 

I had resolved to follow the advice of Corvisart; my family 
were urgent in their entreaties that I would do so, but I always 
put off the decisive step. I was loath to give up a friendship 
which had subsisted so long, and which had been only once dis- 
turbed: on that occasion, when Joseph thought proper to play 
the spy upon me, at the table of Fouch6. I remembered also the 
reception I had met with from the conqueror of Italy ; and I expe- 
rienced, moreover, no slight pain at the thought of quitting one 
from whom I had received so many proofs of confidence, and to 
whom I had been attached from early boyhood. I was thus kept 
in a state of perplexity, from which some unforeseen circumstances 
could only extricate me. Such a circumstance at length occurred, 
and the following is the history of my first rupture with Napoleon: 

On. the 27th of February, 1802, at ten at night, Bonaparte dic- 
tated to me a despatch, of considerable importance and urgency, 
for M. de Talleyrand, requesting the minister for foreign affairs to 
come to the Tuileries next morning at an appointed hour. Accord- 
ing to custom, I put the letter into the hands of the office messenger, 
that it might be forwarded to its destination. This was Saturday. 
The following day, Sunday, M. de Talleyrand came about mid-day. 
The first consul immediately began to confer with him on the sub- 
ject of the letter sent the previous evening, and was astonished to 
learn that the minister had not received it until the morning. He 
rang immediately for the messenger, and ordered me to be sent for. 
Being in very bad humour, he pulled the bell with so much fury, 
that he struck his hand violently against the angle of the chimney- 
piece. I hurried to his presence. "Why," he said, addressing 
me hastily, "why was not my letter delivered yesterday evening?" 
— "I do not know: I put it into the hands of the person whose 
duty it was to see that it was sent." — "Go, and learn the cause of 

19* 



222 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

the delay, and come back quickly." Having rapidly made my 
inquiries, I returned to the cabinet. " Well ?" said the first consul, 
whose irritation seemed to have increased. — "Well, general, it is 
not the fault of any body. M. de Talleyrand was not to be found, 
either at the office, or at his own residence, or at the house of any 
of his friends, where he was thought likely to be." Not knowing 
with whom to be angry, and restrained by the coolness of M. de 
Talleyrand, yet at the same time ready to burst with rage, Bona- 
parte rose from his seat, and, proceeding to the hall, called the 
messenger, and questioned him sharply. The man, disconcerted 
by the anger of the first consul, hesitated in his replies, and gave 
confused answers. Bonaparte returned to his cabinet, still more 
irritated than he had left it. I had followed him to the hall, and 
on my way back to the cabinet I attempted to soothe him, and I 
begged him not to be thus discomposed by a circumstance which, 
after all, was of no great moment. I do not know whether his 
anger was increased by the sight of the blood which flowed from 
his hand, and which he was every moment looking at; but how- 
ever that might be, a transport of furious passion, such as I had 
never before witnessed, seized him ; and as I was about to enter 
the cabinet after him, he threw back the door with so much vio- 
lence, that had I been two or three inches nearer him, it must 
infallibly have struck me in the face. He accompanied this action, 
which was almost convulsive, with an appellation not to be borne: 
he exclaimed, before M. de Talleyrand, "Leave me alone! — you 

are a fool!" At an insult so atrocious, I confess that the 

anger which had already mastered the first consul, suddenly seized 
on me. I thrust the door forward, with as much impetuosity as 
he had used in attempting to close it; and scarcely knowing what 
I said, I exclaimed, " You are a hundred-fold greater fool than I 
am!" I then went up stairs to my apartment, which was situated 
over the cabinet. 

I was as far from expecting as from wishing such an occasion 
of separating from the first consul. But what was done could 
not be undone; and, therefore, without taking time for reflection, 
and still under the influence of the anger that had got the better 
of me, I penned the following positive resignation : 

" General: The state of my health does not permit me longer to continue in your 
service. I therefore beg you to accept my resignation. Bourrienne." 

Some moments after this was written, I saw from my window 
the saddle-horses of Napoleon arrive at the entrance of the pal- 
ace. It was Sunday, and, contrary to his usual custom oil that 
day, he was going to ride out. Duroc accompanied him. He 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 223 

was no sooner gone, than I went down into his cabinet, and placed 
my letter on his table. On returning, at four o'clock, with Duroc, 
Bonaparte read my letter. "Ah! ah!" said he, before opening it, 
"a letter from Bourrienne." And he almost immediately added, 
for the note was speedily perused, " He is in the sulks. — Accepted." 
I had left the Tuileries at the moment he returned ; but Duroc 
sent to me, where I was dining, the following billet : 

"The first consul desires me, my dear Bourrienne, to inform you that he accepts 
your resignation, and to request that you will give me the necessary information 
respecting your papers. Yours, Duroc. 

"P. S. I will call on you presently." 

Duroc came to me at eight o'clock the same evening. The first 
consul was in his cabinet when we entered it. I immediately 
commenced giving my intended successor the necessary explana- 
tions to enable him to enter upon his new duties. Piqued at find- 
ing that I did not speak to him, and at the coolness with which I 
instructed Duroc, Bonaparte said to me, in a harsh tone, "Come, 
I have had enough of this! Leave me." I stepped down from 
the ladder, on which I had mounted for the purpose of pointing 
out to Duroc the places in which the various papers were depos- 
ited, and hastily withdrew. I, too, had had quite enough of it. 

I remained two more days at the Tuileries, until I had suited 
myself with lodgings. On Monday I went down into the cabinet 
of the first consul to take my leave of him. We conversed 
together for a long time, and very amicably. He told me he was 
very sorry I was going to leave him, and that he would do all he 
could for me. 

The following day, Tuesday, the first consul asked me to break- ^ 
fast with him. After breakfast, while he was conversing with 
some other person, Madame Bonaparte and Hortense pressed me 
to make advances towards obtaining a reinstalment in my office, 
appealing to me on the score of the friendship and kindness they 
had always shown me. They told me that I had been in the 
wrong, and that I had forgotten myself I answered, that I con- 
sidered the evil beyond remedy ; and that, besides, I had really 
need of repose. The first consul then called me to him, and, con- 
versing a considerable time, renewed his protestations of good- 
will towards me. 

At five o'clock I was going down stairs to quit the Tuileries 
for good, when I was met by the office messenger, who told me 
that the first consul wished to see me. Duroc, who was in the 
room leading to the cabinet, stopped me as I passed, and said — 
"He wishes you to remain. I beg of you, do not refuse; do me 
this favour. I have assured him that I am incapable of filling 



224 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

j^our office. It does not suit my habits; and besides, to tell you 
the truth, the business is too irksome for me." I proceeded to the 
cabinet without replying to Duroc. The first consul came up to 
me smiling, and pulling me by the ear, as he did when he was in 
the best of humours, said to me — "Are you still in the sulks?" 
and, leading me to my usual seat, he added — "Come, sit down." 
Only those who knew Bonaparte can judge of my situation at 
that moment. He had at times, and when he chose, a charm in 
his manners which it was quite impossible to resist. I could offer 
no opposition, and I reiissumed my usual office and my accustomed 
labours. Five minutes afterwards it was announced that dinner 
w^as on table: — "You will dine with me?" he said. — "I cannot; I 
am expected at the place where I was going when Duroc called 
me back. It is an engagement that I cannot break." — "Well I 
have nothing to say, then. But give me your word that you will 
be here at eight o'clock." — "I promise you." Thus I became 
again the private secretary of the first consul, and I beheved in 
the sincerity of our reconciliation. 

Not long after this occurrence, the first consul said to me one 
day in a tone of interest, of which I was not the dupe — "My 
dear Bourrienne, you cannot really do every thing. Business 
increases, and will continue to increase. You know what Corvi- 
sart says. You have a family ; therefore, it is right you should 
take care of your health. You must not kill yourself with work: 
therefore, some one must be got to assist you. Joseph tells me 
he can recommend a secretary, one of whom he speaks very 
highly. He shall be under your directions: he can make out 
your copies, and do all that can consistently be consigned to him. 
This, I think, will be a great relief to you." — " I ask for nothing 
better," replied I, "than to have the assistance of some one, who, 
after becoming acquainted with the business, may some time or 
other succeed me." Joseph sent to his brother M. Mennevalle, a 
young man, who, to a good education, added the recommendations 
of industry and prudence. I had every reason to be perfectly 
satisfied with him. 

I soon perceived the first consul's anxiety to make M. Menne- 
valle acquainted with the routine of business, and accustomed to 
his manner. Bonaparte had never pardoned me for having pre- 
sumed to quit him after he had attained to so high a degree of 
power; he was only waiting for an opportunity to punish me, 
and he siezed upon an unfortunate circumstance as an excuse for 
that separation which I had previously wished to bring about. 

I wall explain this circumstance, which ought to have obtained 
for me the consolation and assistance of the first consul, rather 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 225 

than the forfeiture of his favour. My rupture with him has been 
the subject of various mis-statements, all of which I shall not 
take the trouble to correct; I will merely notice what I have read 
in the memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, in which it is stated that I 
was accused oi peculation. M. de Rovigo thus expresses himself: 

" Ever since the first consul was invested with the supreme power, 
his life had been a continued scene of personal exertion. He had for 
private secretary M. de Bourrienne, a friend and companion of his youth, 
whom he now made the sharer of all his labours. He frequently sent 
for him in the dead of the night, and particularly insisted upon his 
attending him every morning at seven. Bourrienne was punctual in 
his attendance with the public papers, which he had previously glanced 
over. The first consul almost invariably read their contents himself; 
he then despatched some business, and sat down to table just as the clock 
struck nine. His breakfast, which lasted six minutes, was no sooner 
over than he returned to his closet, only left it for dinner, and resumed 
his close occupation immediately after, until ten at night, which was his 
usual hour for retiring to rest. 

"Bourrienne was gifted with a most wonderful memory; he could 
speak and write many languages, and would make his pen follow as 
fast as the words were uttered. He could lay claim to many other 
advantages; he was well acquainted with the administrative departments, 
was versed in the law of nations, and possessed a zeal and activity which 
rendered his services quite indispensable to the first consul. I have 
known the several grounds upon which the unlimited confidence placed 
in him by his chief rested ; but am unable to speak with equal assurance 
of the errors which occasioned his losing that confidence. 

"Bourrienne had many enemies; some were owing to his personal 
character; a greater number to the situation which he held. Others 
were jealous of the credit he enjoyed with the head of the government; 
others, again, discontented at his not making that credit subservient to 
their personal advantage. Some even imputed to him the want of suc- 
cess that had attended their claims. It was impossible to bring any 
charge against him on the score of deficiency of talent or of indiscreet 
conduct : his personal habits were watched ; it was ascertained that 
he engaged in financial speculations. An imputation could easily be 
founded on this circumstance. Peculation was accordingly laid to his 
charge. 

"This was touching the most tender ground ; for the first consul held 
nothing in greater abhorrence than unlawful gains. A solitary voice, 
however, would have failed in an attempt to defame the character of a 
man for whom he had so long felt esteem and aflection ; other voices, 
therefore, were brought to bear against him. Whether the accusations 
were well-founded or otherwise, it is beyond a doubt that all means were 
resorted to for bringing them to the knowledge of the first consul. 

"The most effectual course that suggested itself was the opening a 



226 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

correspondence either with the accused partj'- direct, or with those with 
whom it was felt indispensable to bring him into contact ; this corres- 
pondence was carried on in a mysterious manner, and related to the 
financial operations that had formed the grounds of a charge against 
him. Thus it is that, on more than one occasion, the very channels 
intended for conveying truth to the knowledge of a sovereign, have been 
made available to the purpose of communicating false intelligence to 
him. I must illustrate this observation. 

"Under the reign of Louis XV., and even under the regency, the 
post-office was organized into a system of minute inspection, which did 
not indeed extend to every letter, but was exercised over all such as 
afforded grounds for suspicion. They were opened ; and when it was 
not deemed safe to suppress them, copies were taken, and they were 
returned to their proper channel without the least delay. Any individual 
denouncing another may, by the help of such an establishment, give 
gi'eat weight to his denunciation. It is sufficient for his purpose that he 
should throw into the post-office any letter so worded as to confirm the 
impression which it is his object to convey. The worthiest man may 
thus be compromised by a letter which he has never read, or the purport 
of which is wholly unintelligible to him. 

" I am speakmg from personal experience : it once happened that a 
letter addressed to myself, relating to an alleged fact, which had never 
occurred, was opened. A copy of the letter so opened was also forwarded 
to me, as it concerned the duties which I had to perform at that time; 
but I was already in possession of the original, transmitted through the 
ordinary channel. Summoned to reply to the questions to which such 
productions had given rise, I took that opportunity of pointing out the 
danger that would accrue from placing a blind reliance upon intelligence 
derived from so hazardous a source. Accordingly, little importance was 
afterwards attached to this means of information; but the system was in 
full operation at the period when M. de Bourrienne was disgraced: his 
enemies took care to avail themselves of it ; they blackened his charac- 
ter with M. Barbe Marbois, who added to their accusations all the weight 
of his unblemished character. The opinion entertained by this rigid 
public functionary, and many other circumstances, induced the first 
consul to part with his secretary."* 

Peculation is the crime of those who make a fraudulent use of 
the public money. But as it was not in my power to meddle with 
the public money, no part of which passed through my hands, I am 
at a loss to conceive how I can be charged with peculation. 

I had seen nothing of the Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, 
except their announcement in the journals, when a letter from 
M. de Barbe Marbois was transmitted to me from my family. It 
was as follows : 

* Duke de Eovigo's Memoirs, vol. 1. part I. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 227 

"Sir: My attention has been called to the enclosed article in a recent publication.* 
The assertion it contains is not true, and I conceive it to be a duty both to you and to 
myself to declare, that I then was, and still am, ignorant of the causes of the separation 
in question. I am, &c. Marbois." 

I need say no more in my justification. This unsolicited testi- 
mony of M. de Marbois is a sufficient contradiction to the charge 
of peculation which has been raised against me in the absence of 
correct information respecting the real causes of my rupture with 
the first consul. 

M. de Rovigo also observes, that my enemies were numerous. 
My concealed adversaries were indeed all those who were inter- 
ested that the sovereign should not have about him, as his intimate 
confidant, a man devoted to his glory, and not to his vanity. In 
expressing his dissatisfaction of one of his ministers, Bonaparte 
had said, in the presence of several individuals, among whom was 
M. Maret, "If I could find a second Bourrienne, I would get rid 
of you all." This was sufficient to raise against me the hatred of 
all who envied the confidence of which I was in possession. 

The failure of a house in Paris, in which I had invested a con- 
siderable sum of money, afforded an opportunity for envy and 
malignity to irritate the first consul against me. Bonaparte, who 
had not yet forgiven me for wishing to leave him, at length deter- 
mined to sacrifice my services to a new fit of ill-humour. 

A mercantile house, then one of the most respectable in Paris, 
had, among its speculations, undertaken some army contracts. 
With the knowledge of Berthier, with whom, indeed, the house 
had treated, I invested some money in this business. Unfortu- 
nately the principals were, unknown to me, engaged in dangerous 
speculations in the funds, which in a short time so involved them 
as to occasion their failure. I incurred the violent displeasure of 
the first consul, who declared to me that he no longer r^equired 
my services. 

Such is a true statement of the circumstances which led to my 
separation with Bonaparte. I defy any one to adduce a single 
fact in support of the charge of peculation, or any transaction of 
the kind : I fear no investigation of my conduct. When in the 
service of Bonaparte, I caused many appointments to be made, 
and many names to be erased from the emigrant-list before the 
senatus consultum of the 6th Floreal, year X., but I never counted 
upon gratitude, experience having taught me that it was merely 
an empty word. 

The Duke de Rovigo attributed my disgrace to certain inter^ 
cepted letters which compromised me in the eyes of the first con- 

* The extract from the Duke of Rovigo's Memoirs is here alluded to. 



228 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

sul. I did not know this at the time; and though I was pretty 
well aware of the machinations of Bonaparte's adulators, almost 
all of whom were my enemies, yet I did not contemplate such an 
act of baseness. But the spontaneous letter of M. de Barbe Mar- 
bois at length opened my eyes, and left little doubt on the subject. 
I have already given a copy of M. JNIarbois's letter. The follow- 
ing is a postscript that was added to it : 

"I recollect that, one Wednesday, the first consul, while presidhig in a council of 
ministers at Saint Cloud, opened a note, and, without informing us what it contained, 
hastily left the sitting, apparently much agitated. In a few minutes he returned, and 
obsers'ed that your functions had ceased." 

Whether the sudden displeasure of the first consul was excited 
by a false representation of my concern in the transaction which 
proved so unfortunate to me, or whether Bonaparte merely made 
that a pretence for carrying into execution a resolution which I 
am convinced had been previously adopted, I shall not stop to 
determine. 

I retired to a house which Bonaparte had advised me to pur- 
chase at St. Cloud, and for the fitting up and furnishing of which 
he had promised to pay. We shall soon see how he kept this 
promise. I immediately sent to direct Landoire, the messenger 
of Bonaparte's cabinet, to place all letters sent to me, in the first 
consul's port-folio, because many intended for him came under 
cover for me. In consequence of this message, I received the 
following letter from M. Mennevalle : 

"I cannot believe that the first consul would wish that your letters should be pre- 
sented to him. I presume you allude only to those which may concern him, aiid which 
come addressed under cover to you. 

" The first consul has written to Citizens Lavallette and Mollien, directing them to 
address their packets to him. I cannot allow Landoire to obey the order you sent. 

"The first consul yesterday evening evinced great regret. He repeatedly said, 
'How miserable I am! I have known that man since he was seven years old!' 

"I cannot but believe that he will reconsider his imfortunate decision." 

A whole week passed away in conflicts between the first con- 
sul's friendship and pride. The least desire he manifested to 
recall me was opposed by his flatterers. On the fifth day of our 
separation, he directed me to come to him. He received me with 
the greatest kindness : and after having good-humouredly told me 
that^I often expressed myself with too much freedom — a fault I 
was never sohcitous to correct — he added, "I regret your absence 
much. You were very useful to me. You are neither too noble 
nor too plebeian; neither too aristocratic nor too Jacobinical. 
You are discreet and laborious. You understand me better than 
any one else ; and, between ourselves be it said, we ought to con- 
sider this a sort of court. Look at Duroc, Bessidres, and IMaret. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 229 

However, I am very much inclined to take you back ; but by so 
doing, I should confirm the report that I cannot do without you." 
I am convinced that if Bonaparte had been left to himself, he 
would have recalled me, and this conviction is warranted by the 
interval which elapsed between his determination to part with me 
and the formal announcement of my dismissal. Our rupture took 
place on the 20th of October, and on the 8th of November follow- 
ing the first consul sent me the following letter: 

"Citizen Bourrienne, Minister of State: I am satisfied with the services which 
you have rendered me, during the lime you have been with me ; but henceforth they 
are no longer necessary. I wish you to relinquish, from this time, the functions and 
title of my private secretary. I shall seize an early opportunity of providing for you 
in a way suited to your activity and talents, and conducive to the public service. 

" Bonaparte." 

If any proof of the first consul's malignity were wanting, it 
would be furnished by the following fact : A few days after the 
receipt of the letter which announced my dismissal, I received a 
note from Duroc ; but to afford an idea of the petty revenge of 
him who caused it to be written, it will be necessary first to relate 
a few preceding circumstances. 

When, with the view of preserving a little freedom, I declined 
the offer of apartments which Madame Bonaparte had prepared at 
Malmaison for myself and my family, I purchased a small house 
at Ruel, the first consul had given orders for the furnishing of this 
house, as well as one which I possessed in Paris. From the mari- 
ner in which the orders were given, I had not the slightest doubt 
but that Bonaparte intended to make me a present of the furniture. 
However, when I left his service, he applied to have it returned. 
At first, T paid no attention to his demand, as far as it concerned 
the furniture at Ruel ; and then, actuated by the desire of taking 
revenge, even by the most pitiful means, he directed Duroc to 
write the following letter to me: 

" The first consul, my dear Bourrienne, has just ordered me to send him this evening 
the keys of your residence in Paris, from which none of the furniture is to be removed. 

" He also directs me to put into a magazine whatever furniture you may have at 
Ruel or elsewhere, which you have obtained from government. 

" I beg of you to send me an answer, so as to assist me in the execution of these 
orders. You promised to have every thing settled before the first consul's return. I 
must excuse myself in the best way I can. Duroc. 

"24 Brumaire, year X." (15 November, 1802.) 

I shall only add another fact to show the malignity of the per- 
secution Bonaparte was disposed to subject me to. On the 20th 
of April, Duroc sent me the following note: 

" I beg, my dear Bourrienne, that you will come to St. Cloud this morning. I have 
something to tell you on the part of the fii-st consul. Duroc." 

20 



230 >u'Mou;t; ov \Arot,KO\ iu>\ avakte. 

This note caused mo nuu-h anxiety. I could not doubt Init that 
niv eneunes had invented some new calumny; but 1 must say that 
I ilid not expeet such baseness as I experienced. 

As soon as Duroc had u\aile me acquainted witli tiie business 
\vhiel\ the tivst consul had directed him to connnunicate. I wrote, 
on the spot, the subjoined letter to Bonaparte: 

•• At General Duroo's desire. I have this moment waited mion him. and he informs 
me that you have received notice that a detlcit ot" one hundred thousand tranes has been 
dist'overed in the treasury ot" the navy, which you require nie to n^tund this day at noon. 

"Citixen First Consul. I know not what this means! I am utterly ignorant ot" the 
matter. I solemnly dei-lan? to you that this charare is a most iniamons calumny. It 
is one more to be added to the number of those malicious charges which have beeu 
invented for the purpose of destix>ying any intluencc I miglit possess with you. 

•• I am in General Duroc's apartments, where I await your orders." 

Duroc carried mv note to the first consul as soon as it was 
written. He speedily returned. ''All's right." said he: "he has 
dii"ected me to say it was entirely a mistake! that he is now con- 
vinced he was deceived! that he is sorry for the business, and 
hopes no more will be said about it.'' 

The base flatterers who surrounded Bonaparte wished him to 
renew upon me his Eixyptian extortions : but they should have 
recollected that the fusillade employed in Egypt for the purpose 
of raisins^ money, was no longer the fashion in France, and that 
tlie days were gone when it was the custom to grease the wheels 
of the revolutionary car. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

The First Cousurs doubts re*pecling the ccaiUnuance of Ptvsce : tlvo Discvvnteiit of England : her Bad 
Paith: IVniaparte luui lA>rvl ^^'hit^vor^h ; Bonsp.-Jto'^ Message to UioSeaiate; Causes of the Dis- 
eouteiu of Eivgland; Lorvl ^^'hil\vo^th"s Pepartntv : Complaints of the EiijUsh G<>veniinent : My 
Interview with Ponai^irte; Fauche-Bort^l ; Moreau and Pichegru; KejH>rts inspecting Horte»«; 
Death of the nuko d'Eughiea; Jivephine's Grief. 

The fii*st consul never calculated upon a long peace with Eng- 
land, bat he wished for peace because it was anxiously desired by 
the people, after ten years of war. and because it would increase 
his popularity, and enable him to lay the foundation of his gov- 
ernment. Peace was as necessary to enable Bonaparte to con- 
quer the throne of France, as war was essential to secure it, and 
to extend its boundaries at the expense of the other thrones of 
Ein-ope. This was the secret of the peace of Amiens, and of the 
rupture which so suddenly followed, but it must be admitted that 
the war was resumed much eailier than the fii"st consul wished. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 231 

On the great questions of peace and war, Bonaparte entertained 
elevated ideas; but in discussing the subject, he always declared 
himself in favour of war, and considered as nothing the evils 
which it occasioned, so long as England possessed so much influ- 
ence in the cabinets of Europe. It was evident that England 
desired war, and he was anxious to prevent her from anticipating 
him. He said " Why allow her to have all the advantages of the 
first step? We must astonish Europe! We must strike a great 
and unexpected blow." Thus reasoned the first consul, and we 
are to judge whether his actions were not equal to his sentiments. 

England, by neglecting to execute her treaties, encouraged his 
love for war, and justified the prompt declaration of hostilities in 
the eyes of the French nation, whom he wished to persuade that 
if peace was broken, it would be contrary to his own wishes. 
This state of uncertainty did not continue long, for the king of 
England sent a message to parliament, in which he alluded to 
armaments preparing in the ports of France, and of the neces- 
sity of adopting precautions against meditated aggressions. This 
instance of bad faith irritated the first consul, and led him one day 
at a public levee, to address Lord Whitworth, the English ambas- 
sador, in a very abrupt manner, in the presence of all the foreign 
ambassadors. 

"What is the meaning of all this?" said Bonaparte; "are you 
tired of peace? Must Europe again be deluged with blood? 
Preparations for war, indeed! Do you think to overcome us in 
this manner? You will see that France may be conquered, but 
never intimidated; never!" 

The English ambassador was quite astounded at this abrupt 
attack, to which he made no reply, but satisfied himself with com- 
municating an account of the interview to his government.* 

* The following is Savary's description of this extraordinary scene : — " One of the 
receptions of the consular court was the occasion on which Bonaparte vented his dis- 
pleasure on the conduct of England. He had just been reading the despatches of his 
ambassador at the court of London, who sent him a copy of the king's message to 
parliament, respecting alleged armaments in the ports of France. 

" His mind being wholly biased by the reflections to which the perusal of the des- 
patches had given rise, he omitted going that day into the second saloon, but went 
straight up to the ambassador's. I was only at the distance of a few paces from him, 
when, stopping short before the English ambassador, he put the following hurried ques- 
tions to him in a tone of anger: 'What does your cabinet mean? What is the motive 
for raising these rumours of armaments in our harbours? How! Is it possible to impose 
in this manner upon the credulity of nations, or to be so ignorant of our real intentions? 
If the actual state of things be known, it must be evident to all that there are only two 
transports fitting out for St. Domingo ; that that island engrosses all our attention — all 
our disposable means. Why, then, these complaints? Can peace be already consid- 
ered as a burden to be shaken off? Is Europe to be again deluged in blood? Prepara- 
tions making for war ! To pretend to overawe us ! France may be conquered — perhaps- 
destroyed — but never intimidated!' 



232 MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

This conduct on the part of the first consul was made the excuse 
for the recall of Lord Whitworth and for the renewal of hostilities, 
but had England not wished for war, such trifling causes could 
scarcely have produced it. 

When the misunderstanding between France and England took 
place, each might have reproached the other with a want of faith, 
but justice was apparently on the side of France. It was evident 
that England, by refusing to give up Malta, according to the stip- 
ulations of the treaty of Amiens, had been guilty of a breach of 
that treaty, whereas all that France could be charged with was 
an apparent tendency not to adhere to it. But it must be admit- 
ted that this tendency on the part of France to increase her terri- 
tory, was evident, by the fact of her having incorporated Piedmont 
with France, as well as Parma and Placenza, which was done by 
the sole authority of Bonaparte. It may, therefore, be supposed 
that the internal prosperity of France and the ambition of her 
ruler was the cause of uneasiness to England. But this was no 
excuse for her own decided bad faith in refusing to withdraw her 
troops from Malta within three months from the signing of the 
treaty; and now more than a year had elapsed, and the troops 
were still there. The order of Malta was to be restored as it for- 
merly was ; that is to say, it was to remain a sovereign and inde- 
pendent order under the protection of the Holy See. The three 
cabinets of Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburg!!, were to guarantee 
the execution of the treaty. 

Bonaparte was at St. Cloud when Lord Whitworth left Paris, 
on the 12th of May, 1803. Fifteen days were spent in attempts 

" The ambassador made a respectful bow, and gave no reply. The first consul left 
that part of the saloon; but whether he had been a little heated by this explosion of 
ill-humour, or from some other cause, he ceased his round, and withdrew to his own 
apartments. Madame Bonaparte followed. In an instant the saloon was cleared of 
company. The ambassadors of Russia and England had retired to the embrasure of 
a window, and were still conversing together after the apartments had been cleared of 
visiters. ' Indeed,' said one to the other, ' you could hardly expect such an attack ; 
liow, then, could you be prepared to reply to it? All you have to do is to give an 
account of it to your government. In the mean time, let what has taken place suggest 
to you the conduct you ought to pursue.' 

" He took the advice. The communications became cold and reserved. England 
had already formed her determination. A spirit of acrimony soon sprung up between 
the two governments. 

" An interchange of notes took place ; categorical explanations were required ; the 
demand for passports soon followed. The latter were immediately granted by the first 
consul. I was in his closet at St. Cloud when M. Maret was introduced, who brought 
with him the corrected draft of the reply which was to accompany the passports. He 
had it read out to him, and expressed himself in the kindest terms respecting the per- 
sonal character of Lord Whitworth, for whom he felt great regard. He was quite 
satisfied that on this occasion the ambassador had not at all influenced the conduct of 
his government." — Memoirs of the Duke of Eovigo. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 233 

to resume negotiations, but without success, and therefore war was 
the only alternative. The first consul, before he made his final 
preparations, addressed a message to the senate, to the legislative 
body, and to the tribunate. In this message he mentioned the 
recall of the English ambassador, the renewal of hostilities, the 
unexpected message of the king of England to the parliament, and 
the armaments which immediately followed in the British ports. 
"In vain," he said, "had France tried every means to induce Eng- 
land to abide by the treaty. She has repelled every overture, and 
increased the insolence of her demands; but France will not sub- 
mit to menaces, but will combat for the faith of treaties and for 
the honour of her name. Confidently trusting that the result of 
the contest will be such as she has a right to expect from the 
justice of her cause and from the bravery of her people." 

This message was dignified, and free from that boasting in 
which Bonaparte so frequently indulged. The reply of the senate 
was accompanied by a vote of a ship of the line, to be paid for 
out of the allowance made to the senate. With his usual address, 
Bonaparte, in acting for himself, spoke in the name of the people, 
just as he had done on the question of the consulate for life. But 
what he did then for his own interest, as I have frequently stated, 
turned out for the advantage of the Bourbons. Bonaparte, though 
not yet a sovereign, absolutely required that the King of England 
should renounce the empty title of King of France, which had been 
always kept up, as if to intimate that old pretensions were not 
abandoned. This proposition was acceded to, and to this circum- 
stance was owing the disappearance of the title of King of France 
from among the titles of the King of England, at the treaty of Pans, 
on the return of the Bourbons. 

The first grievance complained of by England was, the pro- 
hibition of English merchandize, which had become more rigid 
since the peace than during the war. This avowal on the part 
of Great Britain might well have dispensed with any other ground 
of complaint; but the truth is, she was alarmed at the aspect of 
our internal prosperity, and at the impulse given to our manufac- 
tures. The English government had hoped to obtain such a com- 
mercial treaty as would have been a death-blow to our rising 
trade; but Bonaparte opposed this, and from the very circum- 
stance of his refusal, he might easily have foreseen the rupture at 
which he appeared surprised. 

It was evident that the disappointment in regard to the com- 
mercial treaty was the cause of the animosity of the English gov- 
ernment, as this circumstance was alluded to in the declaration 
of the King of England. In that document it was complained that 

20* 



234 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

France had sent a number of persons to reside at the ports of 
Great Britain and Ireland, in the quality of commercial agents, 
which character and the privileges belonging to it they could only 
have acquired by a commercial treaty. Such was, in my opinion, 
the real cause of the complaints of England ; but as it would have 
seemed ridiculous to have made it the ground for a declaration 
of war, she enumerated other grievances, viz: the union of Pied- 
mont and of the states of Parma and Placenza with France, and 
the continuance of the French troops in Holland. Much was said 
about the views and projects of France with respect to Turkey, 
and this complaint originated in General Sebastiani, of whom I 
have already spoken, having been sent to Egypt. Upon this point 
I can take upon me to say that the English government was not 
misinformed. Bonaparte too frequently spoke to me of his ideas 
respecting the east, and of his project for finding means of attack- 
ing the English power in India, to leave any doubt of his having 
renounced it. The result of all the reproaches which the two 
governments addressed to each other was, that neither acted with 
good faith. 

When hostilities recommenced with England, Bonaparte was 
quite unprepared in most branches of the service — from the 
numerous grants of leave of absence, the wretched condition of 
the cavalry, and the temporary nullity of the artillery, in conse- 
quence of a project for refounding all the field-pieces. But these 
difficulties were overcome as if by magic. He had recourse to the 
conscription to complete his army — the project for refounding the 
artillery was abandoned — money was obtained from the large 
towns, and the occupation of Hanover, which soon followed, fur- 
nished an abundant supply of good horses for mounting the cavalry. 

The peace of Amiens had been broken about seven months, 
when, on the 15th of December, 1803, the first consul sent for me 
to the Tuileries. His incomprehensible conduct towards me was 
still fresh in my mind; and as it was upwards of a year since I 
had seen him, I confess I did not feel quite at ease when I 
received his summons. The truth is, I was so much alarmed, that 
I had the precaution of taking with me a night-cap, lest I should 
be sent to sleep at Vincennes. 

On the day appointed for the interview, Rapp was on duty. I 
did not conceal from him the fears which I. entertained as to the 
possible result of my visit. "You need not be afraid," said Rapp ; 
"the first consul merely wishes to talk with you." He then 
announced me. 

Bonaparte came into the grand saloon where I awaited him, 
and addressing me in the most good-humoured way, inquired, after 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 235 

having made a few trifling observations, "What do they say of 
my preparations for the descent upon England?" — "General," I 
replied, "there is a great difference of opinion on the subject. 
Every one speaks as he would wish it. Sachet, for instance, who 
comes to see me very often, does not doubt but that it will take 
place, and hopes to give you on that occasion a fresh proof of his 
gratitude and fidelity." — " But Suchet tells me that you do not 
believe it."— "That is true; I certainly do not."— "Why?" — 
"Because you told me at Antwerp, five years ago, that you would 
not risk France on the cast of a die; that it was too hazardous; 
and nothing has changed since that time to render it more proba- 
ble." — "You are right; those who believe in a descent are block- 
heads. They do not see the affair in its true light. I can doubt- 
less land with one hundred thousand men. A great battle will be 
fought, which I shall gain ; but I must calculate upon thirty thou- 
sand men killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. If I march on 
London, a second battle will be fought; I shall suppose myself 
again victorious ; but what shall I do in London with an army 
reduced three-fourths, and without a hope of reinforcements? It 
would be madness. Until our navy acquires superiority, it would 
be a perilous project. The great assemblage of troops in the 
north has another object. My government must be the first, or 
it must fall." Bonaparte then evidently wished to deceive with 
respect to his intentions, and he did so. He wished it to be 
believed that he intended a descent upon England, merely to fix 
the attention of Europe in that direction. It was at Dunkirk that 
he caused all the various plans for improving the ports to be dis- 
cussed, and on this occasion he spoke a great deal on his ulterior 
views respecting England, which had the effect of deceiving the 
ablest around him. 

The invasion of England was the great object of attention 
throughout Europe during the autumn and winter of 1803. But 
early in the succeeding year Paris itself became the theatre of a 
series of transactions which for a time engrossed the public mind. 

One Fauche-Borel was sent to Paris to bring about a recon- 
ciliation between Moreau and Pichegru. The latter general, who 
was banished on the 18th Fructidor, had not obtained the authority 
of the fii'st consul to return to France. He lived in England, 
where he awaited a favourable opportunity for putting his old 
projects into execution. Moreau was at Paris, but he never 
appeared at the levees or parties of the first consul, and the enmity 
of both generals towards Bonaparte, openly avowed on the part 
of Pichegru, and still disguised by Moreau, was a secret to nobody. 
But as every thing was prosperous with the first consul, he mani- 



236 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

fested more disdain than fear of the two generals. The name of 
Moreau had greater weight with the army than that of Pichegru; 
and those who were planning the overthrow of the consular gov- 
ernment knew that that measure could not be attended with suc- 
cess without the assistance of Moreau. 

The moment was not favourable ; but, having become initiated 
into some secrets of the British cabinet, they knew that the 
peace was but a truce, and they were desirous to profit by this 
circumstance to effect a reconciliation which might afterwards 
secure a community of interests. Moreau and Pichegru had 
been on bad terms since the former sent to the Directory the 
papers seized in M. de Klingling's carriage, which placed the 
treason of Pichegru in the clearest light. Since that time, the 
name of Pichegru was without influence with the soldiers, while 
the name of Moreau was dear to all those who had conquered 
under his command. 

The design of Fauche-Borel was to compromise Moreau with- 
out determining any thing. Moreau's natural indolence, and, 
perhaps, his good sense, induced him to adopt the maxim that it is 
better to let men and things take their course, for temporizing in 
politics is not less useful than in war. Besides, Moreau was a 
real republican; and if his irresolution would not permit him to 
take a part, it is clear that he would not have assisted in reestab- 
lishing the Bourbons, which was what Pichegru desired. 

What I have stated may be regarded as an indispensable intro- 
duction to the knowledge of plots of more importance, which 
preceded the great event which marked the close of the consul- 
ship — that is, the conspiracy of Georges Cadoudal, Moreau, and 
Pichegru, and that indelible stain on the character of Napoleon, 
the death of the Duke d'Enghien. Different opinions have been 
expressed concerning Georges's conspiracy. I shall not contra- 
dict any of them. I will relate what I learned and what I saw of 
that horrible affair. I am far from believing, what I have read in 
many works, that it was planned by the police in order to prepare 
the way for the first consul mounting the throne. I think that it 
was projected by those who were interested, but encouraged by 
Fouch6 to favour his return to office. 

To corroborate my opinion respecting Fouche's conduct and 
his manoeuvres, I must state that, towards the close of 1803, some 
persons conceived the project of reconciling Moreau and Pichegru. 
Fouche, who was then out of the ministry, caused Moreau to be 
visited by men of his own party and his companions, who were 
induced unintentionally, by Fouche's influence, to irritate the 
general's mind. It was at first intended that the Abb6 David, the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 237 

mutual friend of Moreau and Pichegru, should undertake to effect 
their reconciliation ; but he being arrested and sent to the Temple, 
was succeeded by one Lajoles, who, it was generally believed, 
had been employed by Fouche. He proceeded to London, and 
having prevailed upon Pichegru and his friends to return to Paris, 
he set off to announce their intention, and to arrange every thing 
for their reception and destruction. The only foundation for this 
intrigue was the discontent of Moreau. I remember that one day, 
towards the end of January, 1804, I called on Fouche, who 
informed me that he had been at St. Cloud, and had had a long 
conversation with the first consul on the situation of affairs. The 
first consul observed that he was perfectly satisfied with the exist- 
ing police, and that it was only to increase his importance that he 
gave such a colouring to the picture. Fouch6 asked him, " What 
he would say, if he told him that Georges and Pichegru had been 
for some time in Paris to arrange the plot of which he had spoken." 
The first consul, as if well pleased at the mistake of Fouche, said, 
with an air of satisfaction, "You are truly well-informed! Reg- 
nier has just received a letter from London, which states that 
Pichegru had dined at Kingston, near to the city, with one of the 
king's ministers." 

As Fouche still persisted in his assertion, the first consul sent to 
Paris for the grand judge, Regnier, who showed the letter to 
Fouche. The first consul triumphed at first to see Fouche at 
fault ; but the latter so clearly proved that Pichegru and Georges 
were in Paris, that Regnier began to believe that he had been 
deceived by his agents; his rival paid better than himself The 
first consul, seeing clearly that his old minister knew more than 
the new, dismissed Regnier, and remained a long time in con- 
versation with Fouch6, who said nothing as to his being reap- 
pointed, for fear of exciting suspicion. He only requested that 
the management of this affair might be entrusted to Real, with 
orders to obey all the directions and instructions which he might 
receive from him. 

Previous to relating what I know respecting the arrest of 
Moreau and the other persons accused, I shall here give an account 
of a long interview which I had with Bonaparte, in the midst of 
these important events. 

On the 8th of March, 1804, some time after the arrest, but 
before the trial of Moreau, I had an audience of the first consul, 
at eight in the morning, which was not sought by me. After hav- 
ing asked some unimportant questions as to what I was doing? 
what I expected he should do for me? and assuring me that he 
would bear me in mind, and other vague remarks respecting the 



238 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

conspiracy, he all at once gave a different turn to the conversa- 
tion, and said, "By-the-by, the report of my connexion with Hor- 
tense is still kept up ; and the most abominable rumours have been 
circulated as to her first child. I believed at the time that these 
reports were only circulated because the public desired that I 
should not be childless. Since you and I separated, have you 
heard them repeated?" — "Yes, general, frequently; and I confess 
that I could not have believed that this calumny would have lived 
so long." — " It is truly frightful to think of! You know the truth 
— you have seen all — heard all ; the least circumstance could not 
have passed without your knowledge ; you were in her full con- 
fidence when she was in love with Duroc. I therefore expect, if 
you should ever write any thing about me, that you will clear me 
from this infamous report. I would not have it accompany my 
name to posterity. I trust to you. You have never believed this 
odious imputation?" — "No, general; never." He then entered 
into a number of circumstances connected with the life of Hor- 
tense; on her general conduct, and on the turn which her mar- 
riage had taken. "It has not turned out as I could have desired; 
their union has not been happy. I am sorry for it, not only 
because they are both dear to me, but because it countenances 
the infamous reports that the idle have circulated as to my inti- 
macy with her." He concluded the conversation with these 
words: "Bourrienne, I have sometimes the idea of replacing you; 
but as there is no good pretext for doing so, it would be said that 
I could not do without you, and I wish it may be understood that 
I am not in want of any one." After a few other remarks about 
Hortense, I answered that, "As it fully coincided with my own 
conviction, I would do what he desired ; but that it did not depend 
upon me, for the truth was already known." 

Mademoiselle Beauharnois entertained for the first consul a 
respectful fear, and could not speak to him without trembhng; 
she never dared to ask any favour of him. When she required to 
solicit any thing, she always applied to me ; and if I found any 
difficulty in obtaining it, I mentioned her as the person for whom 
I requested it. *'The little simpleton," said Bonaparte, "why does 
she not ask me herself? Is the girl afraid of me ?" Napoleon 
never cherished for her any feeling but a real paternal tenderness. 
He loved her, after his marriage with her mother, as he would 
have loved his own child. At least for three years I was a wit- 
ness to all their most private actions, and I declare I never saw 
any thing that could furnish the least ground for suspicion, nor 
the slightest trace of a culpable intimacy. This calumny must be 
classed among those which malice delights to take with the char- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 239 

acter of men who become celebrated — calumnies which are 
adopted lightly, and without reflection. I freely declare, that, did 
I entertain the slightest doubt with regard to this odious charge, of 
the existence of which I knew very well before he spoke to me, I 
would avow it; but it is not true. He is no more: and let his 
memory be accompanied only by that, be it good or bad, which 
really took place! Let not this reproach be made a charge against 
him by the impartial historian ! I must say, in conclusion, on this 
delicate subject, that his principles were rigid in an extreme 
degree, and that any ftiult of the nature charged, neither entered 
his mind, nor was it in accordance with his morals or his tastes. 

I shall now return to the events of a more public character 
which succeeded each other so rapidly at the commencement of 
1804; and in order to form a just idea of them, it will be necessary 
to consider them both separately and connectedly. 

Every one possessing the slightest intelligence must be satisfied 
that the conspiracy of Georges, Moreau, and Pichegru, and the 
other parties implicated, never could have occurred, had it not 
been for the connivance of the police. Moreau never for a 
moment desired the restoration of the Bourbons, and I was too 
well acquainted with M. Carbonnet, his most intimate friend, to 
be ignorant of his private sentiments. It was, therefore, impossi- 
ble that he could entertain the same views as Georges, the Polig- 
nacs, Riviere, and others. 

Without entering into all the details of this great trial, of which 
the death of the Duke d'Enghien was a horrible episode, I will 
relate some facts which may assist in eliciting the truth from a 
chaos of intrigue and falsehood. 

Most of the conspirators were confined either in the Temple or 
La Force, and one of them, Bouvet de Lozier, who was confined 
in the Temple, endeavoured to hang himself. He had very nearly 
succeeded, by making use of his cravat for that purpose, when 
the turnkey entered, and found him at the point of death. When 
he recovered, he acknowledged that, though he was able to face 
death, he was not able to endure the examination on his trial, and 
that he had determined to kill himself rather than that he might 
be induced by fear to make any confessions. He did, in fact, 
confess, and it was on the morning when that occurred that 
Moreau was arrested while on his way from his country-seat of 
Grosbois to Paris. 

Fouche, by means of his agents, had given Pichegru, Georges, 
and some other partisans of royalty, to understand that they could 
count on Moreau, who, it was said, was quite prepared to join 
them. It is certain that Moreau informed Pichegru that he had 



240 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

been deceived ; for that, as for himself, he had never been spoken 
to on the subject. Russilon declared on the trial, on the 14th of 
March, that the Polignacs had said to some one, "Every thing 
seems bad — they do not understand each other. Moreau has not 
kept his word — we are deceived." M. Riviere also declared that 
he soon discovered that they were deceived, and that he was about 
to return to England when he was arrested. Indeed, when they 
learned Moreau's declaration from Pichegru, the whole of the 
conspirators were preparing to leave Paris, when they were all 
arrested almost at the same time. Georges was going into La 
Vendue, when he was betrayed by the man who, with the con- 
nivance of the police, had accompanied him since his departure 
from London, and who had preserved him from all surprise so 
long as it was not necessary to know where he was and what he 
was about. 

The almost simultaneous arrest of the conspirators proved that 
the police knew well where they were to be found. 

When Pichegru was required to sign his interrogations, he 
refused to do so, as he suspected the police might have discharged 
the writing by some chemical process, and filled it up with state- 
ments which he had never made. Some fear was entertained' 
lest he should have made disclosures respecting his connexion 
with Moreau, whose destruction was sought for, and as to the 
means made use of by the police to instigate the conspirators. 

On the evening of the 15th of February, I learned that Moreau 
had been arrested, and early next morning I went to the Rue St. 
Pierre, where M. Carbonnet resided with his nephew, to learn the 
particulars of the general's arrest. What was my surprise! when, 
before I could put the question to the porter, he informed me that 
M. Carbonnet and his nephew yvere both arrested. "I advise you, 
sir," said the porter, "to retire instantly, for the persons who call 
on M. Carbonnet are watched." — "Is he still at home?" said I. 
"Yes; they are examining his papers." — "Then," replied I, "I will 
go up." M. Carbonnet, of whose friendship I have reason to be 
proud, and whose memory is dear to me, was more distressed at 
the arrest of his nephew and of Moreau than by his own. Plis 
nephew was, however, liberated after a few hours, and he himself 
was sent to solitary confinement at Saint Pelagic. 

Thus the police, who knew nothing, quickly became informed 
of every thing. In spite of the numerous police agents through- 
out France, it was only discovered by the declarations of Bouvet 
de Lozier that three successive landings had been quietly effected ; 
and that a fourth was expected, but which did not take place 
because General Savary was sent by the first consul to seize those 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 241 

who might land. There cannot be a better proof of the devotion 
of the poHce to their old chief, and their combined determination 
to mislead the new minister. 

It must be kept in mind that all Bonaparte's schemes tended to 
one object — the foundation of the French empire in his favour; 
and it is also important to consider how the situation of the emi- 
grants, as regards the first consul, had changed since the peace 
had been broken. 

As long as Bonaparte was at peace with other governments, 
the cause of the Bourbons had no support in foreign cabinets, and 
the emigrants had no alternative but to submit to circumstances; 
but, on the renewal of war, all was changed. The cause of the 
Bourbons became that of all the powers at war with France, and 
the war had also the effect of uniting the emigrants abroad with 
those who had returned and who were dissatisfied; there was 
reason to fear something from their hostility, in conjunction with 
the powers armed against Bonaparte. 

Such was the state of things, with regard to the emigrants, 
when the chiefs and accomplices of the conspiracy of Georges 
were arrested at the commencement of the year 1804. The 
assassination of the Duke d'Enghien took place on the 21st of 
March; on the 30th of April, the proposition was made to the 
tribune to found in France a government in the person of one 
individual; on the 18th of May, the senate named Napoleon 
Bonaparte emperor; and lastly, on the 10th of June, Georges and 
his accomplices were condemned. Thus the shedding of the blood 
of a Bourbon, and the placing the crown of France on the head 
of a soldier of fortune, were two acts interpolated into the bloody 
drama of Georges's conspiracy. 

It must also be borne in mind that at this time we were at war 
with England, and on the point of seeing Austria and the colossus 
of the north coalescing against our new emperor. 

I shall now relate a few of the particulars respecting the melan- 
choly death of the Duke d'Enghien. That unfortunate prince, 
who was at Ettenheim in consequence of a love affair, had no 
communication with those parties who were preparing a plot in 
the interior. Moreau was arrested on the 15th of February, 1804, 
at which time the conspiracy was known. Pichegru and Georges 
were also arrested in February, and the Duke d'Enghien not till 
the 15th of March. Now, if the prince had really been concerned 
in the conspiracy, or if he had even known of it, would he have 
remained at Ettenheim for a moment after the arrest of his pre- 
tended accomplices, the intelligence of which he could have 
received in three days? He was so entirely a stranger to it, that 
Q 21 



242 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

when informed of the affair at Ettenheim, lie declared that, if it 
was true, his father and grandfather would have informed him of 
it for his own personal safety. The sentence of death against 
Georges and his companions was not passed until the 10th of 
June, 1804, and the Duke d'Enghien was shot on the 21st of 
March, before the trials had even commenced. How is this pre- 
cipitation to be explained? If, as Napoleon said, the young Bour- 
bon was their accompUce, why was he not arrested at the same 
time as the others ? Why was he not tried with them, or why 
was the name of the illustrious accused not once mentioned in 
the course of that awful trial? or was it that his answers might 
have thrown light upon the mysterious affair? It is absolutely 
impossible that any reasonable person can regard the Duke 
d'Enghien as an accomplice in Cadoudal's conspiracy, and Napo- 
leon has basely attempted to impose upon his contemporaries and 
posterity by lending his authority to the falsehoods which were 
invented to screen him from the odium which will ever be 
attached to his name for this atrocious act. 

Had I then been in the first consul's intimacy, I believe that 
the blood of the Duke d'Enghien would never have stained the 
glory of Bonaparte, because 1 believe that I could have succeeded 
in dissuading him from his fatal design, as I knew that his object 
was merely to frighten the emigrants from Ettenheim, where 
great numbers had sought refuge. 

It has been said that a letter was written to Bonaparte by the 
Duke d'Enghien, offering him his services, and soliciting a com- 
mand in his army, and that it was not delivered until after the 
execution. This is atrociously absurd. His interrogatory makes 
no mention of this letter; the truth is, no such letter ever existed, 
nor is it to be supposed that the prince would have entertained 
such sentiments. The individual who was with the prince 
declares that he never wrote it ; and I shall never believe that any 
one would have dared to withhold from Bonaparte a letter on 
which depended the fate of so august and so elevated a victim. 

In his declaration at St. Helena, Napoleon endeavoured to free 
himself of the crime, by stating that if he had received any appli- 
cation from the prince, he would have pardoned him. But, if we 
compare all that he said, which has been transmitted to us by his 
faithful followers, we shall find so many contradictions, that the 
truth cannot be doubted. Napoleon would not confess the real 
cause of the death of the Duke d'Enghien; but inexorable history 
will relate that he was proclaimed emperor three months after his 
assassination, and, less indulgent than his contemporaries, she will 
not attach any blame to chance, to criminal zeal, or to intrigue. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 243 

This sanguinaiy scene took place at the castle of Vincennes. 
It was General Ordener, commandant of the horse grenadiers of 
the guard, who received orders from the minister at war to pro- 
ceed to the Rhine, to give instructions to the chiefs of the gend- 
armerie of New Brissac, which was placed at his disposal. This 
general sent a detachment of gendarmerie to Ettenheim, where 
the Duke d'Enghien was arrested on the 15th of March. He was 
immediately conducted to the • citadel of Strasbourg, where he 
remained until the 18th, to give time for orders being received 
from Paris. These orders were given rapidly, and promptly 
executed, for the carriage which conveyed the unfortunate prince 
arrived at the barrier at eleven o'clock on the morning of the 
20th. It remained there for five hours, and then departed by the 
exterior boulevarde on the road to Vincennes, where it arrived at 
night. Every scene of this horrible affair took place during the 
night — the sun did not even shine upon its tragic close. The 
soldiers had orders to proceed to Vincennes during the night; it 
was at night that the fatal gates were closed upon the prince — at 
night the council assembled to try him, or rather to condemn him 
without trial. When the clock struck six in the morning of the 
21st of March, the order was given to fire, and the prince ceased 
to live. Here let me be permitted to make a reflection. When 
the dreadful intelligence of the death of the Duke d'Enghien 
reached Paris, it excited a feeling of consternation which recalled 
the recollection of the days of terror. Ah! if Bonaparte could 
have seen the gloom which pervaded the capital, and compared it 
with the joy which was exhibited on the day when he returned 
victorious from the field of Marengo, he would have considered 
that he had tarnished his glory with a stain which nothing could 
ever efface. 

After receiving the fatal intelligence of this event, I determined 
to go to Malmaison to wait upon Madame Bonaparte; knowing, 
from her sentiments towards the house of Bourbon, that she would 
be in the deepest affliction. I had sent a messenger to know 
whether it would be convenient for her to see me — a precaution 
which I had never previously observed, but which I judged to be 
proper on the present occasion. On my arrival, I was immedi- 
ately introduced into her boudoir, where she was alone with Hor- 
tense and Madame Remusat; I found them all deeply afflicted. 
"Bourrienne," said Josephine, as soon as she perceived me, "what 
a dreadful event! If you but knew the state of mind he has been 
in for some time! — he avoids, he fears the presence of any one. 
Who could have suggested to him such an act as this ?" When 
I acquainted Josephine with the particulars which had come to 



244 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

my knowledge, she exclaimed, " What barbarity ! But no reproach 
can rest with me, for I did every thing to dissuade him from this 
fatal project. He did not confide in me, but you know how I am 
able to guess — and he acknowledged all. But how harshly he 
repelled my entreaties! I clung to him — I threw myself at his 
feet! 'Meddle with what concerns you!' he exclaimed with 
violence; 'this is not the business of women — leave me.' He 
repulsed me with a violence which he had not done since our first 
interview after your return from Egypt. Gracious God! what 
will become of us ?" 

I had nothing to say to calm the grief of Madame Bonaparte, 
for I participated in her affliction, and only could express my 
regret that Bonaparte should have been guilty of such a crime. 
"What," said Josephine, "is the opinion of Paris? I am sure he 
must be hated, for even here his flatterers seem astounded when 
they are out of his presence. How wretched have we been since 
yesterday; and he! — you know what he is when he is dissatisfied 
with himself — no one dares speak to him, and all is mournful 
around us. What a commission he gave to Savary! You know 
I don't like him, for he is one of those whose flatteries will con- 
tribute to ruin Bonaparte. Ah, well ! Savary came yesterday to 
me to fulfil a sad commission which the Duke d'Enghien gave to 
him before his death. Here," she continued, "is his portrait and 
a lock of his hair, which he has requested me to send to one who 
was dear to him. Savary almost shed tears when he related to 
me the last words of the duke ; then, endeavouring to recover his 
self-possession, he said, 'It was impossible to witness the death 
of such a man without feelina; the bitterest emotion.' " 



CHAPTER XX. 



Consequences of the Death of the Duke d'Enghien ; Pichegru an-ested ; his Death ; Moreau— his 
Treatment in Prison ; the Trial of Georges, Moreau, and others ; their Sentence. 

The immediate consequences of the death of the Duke 
d'Enghien were not confined to the general consternation which 
that event produced in the capital. The news spread rapidly 
through the provinces and foreign countries, and every where 
carried astonishment and sorrow. There is a class of society 
which possesses great influence in the provinces, called the "Gentry 
of the Chateaux," and who may be said to form the provincial 
faubourg St. Germain. The opinion of these gentry of the Cha- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 245 

teaux had been hitherto not unfavourable to the first consul, for he 
reduced the rigour of the law of hostages, which had been felt 
very severely by them. He therefore had succeeded to a great 
degree in conciliating them, but the news of the death of the 
Duke d'Enghien alienated from him minds which were still waver- 
ing, and even those who had changed. This act of tyranny dis- 
solved the charm which had created hope from his government, 
and awakened affections which had hitherto slumbered. 

The consequences were not less important, and might have 
become serious as respected foreign courts. I was informed from 
very good authority, that so soon as the Emperor Alexander 
received the news, it was clear that England might entertain 
hopes of forming a new coalition against France. Alexander 
openly expressed his indignation; and I learned that Pitt, when 
informed of the death of the French prince, had said, that Bona- 
parte had done himself more mischief than England had been able 
to do him since the declaration of war. Pitt was not the man to 
feel much concern for the death of any one; but he understood 
and seized all the advantages which were given him by so great a 
political error on the part of his most formidable enemy. 

The policy of the cabinet of Vienna prevented the manifesta- 
tion of its displeasure by remonstrances or by any other act ; and 
the presence of the French troops in Hanover prevented the court 
of Berlin from expressing any commiseration, at least beyond the 
closet of the queen; but it is certain that this circumstance 
changed very much the disposition of the sovereigns towards the 
first consul, and hastened the negotiations which England was 
secretly carrying on with Austria and Prussia. 

The death of the Duke d'Enghien was a horrible episode to the 
proceedings of the great trial which was then preparing, and 
which was quickly followed by the elevation of Bonaparte to the 
imperial dignity. It was not one of the least singular anomalies 
of this period, that the judgment by which criminal enterprises 
against the republic was condemned, was pronounced in the name 
of the emperor who had so evidently destroyed that republic. By 
means of this subtlety, he at first declared himself emperor of the 
republic, as a preliminary to his proclaiming himself emperor of 
the French. Really, when we look at both sides, it is impossible 
not to admire the genius of Bonaparte — his temerity in advancing 
towards his object, and his skilful employment of suppleness and 
audacity. It made him sometimes dare fortune, and sometimes 
avoid insurmountable difficulties, to arrive at not merely the throne 
of Louis XVI., but at the reconstructed throne of Charlemagne. 

But it is not my object to reason on history; I shall merely 

21* 



246 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

relate what I saw at the time, and what I have since learned of 
the different phases of the trial of Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, 
and of Other persons accused. I myself heard all the debates and 
examinations on this trial, and I am therefore enabled to say that, 
from all I heard, I was convinced that Moreau was not a conspirator. 

It has been stated that Moreau was arrested on the day after 
Bouvet de Lozier made, his confession; and Pichegru was taken 
by means of the most infamous treachery of which a man could 
be capable. The police officers were unable to discover his 
retreat, when an old friend, who had given him an asylum, was 
induced to deliver him up for one hundred thousand crowns. 
This infamous fellow gave an exact description of the chamber 
which Pichegru occupied; and, in consequence of this informa- 
tion, and by means of false keys, the police were able to seize in 
bed the conqueror of Holland. 

It was on the night of the 22d of February that Pichegru was 
arrested, and the deceitful friend who gave him up was named Le 
Blanc. I had entirely lost sight of Pichegru since we left Brienne, 
for he was also a pupil of that establishment; but as he was older 
than us, he was already a tutor when we were only scholars; 
and I very well recollect that it was he who caused Bonaparte to 
repeat the four first rules of arithmetic. There is also this other 
singular circumstance, that Pichegru and Bonaparte were both 
made lieutenants of artillery at the same time. What a differ- 
ence in their destiny ! While the one was preparing to mount a 
throne, the other was a solitary prisoner in a dungeon of the 
Temple. 

Forty days had elapsed since the arrest of Pichegru, when, on 
the morning of the 6th of April, he was found dead in the dungeon 
which he occupied in the Temple. He had undergone ten exam- 
inations, but had neither made any confessions nor compromised 
any one; but all his declarations led it to be expected that he 
would speak out boldly and publicly during the solemnity of his 
trial! He said, " When I am before my judges, my language will 
be conformable to truth, and to the interests of my country ;" and 
I am satisfied that he would have kept his promise, for he was 
distinguished by firmness and resolution of character, differing in 
this respect from Moreau, who was much influenced by his wife. 

There can be no doubt but that Pichegru was strangled in 
prison, to prevent his making any disclosures which might have 
been disagreeable. His death was, therefore, considered neces- 
sary, and this necessity was its real cause.* 

* The following is Savary's account of Picliegru's death: — "Being at the Tuileriea 
one morning, about eight o'clock, I received a note from the officer of the gendarmerie 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 247 

' Immediately on Pichegru's death, the other prisoners were 
informed of the fact; and, as they were all acquainted with him, 
none would believe he had committed suicide — what then must 
have been their horror! 

Moreau was not treated with the same rigour as the other pris- 

d'elite, who that day commanded the guard posted at the Temple. He informed me 
that General Pichegru had just been found dead in his bed, and that this had occasioned 
a great bustle in the Temple, where they were expecting some one from the police, to 
which intelligence of the circumstance had been sent. 

" This officer communicated the fact to me, as well on account of its singularity, as 
because I had made it a rule in the corps which I commanded, that all the officers 
employed in any duty whatever should give me an account of what they had done, 
seen, or heard, during the twenty-four hours. I forwarded this note to the first consul ; 
he sent for me, supposing that I had further particulars; but as I had none, he sent me 
to make inquiries, saying, 'This is a pretty end for the conqueror of Holland!' 

"I arrived at the Temple at the same time as M. Real, who came on behalf of the 
grand-judge to learn the particulars of this event. I went with M. Real, the keeper, 
and the surgeon of the prison, straight to General Pichegru's room ; and I knew liim 
again very well, though his face was turned of a crimson colour, from the effect of the 
apoplexy with which he had been struck. 

" His room was on the ground-floor, and the head of his bed against the window, so 
that the seat served to set his light upon for the purpose of reading in bed. On the 
outside there was a sentinel placed under this window, through which he might easily, 
upon occasion, see all that was passing in the room. 

" General Pichegru was lying on his right side ; he had put round his neck his own 
black silk cravat, which he had previously twisted like a small rope : this must have 
occupied him so long as to afford time for reflection, had he not been resolutely bent 
on self-destruction. He appeared to have tied his cravat, thus twisted, about his neck, 
and to have at first drawn it as tight as he could bear it ; then to have taken a piece 
of wood, of the length of a finger, which he had taken from a branch that yet lay in 
the middle of the room (part of a fagot, the relics of which were still in his fire-place): 
this he must have slipped between his neck and his cravat, on the right side, and turned 
round till the moment that reason forsook him. His head had fallen back on the pillow, 
and compressed the little bit of stick, which had prevented the cravat from untwisting. 
In this situation, apoplexy could not fail to supervene. His hand was still under his 
head, and almost touched this little tourniquet. 

" On the night-table was a book open, and with its back upward, as if laid down for 
a moment by one who had been interrupted while reading. M. Real found this book 
to be the Seneca which he had sent to him ; and he remarked that it was open at that 
passage where Seneca says, that the man who is determined to conspire, ought, above 
all things, not to fear death. This was probably the last thing read by General Piche- 
gru, who, having placed himself in a situation to lose his life on the scaffold, or under 
the necessity of having recourse to the clemency of the first consul, had preferred dying 
by his own hand. 

" While I was at the Temple, I questioned the gendarme who had passed the night 
in the ante-chamber which separated Georges from Pichegru: he told me that he had 
heard nothing all night, except that General Pichegru had coughed a good deal from 
eleven to twelve o'clock ; that not being able to get into his room, because the keeper 
had got the key, he was unwilling to rouse the whole tower on account of that cough. 
The gendarme was himself locked up in this ante-chamber; and had any thing occur- 
red to oblige him to give the alarm, it was by the window that he was to apprise the 
sentinel who was at the door of the tower ; the sentinel was to give notice to the post, 
and the latter to the keeper. — I questioned also the gendarme who had been on duty 
under the window of General Pichegru from ten o'clock till twelve, and he had hearA 
nothing." — Memoirs of the Duke de Sovigo. 



248 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

oners; nor, indeed, would it have been safe to have done so, for 
even in his prison he received the homage and respect of the mil- 
itary, not excepting even those who were his guards. Many of 
the guards had served under him, and they could not forget how 
much he was beloved by the soldiers. There was in Paris a gen- 
eral conviction, that if Moreau had ventured to say a word to the 
soldiers in whose charge he was, that that jailer-guard would have 
immediately formed itself into a guard of honour, ready to execute 
all that might be necessary for the safety of the conquei'or of 
Hohenlinden. It was, therefore, perhaps, only owing to the 
respect with which he was treated, and in being indulged in daily 
seeing his wife and child, as also from the confidence in the injus. 
tice of the charges made against him, that he appeared to submit 
with indifference and resignation. 

Napoleon had been declared emperor about ten days, when on 
the 28th of May the trials commenced. No similar event which 
has since occurred can convey any idea of the excitement which 
pervaded Paris. The indignation caused by the arrest of Moreau 
was openly manifested, and could not be restrained by the police. 
Public opinion had been successfully misled with respect to Georges 
and others, who were considered as assassins in the pay of England, 
but the case was very different as concerned M. de Polignac, de 
Riviere, Charles d'Hosier, and, above all, Moreau. It was neces- 
sary to surround him with a guard, to restrain the curiosity of the 
people and the anxiety of his friends, but care was taken that it 
should not be so strong as to become a rallying point, should the 
voice of a chief, so honoured by the army, call upon it for defence. 
A movement in favour of Moreau was considered very possible: 
by some it was desired, by others it was dreaded. I am satisfied 
that it would have taken place if the judges had capitally con- 
demned him. 

It is impossible to form any idea of the crowd which incom- 
moded all the passages of the Palace of Justice on the day the 
trials commenced, and this crowd continued during the twelve 
days the trials lasted, and particularly on the day the sentence 
was passed. Persons of the first rank were desirous to be present. 

Two facts most forcibly obtruded themselves on my attention 
during the proceedings — the one, the violence of the president of 
the court towards the prisoners; and the other, the innocence of 
Moreau. But in spite of the most crafty and skilful examination, 
Moreau never once fell into the least contradiction, and it was 
perfectly evident that he was an entire stranger to all the plots 
and intrigues which had been planned in London. In fact, during 
the whole trial, I did not discover the shadow of a connexion 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 249 

between him and the other prisoners, nor was there scarcely one of 
the thirty-nine witnesses who were heard for the prosecution who 
knew him, and he himself declared that there was not one among 
the accused whom he knew, or whom he had ever seen before. 
His appearance was as calm as his conscience, and as he sat on 
the bench he appeared as one led by curiosity to be present, rather 
than as one of the accused, who might be condemned to death. 

But for the shot which killed Moreau in the ranks of the enemy 
— ^but for the foreign cockade which disgraced the hat of the con- 
queror of Hohenlinden — his complete innocence would long ago 
have appeared beyond a doubt. 

There was a circumstance which occurred at one of the sittings 
which almost produced an electrical effect. I think I still see 
General Lecourbe, the worthy friend of Moreau, entering unex- 
pectedly into the court with a young child, and taking it up in his 
arms, he exclaimed, with a strong voice and with considerable 
emotion: "Soldiers, behold the son of your general!" At this 
unexpected movement, all the military present rose, and sponta- 
neously presented arms, and at the same time a rnurmur of applause 
spread through the crowd. It is certain, that had Moreau at that 
moment said a word, such was the enthiisiasm in his favour, that 
the tribunal would have been broken up and the prisoners liberated. 
But he remained silent, and appeared the only unconcerned per- 
son in court. 

Georges was far from exciting the same interest as Moreau — he 
"was an object of curiosity rather than of interest, and he regarded 
his fate with a fierce kind of resolution ; he had the manners and 
bearing of a rude soldier, but under his coarse exterior he concealed 
the soul of a hero. In all that concerned himself, he was perfectly 
open, but in whatever tended to compromise his associates, he 
maintained the most obstinate silence, notv/ithstanding every 
attempt was made to overcome his firmness. 

In the course of the trial, the greatest interest was felt for M. 
de Polignac, de Hosier and de Riviere. So short a period had 
elapsed since the proscription of the nobility, that, independently 
of every feeling of humanity, it was certainly impolitic to bring 
before the public the heirs of an illustrious name, endowed with 
that devoted heroism which could not fail to extort the admiration 
of all. The accused were all young, and their situation created 
the greatest sympathy. The greater number disdained to have 
recourse to a denial, and seemed less anxious to preserve their lives 
than for the honour of the cause in which they had engaged. 
Even when the sword of the law was suspended over their heads, 
the faithful servants of the Bourbons displayed on every occasion 



250 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

their attachment and fidelity. I recollect that the court was dis- 
solved in tears, when the president having argued, as a proof of 
the guilt of ]M. de Riviere, that he had worn a medallion of the 
Count d'Artois, M. de Riviere requested that he might be allowed 
to examine it ; on its being handed to him, he kissed it and pressed 
it to his heart, and on returning it, he said that he only wished to 
render homage to a prince he loved. 

The court was still more deeply affected on witnessing the gen- 
erous fraternal combat which took place during the last sitting 
but one, between the two Polignacs. The emotion was general 
when the eldest of the two brothers, after having declared that 
his going out alone and during the day did not look like a con- 
spirator anxious for concealment, added these remarkable words, 
which will always remain engraven on my memory : " I have now 
only one wish, which is, that as the sword is suspended over our 
heads, and threatens the existence of several of the accused, you 
would, in consideration of his youth, if not of his innocence, spare 
my brother, and upon me let fall the whole weight of your ven- 
geance." On the following day, before the fatal sentence was 
pronounced, M. Jules de Polignac addressed the court, saying, "I 
was so deeply affected yesterday by the discourse of my brother, 
that I was not able to give my attention so as to be able to make 
a proper reply; but as I am now perfectly tranquil, I entreat, gen- 
tlemen, that you will not regard what he urged in my behalf I 
repeat, on the contrary, and with more justice, if one of us must 
become a sacrifice, if there is yet time, save him ; restore him to 
the tears of his wife ; I am single. Like him, I can meet death 
unappalled : too young to have tasted the pleasures of life, I cannot 
regret their loss." — "No, no," exclaimed his brother; "you are still 
in the outset of your career; it is I who ought to suffer." 

At eight in the morning the members of the tribunal withdrew 
to the council chamber. Since the commencement of the trial, 
the crowd, in place of diminishing, seemed each day to increase ; 
and on this morning, although the sentence was not expected vmtil 
a late hour, no one quitted the court, lest he should be unable to 
find a place when the court resumed its sitting. Sentence of death 
was passed upon Georges Cadoudal, Bouvet de Lozier, Rusillon, 
Rochelle, Armand de Polignac, Charles d'Hosier, de Riviere, Louis 
Ducorps, Picot, Lajolais, Roger, Coster-St.-Victor, Deville, Gaillard, 
Joyaut, Durban, Lemercier, Jean Cadoudal, Lelan, and Merille; 
while Jules de Pohgnac, Leridan, General Moreau, Roland, and 
Hisay, were only condemned to two years' imprisonment. 

When the sentence was pronounced, it filled the whole assem- 
bly with consternation, and it soon spread through Paris. I may 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 251 

well affirm it to have been a day of public mourning; and although 
it was Sunday, every place of amusement was deserted. To the 
horror inspired at the sentence of death wantonly passed upon so 
many victims, the greater part of whom belonged to the most dis- 
tinguished classes in society, was added the ridicule inspired at the 
condemnation of Moreau ; of the absurdity of which no one seemed 
more sensible than Bonaparte, who expressed himself respecting it 
in the most pointed terms. 

As soon as the special tribunal had pronounced its sentence, 
Murat, governor of Paris, and brother-in-law to the emperor, 
sought his presence, and conjured him to spare all the prisoners; 
observing that such an action would add more to his glory at the 
commencement of his reign, than their death would add security 
to it. Such was the conduct of Murat, but he did not solicit par- 
don for any one in particular. Those who obtained the imperial 
clemency were Bouvet de Lozier, Rusillon, de Revi^re, Rochelle, 
Armand de Polignac, d'Hosier, Lajolais, and Armand Gaillard. 

The other unfortunate victims of a sanguinary police underwent 
their sentence on the 25th of June, two days after the announce- 
ment of the pardon of the others. Their courage and resolution 
never forsook them for a moment; and Georges, knowing that it 
was rumoured that he was pardoned, entreated that he might die 
first, that his companions in their last moments might know that 
he had not survived them. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

The Empire Rehearsal ; Secret Negotiations with the Senate ; Hereditaiy Succession proposed by the 
Tribune Cures ; the Proposition adopted by the Tribune ; Addi'ess of the Senate ; the Emperor's 
Reply; Revival of old Formulas and Titles ; the Creation of the Marshals ; the Invasion of England 
never seriously contemplated ; the Ffete of the 14th of July; Church Festivals a Waste of Time ; 
Grand Ceremonial at the Invalids ; Departure for Boulogne ; Distribution of the Crosses of the 
Legion of Honour ; Intrepidity of two English Sailors ; Negotiations with the Pope ; the Pope 
arrives at Fontainbleau ; the Coronation ; Distribution of the Eagles in the Champ-de-Mars. 

For a long time the agents of government had been instructed 
throughout France to solicit for the first consul, in the name of 
the people, that which the people did not want, but which Bona- 
parte wished to take while he appeared to yield to the general 
will, namely, the sovereign power, without restrictions and free 
from the subterfuge of denomination. The opportunity of the 
conspiracy which had been discovered, and of which some account 
has been given in the preceding chapter, was a circumstance not 
to be omitted; and it was eagerly laid hold of by all the authori- 



252 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

ties, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, who sent in an immense 
number of addresses, congratulations, and thanksgivings on the 
occasion. The greater part of these addressers did not confine 
themselves to mere congratulation, but they even entreated Bona- 
parte to consolidate his work; the true meaning of which was 
that he should assume imperial and hereditary power. 

In this scene of the grand drama Bonaparte played his part 
with his accustomed talent, and carefully kept himself in the back 
ground, and left to others the preparation of his measures. 

The senate, who took the lead in this affair, did not fail, while 
congratulating the first consul on his escape from "the daggers of 
England" as they were termed, to entreat him not to delay the 
completion of his work. For some reason, which is not exactly 
known, Bonaparte allowed this address to the senate to remain 
unanswered for nearly a month; and when he did answer it, he 
merely requested that the intention of the address might be more 
clearly expressed. These negotiations between the senate and 
Bonaparte being secret, were not immediately published : he only 
sought publicity when he wished to communicate results. To 
obtain the result he desired, it was necessary that the project he 
was maturing should be proposed in the tribunate ; and the Tri- 
bune Cur6e had the honour of proposing officially the conversion 
of the consular republic into an empire, and the elevation of Bona- 
parte to the title of emperor with the rights of hereditary succession. 

Curee developed his proposition to the tribune, in the sitting of 
the 30th of April, at which I was present. He commenced by 
describing all the evils which had overwhelmed France during the 
various governments which had succeeded each other since the 
constituent assembly, and concluded thus : "I move, therefore, that 
we transmit to the senate our wishes, which are those of the whole 
nation, and which have for their object, 1st, That Napoleon Bona- 
parte, now first consul, be declared emperor, and under that title 
continue at the head of the French republic; 2d, That the impe- 
rial dignity be declared hereditary in his family; 3d, That those 
of our institutions, which are as yet but traced out, be definitely 
settled." Such was the apologetic harangue of Cur^e; and I saw 
a number of the members crowding to the tribunate to have their 
names enrolled so as to speak on this question ; and each enlarged 
upon what had been said by the producer of the proposition, which 
had so evidently emanated from him to whom it was finally to 
return. Each speech was, in short, more adulatory than the 
preceding. 

The tribunate having adopted the propositions of Cur6e, there 
was no longer any motive for concealing the first overtures of the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 253 

senate; the pear was then ripe, and the address of the senate was 
accordingly published forty days after date. 

To give greater solemnity to their proceedings, the senate pro- 
ceeded in a body to the Tuileries, and Cambaceres, as president, 
pronounced the address. Speaking in the name of the senate, he 
said, among other things, " That at sight of the danger from which 
Providence has saved the hero destined to fulfil her designs, the 
first observation which naturally arose was, that to meditate the 
destruction of the first consul, was to meditate the destruction of 
France. Give us, then, institutions so combined that their system 
niay survive you. You will found a new era, but you must eter- 
nize it; glory is nothing unless it be permanent. Great man! 
finish your work, and render it immortal as your glory. You have 
extricated us from the chaos of the past; you enable us to enjoy 
the blessings of the present; guarantee to us the future." No one 
could resist such flattery. 

By this reply of the senate the most important step was per- 
formed, and there now remained little but the mere ceremonies to 
regulate, and the formula to fill up. These various arrangements 
occasioned a delay of fifteen days; and, at length, on the 18th of 
May, Napoleon was, for the first time, greeted by the appellation 
of Sire by his former colleague, Cambaceres, who, at the head of 
the senate, went to present to the new emperor the organic sen- 
atus consultum, relative to the foundation of the empire. Napo- 
leon was at St. Cloud, whither the senate repaired in state. After 
the speech of Cambaceres, in which they had heard applied for 
the first time the designation of majesty, the emperor replied : 

" All that can contribute to the welfare of the country is essential to my happiness. 
I accept the title which you believe to be useful for the glory of the nation. I submit 
to the sanction of the people, the law of hereditary succession. I hope that France will- 
never repent the honour with which she may surround my family. At all events, my 
spirit will not be with my posterity, when they cease to merit the love and confidence 
of the great nation." 

Cambaceres then went to congratulate the empress; and thus 
was realized to Josephine the prediction which I had made to her 
three years before, at Malmaison. 

Bonaparte's first act as emperor, on the very day of his elevation 
to the imperial throne, was the nomination of Joseph to the dignity 
of grand elector, with the title of imperial highness. Louis was 
raised to the dignity of constable, with the same title; and Cam- 
baceres and Lebrun were created arch-chancellor and arch- 
treasurer of the empire. 

On the following day the emperor came to Paris to hold a levee 
at the Tuileries, for he was not a man to delay the gratification 

22 



254 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

that pride and vanity derived from his new title. The assembly- 
was the most brilliant and numerous that had yet been known. 
Bessieres, colonel of the guards, presented an address in their 
name, to which the emperor replied : 

" I know the sentiments the guards cherish towards me, and I repose entire con- 
fidence in their bravery and fideUty. I constantly behold, with increasing pleasure, 
companions in arms who have escaped from so many dangers, and who are covered 
with honourable wounds. I always feel a sentiment of satisfaction when I look at the 
guards, when I think that there has not been one battle fought for the last fifteen years 
in which some of them have not taken a part." 

On the same day, all the generals and colonels in Paris were 
presented by Louis, in his character of constable. In a few days 
every thing assumed a new aspect. The general admiration was 
loud, but in secret the Parisians laughed at the awkward appear- 
ance of the new courtiers, which greatly displeased Bonaparte. 

To give all possible solemnity to his accession, Napoleon 
ordered that the senate itself should proclaim in Paris the organic 
senatus consultum, which entirely changed the constitution of the 
state; and the day fixed for this ceremony was Sunday, the 30th 
Floreal. 

The day after Bonaparte's accession, the old formulas were 
restored. The emperor decided that he should give to the French 
princes and princesses the title of Imperial Highness, and that his 
sisters should take the same title ; that the grand dignitaries of the 
empire should be called Serene Highness; that the princes and 
titulars of the grand dignitaries should be addressed by the title of 
Monseigneur; that the ministers of state should have the title of 
Excellency, to which should be added that of Monseigneur in the 
petitions addressed to them; and that the title of Excellency 
should be given to the president of the senate. 

At the same time Napoleon appointed the first marshals of the 
empire, and determined that they should be called Monsieur le 
Marshal, when addressed verbally, and Monseigneur in writing. 
The following are the names of these sons of the repubUc, trans- 
formed by the wish of a brother-in-arms into supports of the 
empire: Berthier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, 
Bernadotte, Soult, Brune, Lannes, Mortier, Ney, Davoust, Bes- 
sieres. The title of marshal was also granted to the senators, 
Kellerman, Lefebvre, Perignon, and Serrurier. 

We have seen with what skill Bonaparte avoided the provisions 
of the consular constitution, by which he was prevented from act- 
ing as commander-in-chief beyond the territory of the republic, by 
giving the title of the army of reserve to the army of Marengo. 
This constitution was not retained when he was raised to the 
imperial dignity. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 255 

This difficulty having been removed, there can be no doubt that 
his thirst for war was thereby increased, and that he was desirous 
to distinguish himself under his new title. From my intimate 
acquaintance with his character, I believe I am fully warranted in 
stating that he endeavoured, by means not strictly just, to bring 
about a continental war. In this respect he had a great advantage 
in not being restrained by self-love, or any fear of offending any 
of the other powers ; he was desirous of making every thing yield 
to him, and of constantly assuming his own superiority. I have 
before stated that Bonaparte never seriously contemplated the 
invasion of England, but merely made use of it as a pretext to 
assemble together a large army; to mislead the continental pow- 
ers ; to alarm England by the fears of invasion, and to increase 
the enthusiasm of his army. These projects Bonaparte confided to 
no one ; not even to his ministers ; and this plan, of which he alone 
was capable, appears to me the great miracle of modern times. 

During the first year of his reign. Napoleon retained the fete of 
the 14th of July, which recalled the recollection to two great 
popular triumphs — the taking of the Bastile, and the first federa- 
tion. This year it fell on a Saturday, but the emperor ordered its 
celebration to be held on the Sunday ; which was in conformity 
with his sentiments respecting the concordate: "What renders 
me," he said, "most hostile to the reestabllshment of the Catholic 
worship, are the numerous festivals formerly observed. A saint's 
day is a day of idleness; and I do not wish that, as people must 
labour in order to live. I shall consent to four holidays during 
the year, but to no more ; if the gentlemen from Rome are not 
satisfied with that, they may take their departure." The loss of 
time appeared to him so great a calamity, that he scarcely ever 
failed to unite an indispensable solemnity to some day already 
devoted to sacred purposes. 

On Sunday, the 15th of July, the emperor appeared for the first 
time before the Parisians, surrounded by all the pomp of royalty. 
The members of the Legion of Honour then in Paris, took the 
oath conformably with the new formula, and on this occasion the 
emperor and empress appeared attended by a separate and numer- 
ous retinue. They proceeded to the Hotel of the Invalids, and 
were received by M. Segur, who held the office of great chamber- 
lain, and had the direction of the ceremonial. He conducted the 
empress to a seat prepared for her reception, opposite the imperial 
throne which Napoleon occupied on the right of the altar. I was 
present at this ceremony, notwithstanding my repugnance to such 
splendid exhibitions; but as Duroc had presented me with tickets 
two days before, I deemed it prudent, lest the searching eye of 



256 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Napoleon should have remarked my absence, if Duroc had acted 
by his order. 

I spent about an hour in observing the proud, and sometimes 
ludicrous demeanour of the new grandees of the empire ; I marked 
the movements of the clergy, who, with Cardinal Belloy at their 
head, went to receive the emperor on his entrance. What a 
strange variety of ideas entered my mind when I beheld my former 
comrade and school-fellow of Brienne seated upon an elevated 
throne, surrounded by a brilliant staff, the grand dignitaries of his 
empii'e, his ministers, and his marshals! I involuntarily reverted 
to the 19th Brumaire, and all this splendid pomp vanished away, 
when I thought of Bonaparte's stammering to such a degree that 
I was obliged to pull him by the coat to induce him to withdraw. 
It was neither a feeling of animosity nor of jealousy which called 
up such reflections ; for at no period of our career would I have 
exchanged situations ; but whoever can i-eflect — whoever has been 
present at the elevation of one who before was scai'cely your 
equal — will probably conceive the strange ideas with which, for the 
first time, I was assailed on this occasion. 

During the festival, the emperor announced that he would go 
in person to distribute the decorations of the Legion of Honour 
to the army assembled at Boulogne. He was not long before he 
fulfilled his promise. He left St. Cloud on the 18th, and travelled 
with such rapidity, that the next morning, while every one was 
busy in making preparations for his reception, he was in the midst 
of them examining the works. 

At his departure, it was generally believed at Paris that the 
distribution of the decorations of the Legion of Honour was only 
a pretext, and that the grand object to be realized was the descent 
on England. It was, indeed, only a pretext. The emperor wished 
to excite still more the enthusiasm of the army, and to show him- 
self to the military, invested with his new dignity; to be present 
at some grand manoeuvres, and dispose the army to obey the first 
signal he might give. How, indeed, could it be supposed, after 
such extensive preparations — so many transports — and the whole 
army ready to embark — that it really was never intended to 
attempt a descent upon England! But so it was — the blow was 
to be struck in another quarter. 

It was not far from Caesar's tower that eighty thousand men of 
the camps of Boulogne and Montreuil, under the command of 
Marshal Soult, were assembled in a vast plain, to assist in the 
solemnity of the distribution of the crosses of the Legion of 
Honour impressed with the imperial effigy. This plain, which I 
saw, with Bonaparte, in the first journey we made to the coast, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 257 

before our departure to Egypt, was circular and hollow, and in 
the centre was a little hill. This hill formed the imperial throne 
of Bonaparte in the midst of his soldiers. There he stationed 
himself with his brilliant staff, and around this centre of glory the 
regiments were drawn up in line, and looked like so many diverging 
rays. From this throne, which had been erected by the hand of 
nature, Bonaparte delivered in a loud voice the same form of oath 
which he had pronounced at the Hospital of Invalids a few days 
before. It was the signal for a general burst of enthusiasm, and 
Rapp, in speaking of this ceremony, told me that he never saw 
the emperor appear more pleased. How could he be otherwise? 
Fortune then seemed obedient to his wishes. A storm came on 
during this brilliant day, and it was apprehended that part of the 
flotilla would have suffered. Bonaparte quitted the hill from which 
he had distributed the crosses, and proceeded to the port to direct 
what measures should be taken, when upon his arrival the storm 
ceased as if by enchantment. The flotilla entered the port safe 
and sound, and he went back to the camp, where the sports and 
amusements prepared for the soldiers commenced; and in the 
evening the brilliant fire-works that were let off rose in a luminous 
column, which was distinctly seen from the English coast. 

When he reviewed the troops, he asked the officers, and often 
the soldiers, in what battles they had been engaged, and to those 
who had received serious wounds he gave the cross. Here, I 
think, I may appropriately mention a singular piece of charlatan- 
ism to which the emperor had recourse, and which powerfully 
contributed to augment the enthusiasm of his troops. He would 
say to one of his aids-de-camp, "Ascertain from the colonel of 
such a regiment whether he has in his corps a man who has served 
in the campaigns of Italy or Egypt. Ascertain his name, where 
he was born, the particulars of his family, and what he has done. 
Learn his number in the ranks, and to what company he belongs, 
and furnish me with the information." 

On the day of the review, Bonaparte, at a single glance, could 
perceive the man who had been described to him. He would go 
up to him as if he recognised him, address him by his name, and 
say, " Oh ! so you are hei'e ! You are a brave fellow ; I saw you 
at Aboukir; how is your old father? What! have you not got 
the cross ? Stay, I will give it you." Then the delighted soldiers 
would say to each other, "You see the emperor knows us all; he 
knows our families ; he knows where we have served." What a 
stimulus Avas this to soldiers, whom he succeeded in persuading 
that they would all, some time or other, become marshals of the 
empire ! 

R 22* 



258 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Lauriston told me,, among other anecdotes relative to Napo- 
leon's sojourn at the camp of Boulogne, a remarkable instance of 
intrepidit)' on the part of two English sailors. These men had 
been prisoners at Yerdun, which was the most considerable d^pot 
of English prisoners in France at the rupture of the peace of 
Amiens. They effected their escape from Verdun, and arrived 
at Boulogne, without having been discovered on the road, notwith- 
standing the vigilance with which all the English were watched. 
They remained at Boulogne for some time, destitute of money, 
and without being able to effect their escape. They had no hope 
of getting aboard a boat, on account of the strict watch that was 
kept upon vessels of every kind. These two sailors made a boat 
of little pieces of wood, which they put together as well as they 
could, having no other tools than their knives. They covered it 
with a piece of sail-cloth. It was only three or four feet wide, 
and not much longer; and was so light that a man could easily 
carry it on his shoulders. So powerful a passion is the love of 
home and liberty! Sure of being shot, if they were discovered — 
almost equally sure of being drowned, if they effected their escape 
— they, nevertheless, resolved to attempt crossing the Channel in 
their fragile skiff"^ Perceiving an English frigate within sight of 
the coast, they pushed off', and endeavoured to reach her. They 
had not gone a hundred toises from the shore, when they were 
perceived by the custom-house officers, who set out in pursuit of 
them, and brought them back. The news of this adventure spread 
through the camp, and the extraordinary courage of the two sail- 
ors was the subject of general remark. The circumstance reached 
the emperor's ears. He wished to see the men, and they were 
conducted to his presence, along with their little boat. Napoleon, 
whose imagination was struck by every thing extraordinary, could 
not conceal his surprise at so bold a project, undertaken with such 
feeble means of execution. '"Is it really true," said the emperor 
to them, "that you thought of crossing the sea in this?" — "Sire," 
said they, "if you doubt it, give us leave to go, and you shall see 
us depart." — "I will. You are bold and enterprising men; I 
admire courage wherever I meet with it. But you shall not 
hazard your lives. You are at liberty; and, more than that, I will 
cause you to be put on board an English ship. When you return 
to London, tell how I esteem brave men, even when they are my 
enemies." Rapp, who, with Lauriston, Duroc, and many others, 
was present at this scene, was not a little astonished at the 
emperor's generosity. If the men had not been brought before 
him, they would have been shot as spies ; instead of ^^■bich, they 
obtained their liberty, and Napoleon gave several pieces of gold to 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 259 

each. This circumstance was one of those which made the 
strongest impression on Napoleon, and he recollected it when at 
St. Helena, in one of his conversations with M. de Las Casas. 

It was from the camp at Boulogne that Napoleon decreed the 
founding of the decennial premiums, the first distribution of which 
he intended should take place five years afterwards, on the anni- 
versary of the 18th Brumaire, whirch was an innocent compliment 
to the date of the foundation of the consular republic. This mea- 
sure also seemed to promise to the republican calendar a longevity 
which it did not attain. All these little circumstances passed 
unobserved; but Bonaparte had so often developed to me his 
theory of the art of deceiving mankind, that I knew their true 
value. It was likewise at the camp of Boulogne, that, by a decree 
emanating from his individual will, he destroyed the noblest insti- 
tution of the republic, the Polytechnic School, by converting it 
into a purely military academy. He knew that in that sanctuary 
of high study a republican spirit was fostered; and, while I was 
with him, he had often told me it was necessary that all schools, 
colleges, and establishments for public instruction, should be sub- 
ject to military discipline. I frequently endeavoured to contro- 
vert this idea, but without success. 

England was never so much deceived by Bonaparte as during 
the period of the encampment at Boulogne. The English really 
believed that an invasion was intended, and the government 
exhausted itself in efforts for raising men and money to guard 
against the danger of being taken by surprise. Such, indeed, is 
the advantage always possessed by the assailant. He can choose 
the point on which he thinks it most convenient to act, while the 
party which stands on the defence, and is afraid of being attacked, 
is compelled to be prepared in every point. However, Napoleon, 
who was then in the full vigour of his genius and activity, had 
always his eyes fixed on objects remote from those which sur- 
rounded him, and which seemed to absorb his whole attention. 
Thus, during the journey of which I have spoken, the ostensible 
object of which was the organization of the departments on the 
Rhine, he despatched two squadrons from Rochefort and Bou- 
logne, one commanded by Miniessy, the other by Villeneuve. I 
shall not enter into any details on those squadrons; I shall merely 
mention with respect to them, that, while the emperor was still in 
Belgium, Lauriston paid me a sudden and unexpected visit. He 
was on his way to Toulon to take command of the troops which 
were to be embarked on Villeneuve's squadron, and he was not 
much pleased with the service to which he had been appointed. 

Lauriston's visit was a piece of good fortune for me. We were 



260 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

alwa3-s on friendly terms, and I received much information from 
him, particularly with respect to the manner in which the emperor 
spent his time : " You can have no idea," said he, how much the 
emperor does, and the sort of enthusiasm which his presence 
excites in the army. But his anger at the contractors is greater 
than ever, and he has been very severe with some of them." 
These words of Lauriston did not at all surprise me, for I well 
knew Napoleon's dislike to contractors, and all men who had mer- 
cantile transactions with the army. I have often heard him say, 
that they were a curse and a leprosy to nations ; that whatever 
power he might attain, he never would grant honours to any of 
them, and that of all aristocracies, theirs was to him the most 
insupportable. After his accession to the empire, the contractors 
were no longer the important persons they had been under the 
Directory, or even during the two first years of the consulate. 
Bonaparte sometimes acted with them as he had before done with 
the beys of Egypt, when he drew from them forced contributions. 

It ^^•as arranged that Josephine and the emperor should meet in 
Belgium. He "proceeded thither from the camp of Boulogne, to 
the "astonishment of those who believed that the moment for the 
invasion of England had at length arrived. He joined the empress 
at the castle of Laken, which the emperor had ordered to be 
repaired and newly furnished with great magnificence. 

The emperor continued his journey by the towns bordering on 
the Rhine. He stopped first in the town of Aix-la-Chapelle, passed 
the three bishoprics, saw, on his way, Cologne and Coblentz, which 
the emigration had rendered so famous, and arrived at Mentz, 
where his sojourn was distinguished by the first attempt at nego- 
tiation with the Holy See, in order to induce the pope to come to 
France to crown the new emperor, and consolidate his power by 
supporting it with the sanction of tl>e church. This journey of 
Napoleon" occupied three months, and he did not return to St. 
Cloud till October. 

On his return, Cafllirelli was sent on a mission to Rome to 
sound the papal court, and to induce his holiness to come to Paris 
to consecrate Napoleon at his coronation. I have alreaeiy stated 
what I conceived to be the emperor's ideas on religion; that they 
seemed merely to be a sort of vague feeling rather than any belief 
founded on reflection. Notwithstanding, he had a high opinion 
of the power of the church ; not in being dangerous to his govern- 
ment, but in its influence on the great body of the people. Napo- 
leon never could conceive how it was possible that any sovereign, 
wearing a crown and a sword, could submit to kneel to a pope, or 
to humble his sceptre before any representative of St. Peter. His 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 261 

spirit was too great to admit of such a thought. On the contrary, 
he regarded the aUiance between the church and his power as a 
happy means of influencing the opinions of the people, and as an 
additional tie, which was to attach them to a government ren- 
dered legitimate by the solemn sanction of the papal authority. 
Bonaparte was not deceived. In this, as well as in many other 
things, the perspicuity of his genius enabled him to comprehend 
all the importance of a consecration imposed on him by the pope ; 
more especially as Louis XVIII., without subjects, without terri- 
tory, and wearing only an illusory crown, had not received that 
sacred unction by which the descendants of Hugh Capet became 
the eldest sons of the church. 

As soon as the emperor was informed of the success of Caffa- 
relli's mission, and that the pope, in compliance with his desire, 
was about to repair to Paris to confirm in his hands the sceptre 
of Charlemagne, nothing was thought of but preparations for that 
great event, which had been preceded by the recognition of Napo- 
leon as Emperor of the French on the part of all the states of 
Europe, with the exception of England. 

On the conclusion of the concordate, Bonaparte said to me, "I 
shall let the republican generals exclaim as much as they like 
against the mass. I know what I am about; I am working for 
posterity." He was now gathering the fruits of his concordate. 
He ordered that the pope should be every where treated, in his 
journey through the French territory, with the highest distinction, 
and he proceeded to Fontainbleau to receive his holiness. This 
afforded an opportunity for Bonaparte to reestablish the example 
of those journeys of the old court, during which changes of min- 
isters used formerly to be made. The palace of Fontainbleau, 
now become imperial, like all the old royal houses, had been newly 
furnished, with a luxury and taste corresponding to the taste of 
modern art. The emperor was proceeding on the road to 
Nemours, when couriers informed him of the approach of Pius 
VII. Bonaparte's object was to avoid the ceremony which had 
been previously settled. He had, therefore, made the pretext of 
going on a hunting-party, and was in the way as it were by chance 
when the pope's carriage was arriving. He alighted from horse- 
back, and the pope came out of his carriage. Rapp was with the 
emperor, and I think I yet hear him describing, in his original 
manner, and with his German accent, this grand interview, upon 
which, however, he for his part looked with very little respect. 
Rapp, in fact, was among the number of those who, notwithstand- 
ing his attachment to the emperor, preserved independence of 
character, and he knew he had no reason to dissemble with me. 



262 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

"Fancy to yourself," said he, "the amusing comedy that was 
played. After the emperor and the pope had well embraced, they 
went into the same carriage; and, in order that they might be 
upon a footing of equality, they were to enter at the same time by 
opposite doors. All that was settled upon ; but at breakfast the 
emperor had calculated how he should manage, without appearing 
to assume any thing, to get on the right-hand side of the pope, and 
every thing turned out as he wished it. As to the pope," said 
Rapp, "I must own that I never saw a man with a finer coun- 
tenance or more respectable appearance than Pius VII." 

After the conference between the pope and the emperor at Fon- 
tainbleau, Pius VII. set off first for Paris. On the road the same 
honours were paid to him as to the emperor, and he was provided 
with apartments at the Temple of Flora in the Tuileries. By a 
delicate attention, the pope found his bed-chamber arranged and 
furnished exactly as in his own palace of Monte-Cavallo, his usual 
residence in Rome. 

The presence of the pope in Paris was an event so truly extra- 
ordinary, that it was scarcely believed, though it had been talked 
of for some time. For what, indeed, could be more singular than 
to see the head of the church in a capital where only four years 
before all the altars had been overturned, and the small number 
of the faithful who remained had been obliged to worship in secret. 
The pope became the object of public respect and of general 
curiosity. I was anxious to see him, and had my wish gratified 
when he went to visit the imperial printing office, which was then 
situated where the Bank of France now is. The director of the 
establishment caused to be printed in the presence of his holiness 
a volume which was dedicated to him ; which contained a Pater 
Noster in one hundred and fifty languages. There was a circum- 
stance occurred which well deserves to be preserved in history. 
An ill-bred young man kept his hat on in the pope's presence: 
some persons, indignant at such indecorum, advanced to take it 
off, which occasioned some disturbance ; when the pope, observing 
the cause, stepped up to the young man, and said to him, in a tone 
of kindness truly patriarchal, " Young man, uncover, that you may 
receive my blessing. An old man's blessing never yet harmed any 
one." I can say that all who were present were deeply affected 
by this little incident. , Pius VII. possessed a figure that com- 
manded respect; and this may be proved to those who have not 
seen him, for he lives in the admirable portrait from the pencil 
of David. 

The pope's arrival at Paris produced a great sensation in Lon- 
don; greater, indeed, than any where else, notwithstanding the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 263 

separation of the English church from the church of Rome. The 
English ministry now attempted by every means to influence public 
opinion by the circulation of libels against Napoleon. Their object 
in doing so was, doubtless, to irritate the English people, and to 
divert their attention from such measures as were likely to create 
clamour, and to render themselves unpopular. The emperor's 
indignation against England was then roused to the extreme ; and, 
indeed, this feeling was in some degree a national feeling in France. 

Napoleon had now attained the first object of his ambition ; but 
his ambition expanded before him like the boundless horizon. 
The preparations now making « for the coronation, which was 
shortly to take place, gave an impulse to trade which had a very 
favourable effect upon the mind of the trading classes in Paris, 
Great numbers of foreigners, and people from the provinces, visited 
the capital ; and the return to luxury, and the revival of old cus- 
toms, gave occupation to a great variety of trades-people, who 
could get no employment under the Directory, such as saddlers, 
carriage-makers, lacemen, embroiderers, and others. These posi- 
tive interests created more partisans at Paris than either opinion 
or reflection, and it is but just to say that trade had not been so 
good for twelve years. The imperial crown jewels were exhib- 
ited to the public for some time at Biennais', the jewellers. The 
crown itself was of a light form, and, with its leaves of gold, 
appeared less the crown of France than the antique crown of the 
Caesars. These valuable ornaments were deposited in the public 
treasury, together with the imperial insignia, which had been 
brought from Aix-la-Chapelle by order of Napoleon. 

It can scarcely be expected that I should enter into a detail of 
the ceremony which took place on the 2d December, 1804 — the 
glitter of gold, the waving plumes, and richly-caparisoned horses 
of the imperial procession; the mule which preceded the pope's 
cortege, conformable to the custom of Rome, and which excited 
so much merriment among the Parisians, have already been often 
described,* 

* The following account of the imperial coronation will supply the omission of 
Bourrienne : ' 

" The interior of the church of Notre Dame had been newly painted ; galleries and 
pews, magnificently adorned, had been erected, and they were thronged with a prodi- 
gious concourse of spectators. 

" The imperial throne was placed at the end of the nave, opposite the principal 
entrance, and on a very elevated platform. The pontifical throne was in the choir,, 
beside the high altar. 

" The pope set out from the Tuileries, and proceeded along the quay to the arch- 
episcopal palace, whence he repaired to the choir by a private entrance. 

" The emperor set out with the empress by the Carrousel. The procession passed 
along the Rue St. Honore to the Rue des Lombards, then the Pont au Change, the 



264 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

The day after the coronation, all the troops then in Paris were 
assembled in the Champ-de-Mars, to have distributed to them the 
eagles which were to replace the republican colours. This spec- 
tacle I really enjoyed, for it was very pleasing to see Napoleon in 
the uniform of axolonel of the guards in the midst of his soldiers. 
It brought him back to my recollection as the commander-in-chief 
in Italy, and of the expedition to Egypt. 

An immense platform had been erected in front of the military 
school, which, though now transformed into a barrack, could not 
have failed to recall the associations of early youth; behind which, 
was to be seen the throne of the emperor and empress. At a 
given signal all the columns closed, and approached the throne. 
Then Napoleon, rising, gave orders for the distribution of the 

Palace of Justice, the court of Notre Dame, and entered the archbishop's palace. 
Here rooms were prepared for the whole of the retinue, each of whom dressed in 
state for the occasion : some appeared in the costume of their posts of honour, others 
in their uniforms. 

" On the outside of the church had been erected a long wooden gallery from the 
arch-episcopal palace to the principal entrance of the church. By this gallery came 
the emperor's retinue, which presented a truly magnificent sight. The procession was 
opened by the already numerous body of courtiers ; next came the marshals of the 
empire, wearing their honours ; then the dignitaries and high officers of the crown ; and 
lastly the emperor, in a dress of state. At the moment of his entering the cathedral, 
there was a simultaneous shout, which made but one explosion, of Vive V Empereur .' 
The immense quantity of figures which appeared on the sides of this vast edifice 
formed a tapestry of the most extraordinary kind. 

" The procession passed along the middle of the nave, and arrived at the choir facing 
the high altar. This scene was not less imposing: the galleries round the choir were 
filled with the handsomest women whom the best company could produce, and most 
of whom rivalled in the lustre of their beauty that of the jewels with which they 
were covered. 

" His holiness went to meet the emperor at a desk which had been placed in the 
middle of the choir ; there was another on one side for the empress. After saying a 
short prayer there, they returned, and seated themselves on the throne at the end of 
the church, facing the choir ; there they heard mass, which was said by the pope. 
They went to make the offering, and came back ; they then descended from the plat- 
form of the throne, and walked in procession to receive the holy unction ; the emperor 
and empress, on reaching the choir, replaced themselves at thek desks, where the pope 
performed the ceremony. 

" He presented the crown to the emperor, who received it, put it himself upon his 
head, took it off, placed it on that of the empress, removed it again, and laid it on the 
cushion where it was at first. A smaller crown was immediately put upon the head of 
the empress. All the arrangements had been made beforehand : she was surrounded 
by her ladies ; every thing was done in a moment, and nobody perceived the substitu- 
tion which had taken place. The procession moved back to the platform ; the emperor 
there heard Te Deum; the pope himself went thither at the conclusion of the service, 
as if to say, Ite., missa est. The Testament was presented to the emperor, who took 
off his glove, and pronounced his oath with his hand upon the sacred book. 

"He went back to the arch-episcopal palace the same way that he had come, and 
entered his carriage. The ceremony was very long ; the procession returned by the 
Hue St. Martin, the Boulevard, the Place de la Concorde, and the Font Toiunant : it 
\was getting dusk when the emperor arrived at the Tuileries." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 265 

eagles ; and delivered the following address to the deputations of 
the different corps of the army : 

" Soldiers ! Behold your colours ! These eagles will always be your rallying point. 
They will always be where your emperor will judge necessary for the defence of his 
throne and his people. Swear to sacrifice your lives for their defence ; and, by your 
courage, to keep them cotistantly in the path of victory. — You swear." 

It would be impossible to describe the acclamations which fol- 
lowed this address ; there is something so seductive in popular 
enthusiasm, that even indifferent persons cannot avoid being 
carried along by it. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Remarkable Events conteraporaiy with Napoleon's Coronation ; his Letter to the King of England ; 
Acts of Hostility against Spain on the part of England ; Opening of the Sittings of the Legislative 
Body; my Appointment as Minister to Hamburg ; Interview with Napoleon ; his Views respecting 
Italy; Demands of the Holy See ; Napoleon's Departure for Italy; Last Interview with the Pope at 
Turin ; Alessandria ; Napoleon crowned King of Italy at MUan ; Symptoms of Dissatisfaction on 
the part of Austria and Russia ; Napoleon retui-ns to Paris, and departs for Boulogne ; Unfortunate 
Result of a Naval Engagement ; my Departure for Hambm-g ; Military ObseiTations, and Indica- 
tions of War. 

Two events of considerable importance in the politics of Europe 
occured about the time of Napoleon's coronation. First, the con- 
clusion of a treaty at Stockholm, on the 3d of December, 1804, 
the day after the coronation, between England and Sweden, by 
which the former agreed to pay to the latter a considerable sub- 
sidy; and secondly, the declaration of war between Spain and 
England. 

The emperor, under these circumstances, was desirous to turn 
to account the influence of religious ideas, and the importance 
which the presence of the head of the Catholic church might 
give to his coronation. He had affected to appear only as half a 
sovereign until he was consecrated ; but then he considered that 
he had obtained the sanction of what has been called the right 
divine. He therefore, about a month after that event, addressed 
a letter to the King of England, similar in character to that which 
he addressed to him immediately after the 18th Brumaire, express- 
ing his desire to be acknowledged by him as Emperor of the 
French. This letter, commencing with the words, "Sir, my 
brother, called to the throne of France by Providence, by the 
suffrages of the senate, the people, and the army, my first desire 
is peace," &c. was a masterpiece of deceit; for, most certainly, 

23 



266 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

the emperor would have been very unwiUing to have seen peace 
reestabUshed between France and England, more especially since 
the declaration of war by Spain had placed at his disposal the 
Spanish fleet, consisting of upwards of sixty ships of the line, 
under the command of Admiral Gravina. 

England, irritated at the impotence of her efforts against France, 
sought to avenge herself in a way that could not be justified ; for 
I consider it to be the duty of all governments to respect the rights 
of neutral states. Whatever might have been the submission of 
the cabinet of Madrid to that of the Tuileries, France alone was 
at war with England, nor had any of her allies, with the excep- 
tion of Holland, made any demonstration of hostilities. Nothing, 
therefore, could justify the conduct of the British government in 
their interference with Spain. 

Without any previous declaration of war, Admiral Moore 
insisted on searching four Spanish frigates, returning from Mex- 
ico to Cadiz with treasure. The Spanish commander refused to 
submit to the demand, when an engagement ensued, in which the 
Spaniards, being opposed to a superior force, were obliged to sub- 
mit ; three of the frigates struck, and the fourth blew up. These 
outrages were not the only injuries which they experienced from 
the English cruizers; they burned even the Spanish merchant ships 
in the very harbours of the Peninsula, and intercepted and cap- 
tured various convoys, although M. d'Auguada was still in Lon- 
don, as ambassador from Charles IV. These aggressions, which 
were contrary to the law of nations, irritated to such a degre the 
Spanish king, or rather, to speak truly, his minister, the too famous 
Prince of Peace, that war was declared against England. 

The conduct of England on this occasion seems to have been 
not only ill-judged, but impolitic; and if the English government 
had been better informed as to the secret designs of Napoleon, 
they would not, in all probability, have committed such an error as 
to oblige Spain to join the fortunes of Napoleon. It was under 
these circumstances, that the letter which we have just alluded to 
was addressed to the King of England. Its object was to induce 
the belief, that he was desirous for peace, but he could not possi- 
bly be deceived as to the effect which that communication would 
produce in London ; and he could not be surprised when, instead 
of a letter from George III., whom he had styled his brother, he 
received a letter from the English minister, addressed to the min- 
ister for foreign affairs. It commenced thus : " His majesty had 
received the letter addressed to him by the head of the French 
government;" and went on to state, "that nothing was nearer 
his majesty's heart then the restoration of peace to his people; 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 267 

but that he decHned to reply, particularly without consulting the 
continental powers, and especially the Emperor of Russia." 

This letter of the English minister made little impression upon 
the emperor ; for it was delivered to him while he was at the very 
height of his glory, and loaded with the congratulations which 
poured in from all quarters. The senate and city of Paris gave 
magnificent fetes, at which the emperor and empress were pres- 
ent; and, in short, his consecration was celebrated every where. 
Before the close of the year he convoked the legislative body, 
whose sittings he himself opened on the 27th of December, with 
all the pomp of the new ceremonial of the empire. 

The year 1804 was fertile in great events, and it would be dif- 
ficult to find in history so many circumstances exercising so great 
an influence on the destinies of Europe, crowded together within 
the short space of twelve months. The first half of the year 
offered the melancholy spectacle of the police machinations, of 
the cruel death of a young prince, and of a criminal trial which 
was followed by executions and pardons. The second half of 
the year was marked by the elevation of Bonaparte to the impe- 
rial throne ; his journey through the new departments annexed to 
the French territory; and finally, by an event the most extraor- 
dinary, perhaps, of modern times — the pope's journey to France, 
to dispose, in name of the church, of a throne unoccupied, but not 
vacant. This eventful year was terminated by the opening of 
the Legislative Assembly, by the emperor in person, whose speech 
on this occasion made a most powerful impression throughout 
Europe. Among other things, he said : 

"It would have afforded me pleasure, on this solemn occasion, to have seen peace 
reign throughout the world ; but the political principles of our enemies — their recent 
conduct towards Spain — sufficiently show the difficulty of fulfilhng that wish. I have 
no desire to aggrandize the territory of France, but to maintain her integrity. I have 
no ambition to exercise a greater influence over the rest of Europe, but I will not lose 
any of that which I have acquired. No state will be incorporated with the empire, 
but I will not sacrifice my rights, nor the ties which connect us with the slates which 
I have created." 

Scarcely had the pope returned to Italy, when it was reported 
that the emperor intended to make a journey to Milan, for the 
purpose of transforming the Cisalpine republic into the kingdom 
of Italy. This was merely a corollary from the transmutation of 
the consular republic into the French empire. By this. Napoleon 
completed the assimilation between himself and Charlemagne. 

Previous to referring farther to the object of this journey, I shall 
here briefly refer to my own appointment as minister plenipoten- 
tiary to the Dukes of Brunswick and Mecklenburg Schwerin, and 
to the Hanse Towns. 



268 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

This appointment took place on the 22d of March, 1805. 
Josephine, who had kindly promised to inform me of what the 
emperor intended to do for me, so soon as she should know those 
intentions, sent a messenger to acquaint me with my appointment, 
and to tell me that the emperor wished to see me. 

I had not visited Josephine since her departure for Belgium, 
and I was so dazzled with the pomp and ceremony of the corona- 
tion, and the etiquette which was afterwards introduced, that I was 
deterred from presenting myself at the imperial palace. 

On my arrival at Malmaison, I was astonished at the good- 
natured familiarity with which I was received by the emperor. 
He came up to me with a smile, and took me by the hand, which 
he had never done since he was consul, and pressed it affection- 
ately, and it was impossible for me to believe that I saw the 
Emperor of the French, and the future King of Italy. But I was 
too well aware of his fits of pride, to allow his familiarity to lead 
me beyond the bounds of a proper respect. "My dear Bour- 
rienne," said he, "surely you do not think that the elevated rank 
which I have attained has altered my feelings towards you ? No, 
it is not the trappings of the imperial throne which constitute my 
value; all those are meant for the people, but I must be valued 
for myself I have been very well satisfied with your services, 
and have appointed you to a situation where I shall have occasion 
for them. I know I can rely upon you." 

He then inquired in the most friendly manner after my family, 
and what I had been about? In short, I never had seen him dis- 
play less reserve, or more famiharity or unaffected simplicity, 
which he did the more readily, because his greatness was now 
unquestionable. "You know," added Napoleon, "that in eight 
days I set out for Italy ; I make myself king there, but that is only 
a stepping-stone, I have greater designs regarding Italy. It must 
be a kingdom comprising all the trans-alpine states, from Venice 
to the maritime Alps. The junction of Italy with Prance can only 
be temporary ; but it is necessary to accustom the population of 
Italy to live under common laws. The Genoese, the Piedmontese, 
the Venetians, the Milanese, the Tuscans, the Romans, and the 
Neapolitans, detest each other. None of them will acknowledge 
the superiority of the others, and yet Rome is, from the recol- 
lections connected with it, the natural capital of Italy. But to 
make it so, it is necessary to confine the power of the pope to 
affairs purely spiritual. I cannot accomplish all this at present, 
but we shall reflect upon it hereafter. On this subject I have but 
vague ideas, but they will be matured in time ; every thing depends 
upon circumstances. What was it that told me, when we were 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 269 

strutting about like two idle fellows, that I should be one day 
master of France? My wish — but then a vague wish. Circum- 
stances have done the rest. It is therefore wise to be prepared 
for what may come, and it is what I am doing. With respect to 
Italy, as it will be impossible to unite her at once into one power, 
we shall begin by making her French, so as to accustom her to 
submit to one uniform law. All the small states will insensibly 
become assimilated, and then there will be an Italy, and I shall 
give her independence. But for that I must have twenty years, 
and who can count on that? Bourrienne, I feel pleasure in tell- 
ing you all this. It was locked up in my mind; but with you I 
think aloud." 

I do not believe that I have altered two words of what Bona- 
parte said to me respecting Italy, so perfectly — I may now say so 
without vanity — was my memory then, and so confirmed was my 
habit of fixing in it all that he said to me. After having informed 
me of his vague projects, Bonaparte, with one of those transitions 
so common to him, said, "By-the-by, Bourrienne, I have some- 
thing to tell you. Madame de Brienne has begged that I will pass 
through Brienne, and I have promised that I will. I will not con- 
ceal from you that I shall feel great pleasure in again beholding 
the spot which for six years was the scene of our boyish sports 
and studies." Taking advantage of the emperor's good-humour, 
I ventured to tell him what happiness it would give me, if it were 
possible that I could share with him the revival of recollections 
which were mutually dear to us. But Napoleon, after a moment's 
pause, said, with extreme kindness, " Hark ye, Bourrienne, in your 
situation and mine this cannot be. It is more than two years 
since we parted. What would be said of so sudden a reconcilia- 
tion? I tell you frankly that I have regretted you, and the cir- 
cumstances in which I have frequently been placed have often 
made me wish to recall you. At Boulogne, I was quite resolved 
upon it. Rapp, perhaps, has informed you of it. He likes you, 
and he assured me that he would be delighted at your return. 
But if, upon reflection, I changed my mind, it was because, as I 
have often told you, I will not have it said that I stand in need of 
any one. No. Go to Hamburg." 

The emperor remained silent for a moment, and I was preparing 
to retire, but he detained me, saying, in the kindest manner, "What, 
are you going already! are you in a hurry? Let us have a little 
more chat. God knows when we may see each other again?" 
Then, after two or three moments' silence, he said, " The more I 
reflect on our situation, on our former intimacy, and on our sub- 
sequent separation, the more I see the necessity of your going 

23* 



270 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLKON BONAPARTE. 

to Hamburg. Go, my dear fellow; you will find it your interest 
to do so. When do you think of setting out?" — "In May." — "In 
May — ah, I shall be in Milan then, for I wish to stop at Turin. I 
like the Piedmontese, for they are the best soldiers in Italy." — 
"Sire, the King of Italy will be the junior of the Emperor of the 
French."* — "Ah, you recollect what I said to you one day at the 
Tuileries ; but, my dear fellow, I have got a great deal to do before 
I gain my point." — "At the rate you are advancing, you will not 
be long in accomplishing it." — " Longer than you imagine. I see 
all the obstacles in my way, but they do not alarm me. England 
is every where, and the struggle is between her and me. I see 
what will happen. The whole of Europe will be our instruments 
— sometimes for one, and sometimes for the other. But, upon the 
whole, the question is entirely between France and England. All 
things considered, go to Hamburg ; you know the country, and, 
what is better, you speak the language." 

Such are my recollections of this conversation, which lasted for 
more than an hour and a half We walked about the whole of 
the time, for Bonaparte was indefatigable in this sort of audience, 
and would have walked and talked for a whole day without being 
aware of it. 

Voltaire has somewhere said, that it is very well kissing the 
toes of popes, provided their hands are tied. Bonaparte had little 
esteem for Voltaire, and, perhaps, did not recollect this remark ; 
but, at any rate, he very soon found himself called to act upon it. 
The pope, or rather the cardinals, thinking that such a great act 
of condescension as the journey of his holiness to Paris ought not 
to go for nothing, demanded a compensation, which, had they been 
better acquainted with Napoleon's policy, they would not have 
ventured to solicit. They demanded the restoration of Avignon 
and Bologna, wdth some territories in Italy which had formerly 
been subject to the pope. It may be imagined in what manner 
their demand was received by Napoleon, particularly after he had 
obtained what he wanted from the pope. It was, it must be con- 
fessed, a great mistake on the part of the court of Rome not to 
make their demand until after the coronation. Had the court of 
Rome made it the condition of the pope's journey to France, per- 
haps Bonaparte would have consented to give up Avignon, and, 
perhaps, the Italian territory, but certainly with the intention of 

* This alluded to a conversation which I had with Napoleon when we first went to 
the Tuileries. He spoke to me about his projects of royalty, and I stated the diffi- 
culties which I thought he would experience in getting himself acknowledged by the 
old reigning families of Europe. " If it comes to that," he replied, " I will dethrone 
them all, and then I shall be the oldest sovereign among them." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 271 

taking them back. Be this as it may, they were peremptorily 
rejected, and this created a coolness between Napoleon and Pius 
VII. The public did not immediately perceive it; but as they 
generally judge correctly on passing events, all eyes were opened 
when it was known that the pope had refused to crown the 
emperor as King of Italy. 

Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April, to take possession of the 
iron crown at Milan. The pope remained some time longer in 
the French capital. The prolonged stay of the pope had a very 
favourable influence on the religious feelings of the people, so 
great was the respect inspired by the benign countenance and 
mild manners of the pope. When the period of his persecutions 
arrived, it had been better for Napoleon that the pope had not 
come to Paris ; for it was impossible to view, in any other light 
than as a victim, the man who appeared so meek and truly 
evangelical. 

Bonaparte did not show any impatience to seize the crown of 
Italy, because he knew it could not escape from him. He stayed 
a long time at Turin, where he occupied the elegant Stupini 
palace, which may be called the St. Cloud of the kings of Sar- 
dinia; it is situated at the same distance from the capital of 
Piedmont that St. Cloud is from Paris. The emperor cajoled the 
Piedmontese, and gave them General Menon as a governor, who 
continued until he founded the general government of the trans- 
alpine departments in favour of his brother-in-law, Prince Bor- 
ghese, of whom it would have been difficult to have made any thing 
but a Roman prince. Napoleon was still at Turin, when the pope 
passed through that city on his return to Rome ; and there he had 
a final interview with his holiness, to whom he showed the great- 
est personal respect. From Turin, Napoleon proceeded to Ales- 
sandria, where he commenced those immense works upon which 
such vast sums of money were expended. It was one of his 
favourite projects, and had been long entertained. I recollect his 
having observed to Berthier, when we were at Milan, after the 
battle of Marengo, "With Alessandria in my possession, I should 
always be master of Italy. It might be made the strongest for- 
tress in the world ; it is capable of containing a garrison of forty 
thousand men, with provisions for six months. If a revolt should 
take place, or should Austria send a formidable force here, the 
French troops might retire to Alessandria and stand a six months' 
siege, which would be sufficient to enable me to fall upon Italy, 
beat the Austrians, and raise the siege of Alessandria." 

As he was so near the field of Marengo, the emperor did not 
fail to visit that celebrated field of battle; and, to give greater 



272 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

solemnity to the occasion, he reviewed on the field all the French 
ti'oops who were in Italy. Rapp told me that he had brought from 
Paris, expressly for that purpose, the uniform and hat which he 
had worn on that memorable day. He afterwards proceeded by 
way of Casal to Milan. 

At Milan, the emperor occupied the palace of Monza. The 
ancient crown of the kings of Lombardy was brought from the 
dust in which it had been buried; and the new coronation took 
place in the cathedral of Milan, the largest in Italy after that of 
St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleon received the crown from the 
hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placed it upon his own 
head, calling aloud, "Dieu me Va donnce; gare a qui la touche." 
This became the motto of the order of the iron crown, which the 
emperor afterwards founded in commemoration of his coronation 
as King of Italy. 

It was during the emperor's stay at Milan that he received the 
first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria and Russia; the 
cabinet of Berhn were not strangers to it, but Prussia was con- 
strained to conceal her discontent, in consequence of the presence 
of the French troops in Hanover. 

On returning from Milan, the emperor ordered the erection of a 
monument on the Great St. Bernard, in commemoration of the 
victory of Marengo. M. Denon, who accompanied Napoleon, told 
me that he made a useless search to discover the body of Desaix, 
which Bonaparte wished to be buried beneath the monument; 
and that it was at length found by General Savary. It is, there- 
fore, certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on the 
summit of the Alps. 

The emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June, and 
instantly set off for the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more 
believed that the project of invading England would be accom- 
plished. This idea obtained the greater credit, because Bona- 
parte caused some experiments for embarkation to be made in his 
presence. These experiments, however, led to no result. About 
this period, a fatal event but too eflfectually contributed to 
strengthen the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A French 
squadron, consisting of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleet 
commanded by Admiral Calder, who had onl}^ nine vessels under 
his command, and in an engagement, which there was every rea- 
son to expect would terminate in our favour, we had the misfor- 
tune to lose two ships. The invasion of England was as little the 
object of this, as of the previous journey to Boulogne; all Napo- 
leon had in view, was to stimulate the enthusiasm of the troops, 
and to hold out those threats against England which he conceived 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 273 

necessary for diverting attention from the real motive of his hos- 
tile preparations, which was to invade Germany, and repulse the 
Russian troops, who had begun their march towards Austria. 
Such was the true object of Napoleon's last journey to Boulogne. 
And we shall soon see him fall upon Germany, and render himself 
master of the Austrian monarchy by the day of Austerlitz, in the same 
manner as he rendered himself master of Italy on the day of Marengo. 
I left Paris on the 20th of May, 1805; and on the 5th of June 
following, I delivered my credentials to the Senate of Hamburg, 
which w-as represented by the Syndic Doormann, and the Senator 
Schutte. As I was also accredited to the reigning Dukes of 
Mecklenburg Schwerin and Brunswick, I announced my arrival 
to them, and in return was acknowledged by them in my capacity 
of minister plenipotentiary. I had not been long in Hamburg, 
when I found myself in the midst of the important events which 
preceded the campaign of Austerlitz; and I was not allowed to 
forget what the emperor had said to me at my audience of leave : 
" You will be useful to me in Germany ; I have views on that 
country." These views placed me in continual contradiction 
with the amicable assurances of friendship and protection which 
I had been instructed to give; and in many respects my situation 
at Hamburg was attended with great labour, while affairs suc- 
ceeded and crossed each other with great rapidity. My occupa- 
tions were different, but not more numerous than those which 
formerly devolved upon me in the cabinet of the emperor; while 
my present duties incurred a responsibility which was not attached 
to the situation of private secretary. I had to keep a watchful 
eye upon the emigrants at Altona; to correspond almost daily 
with the minister for foreign affairs, and also with the minister of 
police; to confer with the foreign ministers resident at Hamburg; 
to maintain an active correspondence with the generals of the 
French armies ; to examine my secret agents, and to be constantly 
on the alert to prevent the insertion of those cursed articles in the 
Hamburg Correspondent which annoyed the emperor so much. 
The editor sent me the proofs of the paper every evening as it 
was to appear on the following morning, a favour which was only 
conceded to the minister of France ; but even then it was impos- 
sible constantly to keep out articles which might be objectionable. 
The enmity of the foreign princes against Napoleon encouraged 
all sorts of abusive writings, which greatly added to the difficulty 
of my situation. This hatred had greatly increased since the 
death of the Duke d'Enghien ; a fact which was not concealed by 
any of the ministers or foreigners of distinction who were then 
resident at Hamburg. 
S 



274 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

On my arrivnl in Germany, the Emperor of Austria had not 
acknowledged Napoleon as King of Italy, though his ambassador 
still remained at Paris. Now that Piedmont was united to France, 
and Italy subject to her laws, Austria could not see Napoleon at 
the head of so great a nation, and possessed of absolute power, 
without dreading the consequences of his ambition. She, there- 
fore, from that moment began to think of war. England, who 
was anxious to remove the threat of invasion, encouraged the 
dissatisfaction of the Austrian cabinet. And I have reason to 
believe that Napoleon was not sorry when the hostility of Austria 
was n:ianifested ; and he relinquished, without regret, his expensive 
and useless expedition against England. 

According to my instructions, I had, on my arrival at Hamburg, 
given assurance that his imperial majesty would guarantee the 
constitution and tranquillity of Germany, and that he regarded 
this as a sacred duty. Yet scarcely had I entered upon my func- 
tions, when Germany was ravaged by war, and the continental 
system was ruining every town. 

Experience has long since proved that it is not at their source 
that secret transactions are most readily kno^vn. The intelli- 
gence of an event frequently resounds at a distance, while the 
event itself is almost entirely unknown at the place where it 
occurred. The direct influence of political events on commercial 
speculators renders them exceedingly attentive to what is passing 
around them. And as they form a corporation unitino; all together 
by the strongest of all bonds — common interest — 1 resolved to 
form a connexion with some of the mercantile houses which car- 
ried on an extensive and frequent communication with the north- 
ern states. I knew that, by obtaining their confidence, I might 
gain a knowledge of all that was going on in Russia, Sweden, 
England, and Austria. Among the subjects upon which it was 
desirable to obtain information, I included negotiations, treaties, 
military measures, such as recruiting above the peace establish- 
ment, military movements, the formation of camps, the forming of 
magazines, and the fitting out of ships. 

In the beginning of iVugust, 1805, I obtained intelligence that a 
treaty of alliance between Russia and England was under nego- 
tiation, but, from some circumstances which had occurred, it was 
not completed at that time. I also learned that the Emperor 
Alexander had solicited General IMoreau to enter his service, and 
take the command of the Russian infiintry. He offered him twelve 
thousand roubles to defray his travelling expenses, but he hid not 
accept the offer at that time; and afterwards, when he unfor- 
tunately did so, he died in the enemy's ranks. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 275 

There was now no longer any doubt of the hostile intentions of 
the northern powers; and it became necessary for Napoleon to 
take the hint in time, lest he should be overwhelmed. He, there- 
fore, gave orders to the different commanders of army corps to 
concentrate on certain points, and to hold themselves in readiness 
to advance on the first act of hostility on the part of Austria. 

The army of Hanover, which was now commanded by Marshal 
Bernadotte, and occupied a vast extent of ground, was concen- 
trated, in order to bring it nearer the line of military operations, 
which it was evident must soon be commenced. Bernadotte was 
thus obliged to abandon Cuxhaven, which belonged to Hamburg, 
and in order to take advantage of this necessity, he applied to the 
city for assistance, under pretext that the evacuation was a mark 
of respect to the municipality. The army was soon after in full 
march for the south of Germany; and as he was ordered to 
advance by the shortest route, he passed through the territory of 
Anspach, which gave great offence to the King of Prussia; but at 
that time he was not prepared to quarrel with France. 

The junction of the marshal's corps of seventy thousand men 
was of too much importance to Napoleon, not to be expedited by 
all means and by the shortest route. Gustavus of Sweden, always 
engaging in some scheme, proposed to form an army composed 
of his own troops, the Prussians, and English ; and certainly, had 
a vigorous attack been made in the north, it would have prevented 
Bernadotte from quitting the banks of the Elbe and the Weser, 
and reinforcing the grand army which was marching on Vienna. 
But the King of Sweden's coalition produced no other result than 
the siege of the little fortress of Hameln. Prussia would not come 
to a rupture with France, the King of Sweden was abandoned, 
and Bonaparte's resentment against him increased. This abor- 
tive project of Gustavus contributed not a little to alienate the 
affections of his subjects, who feared that they might be the vic- 
tims of the revenge excited by the extravagant plans of their king, 
and the insults he heaped upon Napoleon, particularly since the 
death of the Duke d'Enghien, 



276 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Difficulties of my Situation at Hambvirg ; Warlike Preparations in Austria ; Napoleon's C!omplainfs 
against the Emperor of Austria ; Napoleon at Strasbui-g ; Captain Bemai'd's Reconnoiteriug Expe- 
dition ; Rapidity of Napoleon's Operations ; the French Army before Ulm ; Capitulation of Ulm ; 
Napoleon before and after Victoiy ; his Addi-ess to the Captive Generals ; Abstract of the Causes 
which led to the Renewal of Hostilities — theii' Consequences. 

Such was the state of affairs after I had been three months at 
Hamburg, when at length intelligence reached me, that the empe- 
ror had set out on the 23d of September for the army. This 
«vent was preceded by the abolition of all that remained of the 
republic, namely, its calendar. 

This calendar was one of the most foolish inventions of the 
revolution, the new names of the months not being applicable to 
all places even in France, the harvests of Provence not waiting 
to be ripened by the sun of Messidor. On the 9th of September 
a senatus consultum decreed, that after the 1st of January follow- 
ing, the months should resume there ancient names. I read with 
interest the report of Laplace to the senate, and I confess that I 
was well pleased to see the Gregorian calendar established by law, 
as it had already been in fact. It was particularly in foreign 
countries that we felt the inconvenience of a system different 
from that of all the world. 

At Hamburg I was, as may be supposed, extremely anxious to 
receive nqivs, of which I had plenty from the interior of Germany, 
and from some friends at Paris, and it is this correspondence 
that enables me to furnish my readers with a comprehensive and 
true statement of affairs, till the moment when Napoleon took 
the field. I have already stated that it was his constant practice, 
when he declared war, to endeavour to persuade the world that he 
was anxious for peace, of which artifice his career furnishes few 
examples more striking than that preceding the first conquest of 
Vienna. It was evident enough that the transformation of the 
Cisalpine republic into the kingdom of Italy, and the union of 
Genoa to France, were acts in violation of treaties ; the emperor, 
however, asserted that all the violations were on the part of Aus- 
tria. The truth is, that Austria was arming as secretly as possi- 
ble, and collecting her troops on the frontiers of Bavaria. An 
Austrian corps had even penetrated into some provinces of the 
electorate, and this was made use of by Napoleon as a pretext 
for coming to the assistance of the aUies of France. 

I received at Hamburg the copy of a very curious note, in 
which the emperor enumerates his complaints against Austria, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 277 

and boasts of his moderation, in having allowed Austria to take 
possession of Lindau, subsequently to the treaty of Luneville. 
The note was intended for the diet at that time assembled at 
Ratisbon. "The emperor," it stated, "had affected not to notice 
that the debt of Venice had not only not been paid, but had been 
actually cancelled, in violation not only of the letter, but of the 
spirit of the treaties of Campo-Formio and Luneville. He was 
silent as to the denial of justice which his subjects of Milan and 
Mantua experienced at Vienna, where in spite of formal stipula- 
tions none of them had been paid, and upon the partiality of Aus- 
tria in recognising the monstrous right of blockade set up by 
England ; and when the neutrality of the Austrian flag, so often 
violated to the detriment of France, had not occasioned on the 
part of the court of Vienna any complaint, he had made a sacri- 
fice to his love of peace by preserving silence." 

The facts stated in this note were true; but Napoleon did not 
say that his complaisance in shutting his eyes, arose solely from his 
wish to allow Austria to commit herself so far as to afford him 
a reasonable pretext for attacking her, while he held up in con- 
trast the moderation and forbearance of the French government. 

"The emperor of the French," says he, in the same note, "has 
evacuated Switzerland, rendered tranquil and happy by the act 
of mediation; he has only left in Italy the number of troops 
necessary to protect the commerce of the Levant. Solely occu- 
pied in the operations of a war which he had not provoked, and 
which he carried on as much for the interests of Europe as his 
own, he had assembled his forces on the coast far from the Aus- 
trian frontiers, and this was the time chosen by Austria to make a 
diversion more favourable to England and prejudicial to France, 
than she could do by an open and declared warfare." 

In the memorable sitting which preceded the departure of the 
emperor for the army, he caused to be presented a project of a 
senatus consultum, relative to the reorganization of the national 
guards. The minister of foreign relations read an expos6 of the 
reciprocal conduct of France and Austria, subsequent to the peace 
of Luneville, in which the offences of France were veiled with 
wonderful address. Finally, before the sitting broke up, the 
emperor addressed the senators, stating that he was about to leave 
his capital to place himself at the head of his army, to afford suc- 
cour to his allies, and to defend the dearest interests of his people. 

This address occasioned a powerful sensation in Hamburg; for 
my part, I recognised in it the usual boasting of Napoleon, but 
this time events seemed determined to justify it. The emperor 
may have made more scientific campaigns than that of Austerlitz, 

24 



278 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

but none accompanied by such wonderful results. Every thing 
appeared to partake of the marvellous, and I have often thought 
of the secret joy which Bonaparte must have felt, at being at 
length on the point of commencing a great war in Germany, for 
which he had so often expressed an ardent desire. 

All the reports which I received agreed with my private cor- 
respondence, in describing the astonishing enthusiasm of the army, 
on learning that it was to march into Germany. For the first 
time Bonaparte had recourse to artificial means of transport, and 
twenty thousand carriages conveyed his army as it were by 
enchantment from Boulogne to the banks of the Rhine. All the 
ambitious youths were on fire at the idea of an approaching cam- 
paign. All dreamed of glory and a speedy promotion, all hoped 
to signahze themselves under a chief, the idol of his army, who 
knew so well how to hurry away men into the sphere of his own 
incredible activity. 

It was during his short stay at Strasburg, that the emperor, on 
hearing of the position of the Austrian army, ventured to predict 
the success which awaited him under the walls of Vienna, which, 
as Rapp informed me, he did in the presence of a great many per- 
sons. He said, "The plan of Mack's campaign is settled, the 
Caudine Forks are at Ulm." This was a favourite expression 
with Napoleon when he saw an enemy's army concentrated upon 
a point, and foresaw its defeat. Experience proved that he was 
correct, and I must here affirm, that there is no truth in the report 
that Mack sold himself at Ulm ; he was so placed that he could 
not have done otherwise. What might have given rise to this 
report was, that Napoleon humanely interfered to prevent his 
being tried by a court-martial. 

On commencing the campaign. Napoleon placed himself at the 
head of the Bavarians, with whom he fought the enemy previous 
to the arrival of his own troops. When all had joined, he issued 
a proclamation to excite still more the zeal and devotion of this 
admirable army. 

In the confidential notes addressed to his diplomatic agents, in 
his speeches, and in his proclamations, Napoleon always described 
himself as having been attacked; and it might happen that his 
earnestness on this point would have sufficed to reveal the truth, 
to those who had learned how much his thoughts differed from 
his expressions. 

At the commencement of this campaign, a circumstance took 
place from which may be dated the good fortune of a very merit- 
orious man. While the emperor was at Strasburg, he inquired of 
General Marescot, who commanded the engineers, whether he 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 279 

had in his corps a brave, prudent, and intelligent young officer, 
capable of being intrusted with an important reconnoitering mis- 
sion? The officer chosen by General Marescot was a captain of 
engineers, named Bernard, who had been educated at the Poly- 
technic school. This young man set out upon his mission, and 
advanced almost to Vienna, and returned to the emperor's head- 
quarters at the time of the capitulation of Ulm. Bonaparte exam- 
ined him himself, and was well pleased with his answers. But, 
not content with replying verbally to the inquiries of Napoleon, 
Captain Bernard had drawn up a report of what he had observed, 
and of the routes which might be followed. Among other things 
he observed, that it would be a great advantage to direct the army 
upon Vienna, passing by the fortified places, and that, once master 
of the capital, the emperor might dictate laws to the whole 
Austrian monarchy. "I was present," said Rapp to me, "at this 
officer's interview with the emperor. After he had read his report, 
could you believe it, that he flew into a violent passion? — 'What,' 
said he, ' you are very bold, very presumptuous ; a young officer to 
pretend to trace out a plan of campaign for me! Go, and await 
my orders.' " 

In what I have already written, and in what I am about to add 
respecting Captain Bernard, we have a complete view of Bona- 
parte. Rapp told me that, as soon as the young offioer had left, 
the emperor all at once changed his tone. "There," said he, "is 
a young man of merit; he has observed correctly. I shall not 
expose him to the risk of being shot; I shall have ocr;asion for him 
by-and-by. Tell Berthier to despatch an order for his departure 
for Illyria." 

The order was despatched, and Captain Bernard, who, like his 
companions, was ardently looking forward to the approaching 
campaign, saw himself prevented from taking any part in it, and 
considered as a punishment what, on the part of the emperor, was 
a precaution to preserve the life of a young man whose merit he 
had appreciated. At the close of the campaign, on the emperor's 
promoting those officers who had the most distinguished them- 
selves, the name of Captain Bernard, who was thought to be in 
disgrace, did not appear upon the list of Berthier among those 
captains of engineers whom it was proposed to raise to the rank 
of chief of battalion, but the emperor with his own hand inserted 
Bernard's name before all the rest. However, the emperor had 
forgotten him for a length of time, and it was only by accident 
that he recalled him to his memory. I never had any personal 
acquaintance with M. Bernard, but I learned from Rapp that he 
afterwards became his colleague as aid-de-camp to the emperor„ 



280 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

and I shall here relate the particulars of this circumstance, though 
it refers to a later period. 

The emperoi-, being at" Paris some time previous to his depart- 
ure for the campaign of 1812, wished to have exact information 
respecting Ragusa and Illyria. He sent for Marmont, whose 
answei's were not satisfactory. He then interrogated different 
generals, but the result of his inquiries always was, "All this is 
very well, but it is not enough ; I do not know Regusa." He then 
sent for General Dejean, who had succeeded Marescot as inspector- 
general of engineers. "Have you," he inquired, "among your 
officers, any one who is acquainted with Ragusa?" Dejean, after 
a moment's reflection, answered, " Sire, there is a chief of bat- 
talion, who has been a long time forgot, who is well acquainted 
with Illyria." — "What do you call him?" — "Bernard." — "Ah, stop 
a little: Bernard! I recollect that name. Where is he?" — "Sire, 
he is at Antwerp, employed upon the fortifications." — "Send 
notice, by the telegraph, that he instantly mount his horse and 
repair to Paris." 

The promptitude with which the emperor's orders were always 
executed is well known. A few days afterwards Bernard was in 
Paris, at the house of General Dejean, and shortly after in the 
cabinet of the emperor. He was graciously received, and Napo- 
leon immediately said, "Tell me about Ragusa." He told me 
once that this manner of interrogating was the surest way of 
drawing out any observations which a party might have made 
upon a country. However, he was entirely satisfied with the 
information which M. Bernard gave him about Illyria, and when 
the chief of battalion had done speaking. Napoleon said to him, 
"Colonel Bernard, I now know Regusa." He then conversed 
familiarly with him, entered into details respecting the fortifica- 
tions of Antwerp, had a plan of the works laid before him, and 
showed how, in case of his besieging the town, he would baflle 
the defence. The new colonel explained so well to the emperor 
in what manner he would defend himself against his attacks, that 
Bonaparte was delighted, and immediately bestowed upon him a 
mark of distinction ; which he never, to my knowledge, granted 
but upon this one occasion. As the emperor was going to preside 
in the council, he desired Colonel Bernard to accompany him, 
and several times during the sitting he asked his advice upon the 
points under discussion. On the breaking up of the council, 
Napoleon said to him, "Bernard, you are my aid-de-camp." At 
the end of the campaign he was made general of brigade, shortly 
after general of division, and he is now known throughout Europe 
:as the first officer of engineers in existence. A piece of folly of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 281 

Clarke's has deprived France of the services of this distinguished 
man, who, after refusing most briUiant offers made to him by dif- 
ferent sovereigns of Europe, has retired to the United States of 
America, where he commands the engineers, and where he has 
constructed, on the side of the Floridas, fortifications which are 
by engineers declared to be masterpieces of military art.* 

I have been informed of all I have here related, not only by 
Rapp, but by other persons worthy of credit, and here I have 
found, so to say, the entire character of Napoleon. I moreover 
observe a remarkable example of that eagle glance, which enabled 
him to detect merit wherever it was to be found, and to seize 
upon it as if it were an emanation from himself, which must return 
to him. 

Were I to attempt to describe the brilliant campaign of 1805, 
I must, like the almanac-makers, set down a victory for every 
day, or one of those rapid movements which the presence of 
Napoleon imposed upon his army, and which contributed so pow- 
erfully to the prodigious triumphs of a warfare of only three 
months. In effect, was not the rapidity of the emperor's first 
operation a thing hitherto unheard of? On the 24th of Septem- 
ber he left Paris ; hostilities commenced on the 2d of October; on 
the 6th and 7th, the French had passed the Danube, and turned 
the enemy's army. On the 8th, Murat, at the battle of Wertin- 
gen upon the Danube, made two thousand Austrians prisoners; 
among whom, with other generals, was the Count Auffemberg. 
Next day the defeated Austrians retreated upon Gunzburg, flying 
before our victorious legions, who, following up the course of their 
triumphs, entered on the 10th into Augsburg, and on the r2th into 
Munich. When I received my despatches, it appeared to me as 
if I was reading some fabulous history. On the 14th, two days 
after the entry of the French into Munich, an Austrian corps of 
six thousand men surrendered to Marshal Soult, at Memingen; 
while Ney conquered, sword in hand, his future duchy of Elchin- 
gen. Finally, on the 17th of October, the famous capitulation of 
Ulm took place; and, on the same day, hostilities commenced in 
Italy between the French and Austrians ; the former commanded 
by Massena, and the latter by the Archduke Charles. I am con- 
fident that Napoleon greatly regretted that this prince had not the 
command of the troops to which he was personally opposed, for I 
have often heard him lament the incapacity of the enemies' gen- 
erals: ready at all times to profit by their blunders, he appeared 
to think that their want of talent detracted from his glory, in ren- 

* This distinguished officej has returned to France, and was lately named minister 
at war, but did not continue to hold the appointment. 

24* 



282 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

dering success less difficult; and never, perhaps, had any man 
been more anxious to meet with an enemy in every way worthy 
of himself. 

Bonaparte, after remaining a short time at Augsburg, for the 
purpose of forming an opinion as to the probable movements of 
the Austrian army, then advanced upon it with such wonderful 
rapidity, 4;hat the Archduke Ferdinand considered himself for- 
tunate in being able to repass the Danube ; but all the other Aus- 
trian forces were driven into Ulm, the garrison of which place, 
hitherto deemed impregnable, now amounted to thirty thou- 
sand men. 

General Segur, who was afterwards in the service of Murat at 
Naples, was employed to make the first proposals to Mack, to 
induce him to surrender. Prince Maurice of Lichtenstein had 
also been sent to negotiate at the imperial head-quarters, to which 
he was conducted, according to established usage, on horseback, 
with his eyes bandaged. Rapp gave me the particulars of this 
interview, at which he was present with others of the emperor's 
aids-de-camp; I think he told me that Berthier was also there. 
"Picture to yourself," said Rapp, "the confusion, or rather the 
astonishment, of the poor prince, when they had removed the 
bandage from his eyes; he knew nothing, not even that the 
emperor had joined the army. When he learned that he was in 
the presence of Napoleon, he could not suppress an exclamation 
of surprise, which did not escape the emperor, and he candidly 
confessed that General Mack was not aware of his presence under 
the walls of Ulm. The Prince of Lichtenstein proposed to capit- 
ulate, on the condition that the garrison of Ulm should have per- 
mission to return into Austria. This proposal, in the then situ- 
ation of the garrison," said Rapp, "made the emperor smile. 
'You cannot suppose,' said he, 'that I can entertain such a 
proposition: what should I gain by it? — eight days! In eight 
days you must surrender at discretion. Do you suppose that I 
am not informed of every thing? You expect the Russians — 
they are scarcely yet in Bohemia. If I allow you to march out, 
who is to assure me that you will not go and join them, and after- 
wards fight against me? Your generals have so often deceived 
me, that I will not again be their dupe. At Marengo, I was weak 
enough to allow the troops of Melas to march out of Alessandria. 
He promised to treat of peace, but what happened? — two 
months after, Moreau had to combat the garrison of Alessandria. 
Besides, this is not an ordinary war; after the conduct of your 
government, I am not bound to keep any terms with it. I have 
no faith in your promises ; you have attacked me. If I consent 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 283 

to what you propose, Mack will promise ; but, relying upon his 
good faith, will he be able to keep his promise? — for himself, yes; 
but, as regards his army, no. If the Archduke Ferdinand were 
here with you, I could depend upon his word, because he would 
be answerable for the conditions, and would not dishonour himself; 
but I know that he has quitted Ulm, and passed the Danube. I 
know, however, where to find him.' 

"You cannot picture to yourself," continued Rapp, "the embar- 
rassment of the Prince Lichtenstein while the emperor was speak- 
ing; however, he recovered himself a little, and observed, that 
unless the conditions he was charged to propose were granted, the 
army would not capitulate. 'In that case,' said Napoleon, 'you 
may go back to Mack, for I will never grant you such conditions. 
Are you jesting with me? Stay, here is the capitulation of Mem- 
ingen ; show that to your general ; let him surrender on the same 
conditions ; I will let him have no other. Your officers may return 
to Austria, but the soldiers must be prisoners. Tell him he must 
decide quickly, for I have no time to lose. The longer he delays, 
the worse will his situation become. To-morrow I shall have 
here the corps of the army to which Memingen capitulated, and 
then we shall decide what is to be done. Let Mack clearly under- 
stand that he has no alternative but to surrender on my terms.' " 

The imperious tone which Napoleon employed towards his 
enemies generally succeeded ; and at this time it had the desired 
effect upon Mack. On the same day that Prince Lichtenstein 
had been at our head-quarters. Mack wrote to the emperor, stating 
that he would accept his terms, but that he would not have treated 
with any other than himself. On the following day, Berthier was 
sent to Ulm, from whence he returned with the capitulation. 
The garrison were permitted to march out with the honours of 
war, and sent prisoners into France. Thus Napoleon was not 
mistaken when he said that the Caudine Forks of the Austrian 
army were at Ulm. 

Napoleon, who was so violently irritated by any obstacle which 
opposed him, and who treated with so much severity every one 
who ventured to resist his will, became completely changed when 
he was the conqueror; he received the vanquished with kindness; 
nor was this the result of a feeling of pride, concealed under the 
mask of hypocrisy. I am sure he pitied them sincerely, for I have 
often heard him remark, " How much to be pitied is a general on 
the day after a lost battle!" He had himself experienced this 
feeling when he was obliged to raise the siege of Acre, after hav- 
ing made extraordinary efforts to accomplish his object. I believe 
at that moment he would have strangled Djezzar; but if Djezzar 



284 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

had surrendered, he would have treated him with the same atten- 
tion which he showed to Mack and the other generals of the gar- 
rison of Ulm. These generals were seventeen in number, and 
among them was Prince Lichtenstein, who the day before was so 
much surprised at finding himself in the presence of the emperor. 
There were also General Klenau, Baron de Giulay, who had 
acquired considerable military reputation in former wars, and 
General Fresnel, who stood in a more critical situation, for he 
was a Frenchman and an emigrant. 

Rapp told me that it was quite painful to see those generals. 
They bowed respectfully to the emperor as they passed along with 
Mack at their head. They preserved a mournful silence, and 
Napoleon was the first to speak: he said, "Gentlemen, I am sorry 
that such brave men as you have shown yourselves, should become 
the victims of the follies of a cabinet which cherishes insane pro- 
jects, and which does not hesitate to compromise the dignity of 
the Austrian nation, and to trifle with the services of its generals. 
Your names are known to me — they are honourably known wher- 
ever you have fought. Examine the conduct of those who have 
compromised you. What could be more unjust than to attack me 
without a declaration of war? Is it not unjust to bring foreign 
invasion upon a country ? Is it not betraying Europe to introduce 
Asiatic barbarians into her disputes ? If good faith had been kept, 
the Aulic Council, instead of attacking me, ought to have sought 
my alliance to force the Russians back into the north. The pres- 
ent alliance is that of dogs, shepherds, and wolves against sheep: 
such a scheme could not have been devised by any statesman. 
It is fortunate for you that I have been successful : had I been 
defeated, the cabinet of Vienna would have soon perceived its 
error, and would then have regretted it." 

That the conduct of Austria may be more fully understood, we 
attach the following condensed account of the causes which led to 
the br-eaking out of the war, and of the immediate result of it : 

" The cabinets of London, Petersburg, and Stockholm were parties in 
a league which had avowedly the following objects : to restore the inde- 
pendence of Holland and Switzerland : to free the north of Germany 
from the presence of French troops : to procure the restoration of Pied- 
mont to the King of Sardinia : and, finally, the evacuation of Italy by 
Napoleon. Until, by the attainment of these objects, the sway of France 
should be reduced to limits compatible with the independence of the 
other European states, no peace was to be signed by any of the con- 
tracting powers ; and, during several months, every means was adopted 
to procure the association of Austria and Prussia. But the latter of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 285 

these sovereigns had the misfortune at this time to have a strong French 
party in his council, and, though personally hostile to Napoleon, could 
not as yet count on being supported in a war against him by the hearty 
goodwill of an undivided people. Austria, on the other hand, had been 
grievously weakened by the campaign of Marengo, and hesitated, on 
prudential grounds, to commit herself once more to the hazard of arms. 
"Alexander repaired in person to Berlin, for the purpose of stimulating 
the King of Prussia. The two sovereigns met in the vault where the 
great Frederick lies buried, and swore solemnly, over his remains, to 
effect the liberation of Germany. But though thus pledged to the czar, 
the King of Prussia did not hastily rush into hostilities. He did not 
even follow the example of the Austrian, whose forbearance was at 
length wholly exhausted by the news of the coronation at Milan, and 
the annexation of Genoa to the empire of France. 

" The government of Vienna no sooner heard of this new aggrandize- 
ment, than it commenced warlike preparations, rashly and precipitately, 
without making sure of the cooperation of Berlin, or even waiting until 
the troops of Russia could perform the march into Germany. But this 
great fault was not the greatest. The emperor haughtily demanded 
that the Elector of Bavaria should take the field also ; nay, that he 
should suffer his army to be entirely incorporated with the Austrian, 
and commanded by its chiefs. The elector, who had a son travelling 
in France, resisted anxiously and strenuously. "On my knees," he 
wrote to the emperor, " I beg of you that I may be permitted to remain 
neutral." This appeal was disregarded. The Austrian troops advanced 
into Bavaria, where they appear to have conducted themselves as in an 
enemy's country; and the indignant elector withdrew his army into 
Franconia, where he expected the advance of the French as liberators. 
"This unjustifiable behaviour was destined to be severely punished. 
No sooner did Napoleon understand that war was inevitable, than he 
broke up his great army on the coast opposite to England, and directed 
its march upon the German frontier ; whilei Massena received orders to 
assume, also, the offensive in Italy, and force his way, if possible, into 
the hereditary states of Austria. The favourite scheme of Carnot was 
thus revived, and two French armies, one crossing the Rhine, and the 
other pushing through the Tyrolese, looked forward to a junction before 
the walls of Vienna. 

"The rashness which had characterized the conduct of the cabinet of 
Vienna, was fatally followed oyt in that of its general. Mack : instead 
of occupying the line of the river Inn, which, extending from the Tyrol 
to the Danube at Passau, affords a strong defence to the Austrian terri- 
tory, and on which he might have expected, in comparative safety, the 
arrival of the Russians — this unworthy favourite of the emperor left the 
Inn behind him, and established his head-quarters on the western frontier 
of Bavaria, at Ulm. 

" Napoleon hastened to profit by this unpardonable error. Bernadotte 
advanced from Hanover, with the troops which had occupied that elec^ 



286 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

torate, towards Wurtzburg, where the Bavarian army lay ready to join 
its strength to his ; five divisions of the great force lately assembled on 
the coasts of Normandy, under the orders of Davoust, Ney, Soult, Mar- 
mont, and Vandamme, crossed the Rhine at different points, all to the 
northward of Mack's position ; while a sixth, under Murat, passing at 
Kehl, manoeuvred in such a manner as to withdraw the Austrian's 
attention from these movements, and to strengthen him in his belief that 
Napoleon and all his army were coming against him through the Black 
Forest in his front. 

" The consequence of Bonaparte's combinations was, that while Mack 
lay expecting to be assaulted in front of Ulm, the great body of the 
French army advanced into the heart of Germany, by the left side of the 
Danube, and then, throwing themselves across that river, took ground in 
his rear, interrupting his communication with Vienna, and isolating him. 
In order that Bernadotte and the Bavarians might have a part in this 
great manoeuvre, it was necessary that they should disregard the neu- 
trality of the Prussian territories of Anspach and Bareuth; and Napo- 
leon, well aware of the real sentiments of the court of Berlin, did not 
hesitate to adopt this course. Prussia remonstrated indignantly, but still 
held back from proclaiming war; and Napoleon cared little for such 
impediments as mere diplomacy could throw in the way of his campaign. 
He did not, however, effect his purpose of taking up a position in the 
rear of Mack without resistance. On the contrary, at various places — 
at Wertingen, Gunzburg, Memingen, and Elchingen — severe skirmishes 
occurred with different divisions of the Austrian army, in all of which 
the French had the advantage. General Spangenburg and five thousand 
men laid down their arms at Memingen ; and, in all, not less than twenty 
thousand prisoners fell into the hands of the French between the 26th of 
September, when they crossed the Rhine, and the 13th of October, when 
they were in full possession of Bavaria and Swabia, holding Mack cooped 
up behind them in Ulm — as Wurmser had been in Mantua, during the 
campaign of Alvinzi. 

"But Mack was no Wurmser. Napoleon's recent movements had 
perplexed utterly the counsels of the Austrians, whose generals, adopting 
different views of the state of the campaign, no longer acted in unison. 
Schwartzenberg and the Archduke Ferdinand, considering further resist- 
ance in Bavaria as hopeless, cut their way, at the head of large bodies 
of cavalry, into Bohemia, and began to rouse the inhabitants of that king- 
dom to a levy en masse. The French emperor, perceiving that they had 
for the present escaped him, drew back upon Ulm, invested that town on 
every side, and summoned Mack to surrender. 

"The garrison consisted of full twenty thousand good troops; the 
place was amply victualled and stored ; the advance of the great Rus- 
sian army could not be distant; the declaration of war against Napoleon 
by Berlin was hourly to be expected ; and the armies of Austria, though 
scattered for the present, would be sure to rally, and make every effort 
for the relief of Ulm. Under circumstances comparatively hopeless, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 287 

the brave Wurmser held Mantua to extremity ; but, in spite of example 
or argument, in terror or in treachery, General Mack capitulated with- 
out hazarding a blow. 

"On the 16th he published a proclamation, urging his troops to pre- 
pare for the utmost pertinacity of defence, and forbidding, on pain of 
death, the very word surrender to be breathed within the walls of Ulm. 
On the 17th he signed articles, by which hostilities were immediately to 
cease, and he and all his men to surrender themselves prisoners of war 
within ten days, unless some Austrian or Russian force should appear in 
the interval, and attempt to raise the blockade. After signing this docu- 
ment. Mack visited in person the head-quarters of Napoleon ; and, what- 
ever the nature of their conversation may have been, the result was, a 
revision of the treaty on the 19th, and the formal evacuation of Ulm on 
the 20th. Twenty thousand soldiers filed off, and laid down their arms 
before Napoleon and his staff. Eighteen generals were dismissed on 
parole ; an immense quantity of ammunition of all sortte fell into the 
hands of the victor; and a wagon filled with Austrian standards was 
sent to gratify the vanity of the Parisians." — Family Library. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



The Emperor's Proclamation ; Ten Thousand Prisoners taken by Mwat ; Mission of M. de Giulay ; 
the first French Eagles taken by the Russians ; Bold Adventm-e of Lannes and Mui'at ; the French 
enter Vienna ; the Battle of AusterUtz. 

While Napoleon flattered his prisoners at the expense of their 
government, he was desirous to express his satisfaction at the 
conduct of his own army; and for this purpose he published the 
following remarkable proclamation, which contained an abstract 
of all that had taken place since the opening of the campaign : 

" Soldiers of the Grand Army ! In fifteen days we have finished our campaign. 
What we propossd to do, has been done. We have chased the Austrian troops from 
Bavaria, and restored our ally to the sovereignty of his dominions. 

" That army, which, with so much presumption and imprudence, marched upon our 
frontiers, is annihilated. 

"But what does this signify to England? She has gained her object. We are no 
longer at Boulogne, and her subsidies will not be the less great. 

" Of a hundred thousand men who composed that army, sixty thousand are prisoners ; 
they will supply our conscripts in the labour of husbandry. 

" Two hundred pieces of cannon, ninety flags, and all their generals, are in our power. 
Not more than fifteen thousand have escaped. 

" Soldiers! I announce to you a great battle ; but, thanks to the ill-devised combina- 
tions of the enemy, I was able to secure the desired result without any danger ; and, 
what is unexampled in the history of nations, these results have been gained at the 
loss of scarcely fifteen hundred men, killed and wounded. 

" Soldiers ! this success is due to your entire confidence in your emperor, to your 
patience in supporting fatigue and privations of every kind, and to your remarkable 
intrepidity. 



288 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

"But we will not stop here. You are impatient to commence a second campaign. 

" The Russian army, which the gold of England has brought from the extremity of 
the world, we have to serve in the same manner. 

" In the conflict in which we are now to be engaged, the honour of the French 
infantry is especially concerned. We shall then see decided, for the second time, that 
question which has already been decided in Switzerland and Holland ; namely, whether 
the French infantry is the first or second in Europe? 

" There are no generals among them, in contending against whom I can acquire 
any gloiy. All I wish is to obtain the victory with the least possible bloodshed. My 
soldiers are my children." 

This proclamation always appeared to me a masterpiece of 
military eloquence. Napoleon, while he praised his troops, excited 
their emulation, by hinting that the Russians were capable of 
disputing with them the first rank among the soldiers of Europe. 
The second campaign, to which he alludes, speedily commenced, 
and was hailed with enthusiasm. The most extraordinary reports 
were circulafted respecting the Russians ; they were represented 
as half-naked savages, pillaging, destroying, and burning wherever 
they went. It was even asserted that they were cannibals, and 
had been seen to eat children. It was at this time that they were 
denominated the northern barbarians, which has since been so 
generally applied to the Russians. 

Two days after the capitulation of Ulm, Murat, on his part, 
obliged General Warneck to capitulate at Trochtelfingen, and 
made ten thousand prisoners ; so that, without counting killed and 
wounded, the Austrian army found itself diminished by fifty thou- 
sand men, after a campaign of twenty days. 

On the 27th, the French army crossed the Inn, and thus pene- 
trated into the Austrian territory, and immediately occupied 
Salzburg and Braunau. The army of Italy, under Massena, also 
obtained important advantages; having, on the same day that 
these fortresses surrendered — that is to say, on the 30th of Octo- 
ber — gained the sanguinary battle at Caldiero, and taken five 
thousand prisoners from the Austrians. 

The Austrian emperor now sought to retard Napoleon's progress 
by negotiation ; and sent M. de Guilay, one of the generals included 
in the capitulation of Ulm, who had returned home to acquaint his 
sovereign with that disastrous event, to propose an armistice, pre- 
liminary to a peace, of which the Austrian government professed 
itself sincerely desirous. He had not concealed from the Emperor 
Francis, or his cabinet, the destruction of the Austrian army, 
or the impossibility of arresting the rapid advance of the French. 
This snare was too glaring not to be immediately discovered by 
Napoleon. He always pretended a love for peace, but he was 
desirous to continue a war so successfully commenced ; he there- 
fore directed General Giulay to assure the emperor of Austria, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 289 

that he was no less anxious for peace than himself, and that he 
would be ready to treat with him without suspending his operations. 
Napoleon could not have acted otherwise without a degree of 
imprudence, of which he was incapable, since Giulay, whatever 
powers he had from Austria, had clearly none from Russia. Rus- 
sia might therefore disavow the armistice, and arrive in time to 
defend Vienna, the occupation of which was so important to the 
French army. The Russians were now rapidly advancing to oppose 
us, and the division of our army commanded by Mortier, on the left 
bank of the Danube, received a check in the first encounter, which 
very much vexed the emperor, as it was the first reverse which had 
been sustained. It was very slight, but still the Russians had cap- 
tured three of the French eagles, the first that had fallen into the 
hands of the enemy, which was very mortifying to Napoleon, and 
caused him to prolong his stay for a few days at Saint-Polien. 

In the extraordinary campaign which has been named the cam- 
paign of Austerlitz, the exploits of our troops succeeded each other 
with the rapidity of thought. Each courier that I received brought 
news much more favourable than I could have expected; still I 
was not prepared to receive a letter by an extraordinary courier 
from Duroc, commencing laconically with the words, " We are in 
Vienna; the emperor is well." Duroc had left the emperor, before 
the camp at Boulogne was raised, on a mission to Berlin, and this 
being terminated, he had now rejoined the army at Lintz. 

The rapid capture of Vienna was due to the successful teme- 
rity of Lannes and Murat, two men who yielded to each other in 
nothing whei'e bravery and daring were concerned. A bold arti- 
fice of these marshals prevented the destruction of the bridge of the 
Thabor at Vienna ; without this, our army could not have gained 
possession of the capital without considerable difficulty. This act 
of courage and presence of mind which had so great an influence 
on the events of the campaign, was afterwards related to me by 
Lannes, who spoke of it with an air of gayety, and was more 
delighted with having outwitted the Austrians than proud of the 
brilliant action which he had performed. Bold enterprises were 
so natural to him, that he was frequently the only person who 
saw nothing extraordinary in his own exploits. Alas! what men 
have been the victims of Napoleon's ambition! 

The following is the story of the bridge of Thabor, as I received 
it from Lannes : 

"I was one day walking with Murat, on the right bank of the 

Danube, and we observed on the left bank, which was occupied 

by the Austrians, some works going on, the evident object of which 

was to blow up the bridge on the approach of our troops. The 

T 25 



290 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

fools had the impudence to make these preparations under our 
very noses ; but we gave them a good lesson. Having arranged 
our plan, we returned to give orders, and I intrusted the command 
of my column of grenadiers to an officer on whose courage and 
intelligence I could rely. I then returned to the bridge, accom- 
panied by Murat, and two or three other officers. We advanced 
unconcernedly, and entered into conversation with the commander 
of a post in the middle of the bridge. We spoke to him about an 
armistice which was to be speedily concluded. While conversing 
with the Austrian officers, we contrived to make them turn their 
eyes towards the left bank, and then, agreeably to the orders we 
had given, my column of grenadiers advanced on the bridge. The 
Austrian cannoniers, on the left bank, seeing their officers in the 
midst of us, did not dare to fire, and my column advanced at a 
quick step. Murat and I at the head of it, gained the left bank. 
All the combustibles, prepared for blowing up the bridge, were 
thrown into the river ; and my men took possession of the batteries 
erected for the defence of the bridge head. The poor devils of 
Austrian officers were perfectly astounded when I told them they 
were my prisoners." 

Such, as well as I recollect, was the account given by Lannes, 
who laughed immoderately in describing the consternation of the 
Austrian officers on discovering the blunder they had committed. 
When Lannes performed this exploit, he had no idea of the import- 
ant consequences which would result from it; but this was soon 
perceived. Not only was a sure and easy entrance into Vienna 
secured for the remainder of the French army, but, without being 
aware of it, an insurmountable impediment was created to prevent 
the junction of the Russian army with that division of the Austrian 
army under the command of the Archduke Charles, who, being 
pressed by Massena, had retreated into the heart of the hereditary 
states, where he expected a great battle would soon be fought. 

As soon as the divisions of Murat and Lannes had taken pos- 
session of Vienna, the emperor ordered all the other divisions of 
the army to march upon the capital. Napoleon established his 
head-quarters at Schoenbrun, where he planned his operations for 
compelling the Archduke Charles to retire into Hungary, and for 
leading his own army against the Russians. Murat and Lannes 
always commanded the advanced guard during these forced and 
next to miraculous marches. 

Among the anecdotes of Napoleon connected with this campaign, 
I find the following, which was related to me by Rapp : Some days 
previous to his entrance into Vienna, Napoleon was riding on 
horseback along the road, dressed in his usual uniform, when he 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 291 

met in an open carriage a lady and a priest. The lady was in 
tears, and Napoleon could not refrain from stopping to inquire the 
cause of her distress: "Sir," she replied, for she did not know the 
emperor, "I have been pillaged at my estate, two leagues from 
hence, by a party of soldiers, who have murdered my gardener; 
I am going to wait upon your emperor, who knows my family, 
and to whom he was once under great obligations." — "What is 
your name?" inquired Napoleon. "De Bunny; I am the daughter 
of M. de Marboeuf, formely governor of Corsica." — "Madam," 
replied Napoleon, "I am delighted to have the opportunity of serv- 
ing you. I am, myself, the emperor." You cannot imagine, con- 
tinued Rapp, with what distinction the emperor treated Madam 
de Bunny. He consoled her, pitied her, and apologized for the 
misfortune which had overtaken her. He requested her to have 
the goodness to go and wait for him at his head-quarters, where 
he would speedily return, and concluded by stating that every 
member of M. de Marboeuf's family had a claim upon his respect. 
He then gave her a picket of chasseurs from his guard to escort 
her. He saw her again during the day, and loaded her with 
attention, and liberally rewarded her for the losses she had sustained. 

On the 2d of November, 1805, the King of Sweden arrived at 
Stralsund. I immediately intimated to our government that this 
circumstance would probably give a new turn to the operations 
of the combined army; for hitherto its movements had been very 
uncertain, and the frequent counter-orders afforded no possibility 
of ascertaining any determined plan. 

The first column of the grand Russian army passed through 
Warsaw on the 1st of November, and on the 2d the Grand Duke 
Constantine was expected with the guards. This division, which 
amounted to six thousand men, was the first that passed through 
Prussian Poland. 

At this time we hourly expected to see landed on the banks of 
the Weser or the Elbe the Hanoverian army, increased by some 
thousands of English. Their design obviously was either to attack 
Holland or to act on the rear of our grand army. 

For some time previous to the battle of Austerlitz, French 
columns were traversing Germany and Italy in all directions, all 
tending towards Vienna as a central point; and about the begin- 
ning of November the corps commanded by Bernadotte arrived 
at Salzburg, at the moment when the emperor had advanced his 
head-quarters to Braunau. This junction had been anxiously 
desired, and was considered of so much importance by Bonaparte, 
that he desired Bernadotte to hasten forward by the nearest route, 
which order obliged Bernadotte to pass through the territory of 
the two Margravates. 



292 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

At this time we were at peace with Naples. In September, the 
emperor had concluded with Ferdinand IV. a treaty of neutrality. 
This treaty enabled Cara-St.-Cyr, who occupied Naples, to eva- 
cuate that city, and to join Massena in Upper Italy , and both joined 
the grand army on the 28th of November. But no sooner had the 
troops commanded by Saint-Cyr quitted the Neapolitan territories, 
than the king, influenced by his ministers, and, above all, by Queen 
Caroline, broke the treaty of neutrality, ordered hostile preparations 
against France, opened his ports to the enemies of the emperor, 
and received into his states twelve thousand Russians and eight 
thousand English, 

It was on learning these occurrences that Napoleon, in one of 
his most violent bulletins, stigmatized the Queen of Naples as the 
modern Fred 6gonde; and the victory of Austerlitz succeeding, 
decided the fate of Naples, and, shortly after, Joseph was seated 
on the Neapolitan throne. 

At length the great day arrived, when, according to the expres- 
sion of Napoleon, "the sun of Austerlitz arose;" all our forces 
were concentrated upon the same point at about forty leagues 
beyond Vienna. There remained only the wreck of the Austrian 
army; the division under Prince Charles having been kept at a 
distance by the skilful manoeuvres of Napoleon. The most extraor- 
dinary illusion prevailed in the enemy's camp. On the very eve 
of the battle, the Emperor Alexander sent one of his aids-de-camp, 
Prince Dolgorowski, as a flag of truce to Napoleon. This prince 
conducted himself in such a self-sufficient manner in the pi^esence 
of the emperor, that, on dismissing him, he said to him, "If you 
were on the heights of Montmartre, I would answer such imper- 
tinence only with cannon balls." This observation was very 
remarkable, inasmuch as events occurred which rendered it a 
prophecy. 

As to the battle itself, I am able to describe it almost as correctly 
as if I had been present; for, some time after, I had the pleasure 
of seeing in Hamburg my friend Rapp, who had been sent on a 
mission to Prussia. He gave me the following account: 

"When we arrived at Austerlitz, the Russians, ignorant of the 
emperor's skilful dispositions to draw them to the ground which 
he had marked out, and seeing our advanced guards give way 
before their columns, they conceived the victory won. According 
to their notions, the advanced guard would sufiice to secure an 
easy triumph. But the battle began — they found what it was to 
fight, and on every point were repulsed. At one o'clock the 
victory was still uncertain; for they fought admirably. They 
resolved on a last effort, and directed close masses against our 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 293 

centre. The imperial guard deployed: artillery, cavalry, infantry, 
were marched against a bridge which the Russians attacked, and 
this movement, concealed from Napoleon by the inequality of the 
ground, was not observed by us. At this moment I was standing 
near him, waiting orders. We heard a well-maintained fire of 
musketry; the Russians were repulsing one of our brigades. 
Hearing this sound, the emperor ordered me to take the Mame- 
lukes, two squadrons of chasseurs, one of grenadiers of the guard, 
and to observe the state of things. I set off at full gallop, and, 
before advancing a cannon-shot perceived the disaster. The 
Russian cavalry had penetrated our squares, and were sabring 
our men. In the distance could be perceived masses of the Rus- 
sian cavalry and infantry in reserve. At this juncture the enemy 
advanced; four pieces of artillery arrived at a gallop, and were 
planted in position against us. On my left I had the brave Mor- 
land, on my right General d'Allemagne. 'Courage, my brave 
fellows!' cried I to my party; 'Behold your brothers, your friends 
butchered; let us avenge them, avenge our standards! Forward!' 
These words inspired my soldiers; we dashed at full speed upon 
the artillery, and took them. The enemy's horse, which awaited 
our attack, were overthrown by the same charge, and fled in con- 
fusion, galloping, like us, over the wrecks of our own squares. In 
the mean time, the Russians rallied ; but, a squadron of horse grena- 
diers coming to our assistance, I could then halt, and await the 
reserves of the Russian guard. Again we charged, and this charge 
was terrible. The brave Morland fell by my side. It was abso- 
lute butchery. We fought man to man, and so mingled together, 
that the infantry on neither side dared to fire, least they should 
kill their own men. The intrepidity of our troops finally bore us 
in triumph over all opposition : the enemy fled in disorder in sight 
of the two Emperors of Austiia and Russia, who had taken their, 
station on a rising ground, in order to be spectators of the contest, 
They ought to have been satisfied, for I can assure you they wit- 
nessed no child's play. For my own part, my good friend, I never 
passed so delightful a day. The emperor received me most gra- 
ciously when I arrived to tell him that the victory was ours ; I still 
grasped my broken sabre, and as this scratch upon my head bled 
very copiously, I was all covered with blood. He named me 
general of division. The Russians returned not again to the 
charge — they had had enough; we captured every thing — their 
cannon, their baggage, their all, in short ; and Prince Ressina was 
among the prisoners." 

We also attach Savary's account of the battle of Austerlitz, 
which is as follows : 

25* 



294 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

"Napoleon now thought of nothing but the preparatory dispositions for 
the battle, which he resolved to delay no longer. Bernadotte joined him 
with two divisions of infantry ; Soult had three ; Marshal Lannes two ; 
the united grenadiers formed a strong one ; the footguards one. Marshal 
Davoust had one within reach : the emperor had, besides his light cavalry, 
three divisions of dragoons, two of cuirassiers, and two regiments of 
carbiniers, with the horse-guards. He caused abundance of provisions 
and ammunition of all kinds, taken from the magazines of Brunn, to be 
brought upon the ground. 

"It was the last day of November, 1805; the next day, the 1st of 
December, he himself placed all the divisions of the army ; he knew his 
ground as well as the environs of Paris. 

" Marshal Davoust was on the extreme right, en echelons, on the com- 
munication from Brunn to Vienna, by Nicolsburg. His right division was 
commanded by General Friant : it was this that acted with us. Davoust 
was separated from the corps of Marshal Soult by ponds, which presented 
long narrow defiles, and of difficult communication. Marshal Soult was 
also on the right of that part of the army which was opposed to the Russian 
army. His right division was that of General Legrand, who was close 
to the ponds which separated him from General Friant. On the left of 
General Legrand was the division of Saint Hilaire, and on the left of 
the latter that of General Vandamme. In the second line, behind Mar- 
shal Soult, was first the division of united grenadiers, and on their left 
were the two divisions of Marshal Bernadotte. On the left of Marshal 
Soult, upon a configuration of ground somewhat more advanced, was the 
corps of Marshal Lannes, having its first division (that of General Caf- 
farelli) on the right of the road from Olmutz to Brunn, and its second 
division (that of General Suchet) supported on its right upon the same 
road, and on its left upon the Centon. 

"The infantry of the guard was the natural reserve of Marshal 
Lannes. As the ground on our left seemed to ofier an extensive space, 
it was deemed prudent not to place the cavalry at a distance from it : the 
light cavalry therefore was first put on the right of Marshal Lannes, where 
it did not at all incommode the corps of Marshal Soult, which was on a 
vast plateau, a little in the rear, and to the right. Behind the light cav- 
alry were placed the dragoons. The cuirassiers also remained that day 
near the corps of Marshal Soult, with the horse-guards. 

"The emperor passed the whole day on horseback, inspecting his 
army himself, regiment by regiment. He spoke to the troops, viewed all 
the parks, all the light batteries, and gave instructions to all the officers 
and gunners. He afterwards went to inspect the ambulances, and the 
means of conveyance for the wounded. He returned to dine at his 
bivouac, and sent for all his marshals : he enlarged upon all that they 
ought to do the next day, and all that it was possible for the enemy to 
attempt. It would require a volume to detail all that emanated from his 
mind in those twenty-four hours. 

" The Russian army was seen arriving the whole afternoon, and taking 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 295 

positions very near to our right. The emperor was ready either to receive 
the attack of the enemy, or to attack himself. 

"In the evening of the 1st of December there was on our extreme right 
an irregular firing of small-arms, which was kept up so late as to give 
the emperor some uneasiness. He had already sent several times to 
inquire whence it proceeded ; he sent for me, and ordered me to go as 
far as the communication between the division of General Legrand and 
that of General Friant, and not to return until I had ascertained what the 
Russians were about, adding that this firing must be designed to cover 
some movement. 

" I had not very far to go ; for no sooner had I got to the right of Le- 
grand's division than I saw his advance guard, which was repulsed from 
a village situated at the foot of the position of the Russians, who wished 
to possess themselves of it for the purpose of thence debouching on our 
right : the nature of the ground favoured their movement, which was 
already begun when I arrived. The moon shone very bright : never- 
theless, they did not continue this movement, because the night soon 
became overcast; they were content with concentrating themselves on 
that point so as to deploy rapidly at day-break. I returned with all 
possible expedition to relate what 1 had seen : I found the emperor lying 
upon straw, and so fast asleep, in a hut which the soldiers had made for 
him, that I was obliged to shake in order to awaken him. I made my 
report : he desired me to repeat it ; sent for Marshal Soult, and mounted 
his horse, to go himself and inspect his whole line, and to see the move- 
ment of the Russians on his right : he approached as near to it as possible. 
On his return through the lines of bivouac, he was recognised by the 
soldiers, who spontaneously lighted torches of straw : this communicated 
from one end of the army to the other : in a moment there was a regular 
illumination, and the air was rent with shouts of Vive fEmpej-eur f 

"The emperor returned very late; and though he continued to take 
repose, he was not without uneasiness as to what might be the result of 
the movement of his right on the following day. He was awake and stir- 
ring by day-break, to get the whole army under arms in silence. 

" There was a very thick fog, which enveloped all our bivouacs, so that 
it was impossible to distinguish objects at the distance of ten paces. It 
was favourable to us, and gave us time to arrange ourselves. This army 
had been so well trained in the camp of Boulogne, that one could rely on 
the good condition in Avhich each soldier kept his arms and accoutrements. 
As it became light, the fog seemed disposed to clear off. Absolute silence 
prevailed to the very extremity of the horizon : nobody would ever have 
thought that there were so many men, and so many noisy engines of 
destruction, enveloped in so small a space. 

" The emperor sent me again to the extreme right to watch the move- 
ment of the Russians : they began to debouch on General Legrand, when 
I had got very near him : but, on account of the fog, I could not well 
judge of the movement. I returned to make my report. It was scarcely 
seven in the morning : the fog had already cleared away so much, that 



296 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

I had no reason to follow the line of the troops, least I should lose my way. 
(We were about two hundred toises from the Russians.) 

" The emperor saw his whole army, infantry and cavalry, formed into 
columns by divisions. All the marshals were near him, and teazed him 
to begin: he resisted their importunities, till the attack of the Russians 
on his right became brisker : he had sent word to Marshal Davoust to 
support General Legrand, who was soon afterwards attacked, and had 
his whole division engaged. When the emperor judged, by the briskness 
of the fire, that the attack was serious, he dismissed all the marshals, and 
ordered them to begin. 

" This onset of the whole army at once had something imposing : you 
might hear the words of command of the individual officers. It marched, 
as if to exercise, to the very foot of the position of the Russians, halting 
at times to rectify its distances and its directions. General Saint Hilaire 
attacked in front the Russian position, which is called in the country 
the hill of the Pratzer. He there sustained a tremendous fire of musketry, 
which would have staggered any one but himself. The fire lasted two 
hours ; he had not a battalion that was not deployed and engaged. 

"General Vandamme, who had rather more space to traverse to get 
within fire of the enemy, came upon the head column, overthrew it, and 
was master of its position and its artillery in an instant. The emperor 
immediately marched one of the divisions of Marshal Bernadotte behind 
Vandamme's division, and a portion of the united grenadiers behind that 
of Saint Hilaire. He sent orders to Marshal Lannes to attack promptly 
and briskly the right of the enemy, that it might not come to the assist- 
ance of their left, which was wholly engaged by the movement of the 
emperor. 

" The portion of the enemy's army, which had begun its movement 
upon General Legrand, would have fallen back and reascended tJie 
Pratzer ; but General Legrand, supported by Friant's division (belonging 
to Marshal Davoust), followed it so closely that it was forced to fight 
where it stood, without daring either to retire or to advance. 

" General Vandamme, directed by Marshal Soult, and supported by a 
division of Bernadotte's, made a change of direction by the right flank, 
for the purpose of turning and attacking all the troops that were before 
Saint Hilaire's division. This movement was completely successful ; 
and the two divisions, united on the Pratzer itself by this movement, had 
no farther need of the assistance of Bernadotte's division : they made a 
second change of direction by their right flank, and descended from the 
Pratzer to attack in the rear all the troops who were opposed to General 
Legrand. These troops quitted, for the purpose of attacking the Russians, 
the position from which the latter had descended during the preceding night 
to attack Legrand ; they had thus traversed a complete semi-circle. The 
.emperor made the united grenadiers and the division of the foot-guards 
support the movement : it had complete success, and decided the battle. 

" General Vandamme received a check at the commencement of his 
first change of direction to the right. The fourth regiment of the line 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 297 

lost one of its eagles in a charge of cavalry made upon it by the Rus- 
sian guard; but the chasseurs of the guard and the grenadiers on duty 
about the emperor charged so seasonably, that this accident had no bad 
consequences. 

"It was after the second change of direction to the right of this same 
division of Vandamme, then in communication with Saint Hilaire's, that 
the emperor ordered the division of Bernadotte, which followed the move- 
ment, to go right before, and no longer to follow the direction of Van- 
damme. That division did so ; it fought the infantry of the Russian guard, 
broke it, and drove it fighting a full league ; but it returned to its position, 
nobody could tell why. The emperor, who had followed the movements 
of Vandamme's division, was exceedingly astonished, on returning in the 
evening, to find the division of Bernadotte on the spot from which he had 
himself despatched it in the morning. We shall presently see whetiier he 
had reason to be displeased at the retrograde movement of that division. 

"The left of our army, under Marshal Lannes, and where all our 
cavalry was under the command of Marshal Murat, had broken and put 
to flight the whole right of the Russian army, which at night-fall took the 
road to Austerlitz, to join the relics of another portion of that army with 
which Marshal Soult had been engaged. Had Marshal Bernadotte's divi- 
sion continued marching another half-hour, instead of returning to its first 
position, it would have been across the road from Austerlitz to FloUitsch, 
by which the right of the Russian army was retreating. By checking 
that movement, it prevented the destruction of the latter. 

"The whole day was a series of mancEUvres, none of which failed; 
and which cut the Russian army, surprised in a flank movement, into as 
many pieces as there were heads of columns brought up to attack it. 
All the troops that had descended from the Pratzer to attack Generals 
Legrand and Friant were taken on the spot, in consequence of the move- 
ments of the divisions of Saint Hilaire and Vandamme. In short, there 
were left to us, with the field of battle, one hundred pieces of cannon, and 
forty-three thousand prisoners of war, exclusively of the wounded and 
slain, who remained upon the ground. There could scarcely be a more 
victorious and decisive day. 

"The emperor came back in the evening, along the whole line where 
the different regiments of the army had fought. It was already dark ; 
he had recommended silence to all who accompained him, that he might 
hear the cries of the wounded ; he immediately went to the spot where 
they were, alighted himself, and ordered a glass of brandy to be given 
them from the canteen which always followed him. I was with him the 
whole of that night, during which he remained very late on the field of 
battle : the squadron of his escort passed the whole night upon it in taking 
the cloaks from the Russian dead, for the purpose of covering the wounded 
with them. He himself ordered a large fire to be kindled near each of 
them, sent about for a muster-master, and did not retire till he had arrived ; 
and, having left him a picket of his own escort, he enjoined him not to 
quit these wounded till they were all in the hospital. These brave men 



298 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

loaded him with blessings, which found the way to his heart much better 
than all the flatteries of courtiers. It was thus that he won the affection 
of his soldiers, who knew that when they suffered, it was not his fault ; 
and therefore they never spared themselves in his service. 

" The night was so dark, that we had been obliged to pass through 
Brunn, so that it was late when Marshal Davoust received the order ; and 
he could do no more that day than reunite his corps, and approach near 
enough to reconnoitre the enemy." — Memoirs of the Duke de Rovigo. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



Interview of Napoleon and the Emperor of Austria ; Treaty of Presbui'g ; Consequences of tlie Cam- 
paign ; Conduct of Prussia ; Battle of Trafalgar ; Financial Difficulties ; Ouvi-ai-d ; his Character 
and Treatment by the Emperor. 

On the day after the battle, the emperor, who was at the castle 
of Austerlitz, received a visit from Prince de Lichtenstein, the 
same whom Mack had sent to negotiate when before the walls of 
Ulm. On this occasion the prince was sent by the emperor 
Francis II. to request an interview with Napoleon. This request 
was immediately agreed to, and the ceremonies to be observed 
on the occasion were arranged at once. On the 4th of December 
Napoleon proceeded on horseback to the place appointed, which 
was a mill about three leagues from Austerlitz. The Emperor 
of Austria arrived in a calash; and as soon as he was observed, 
Napoleon alighted from his horse, and advanced to meet him, 
attended by his aids-de-camp. Napoleon embraced Francis II. 
on meeting him. During the interview, Napoleon had only 
Berthier beside him, and the Emperor of Austria was attended by 
Prince de Lichtenstein — what a situation for the heir of Charles 
V. ! The emperors remained about two hours, and again embraced 
at parting. 

On his return from this interview. Napoleon, who never for a 
moment lost sight of his policy, roused himself from the meditation 
in which he seemed to be absorbed, to despatch an aid-de-camp 
to the Emperor of Austria. Savery was entrusted with this mis- 
sion, the object of which was to acquaint the emperor Francis, 
that on leaving him he was going by order of Napoleon to the 
head-quarters of the Emperor of Russia, to obtain his adhesion, as 
far as he was concerned, to the conditions agreed upon in the 
conference between the Emperors of France and Austria. Alex- 
ander consented to every thing, and observed, since the King of 
the Romans was satisfied, he had no conditions to ask, as he had 
taken the field only to assist his ally. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 299 

The chanceries of France and Austria met at Presburg, and as 
one of the two parties had the power of demanding every thing, 
and the other could scarcely refuse any thing, the negotiations 
did not continue long. On the 25th of December, that is to say, 
only three months after Napoleon's departure from Paris, all was 
arranged.* Russia who had taken part in the war, took no part 
in the negotiations. Hostilities ceased between her and France, 
but without any treaty of peace being concluded. After the bat- 
tle of Austerlitz, Napoleon remained for a few days at Brunn, to 
superiitkend the execution of his orders relative to the cantonment 
of his troops. Here he ascertained his losses, and sent his aids- 
de-camp to visit the hospitals, and to present, in his name, each 
wounded soldier with a Napoleon (165. 8d.). To the wounded 
officers he caused gratuities to be distributed from five hundred 
to three thousand francs, (£21. to £l25.) according to their rank. 

The emperor then set out for Schoenbrunn, where he arrived 
without stopping at Vienna, through which he passed during the 
night. On the day after his arrival he received, for the first time, 
M. Haugwitz, who had been for some time in Vienna, negotiating 
with M. de Talleyrand, and who, it must be confessed, found him- 
self in the most critical situation in which a diplomatist could be 
placed. He was very ill received, as may be supposed. He was at 
Vienna to wait the issue of events, and those events had not 
taken a turn favourable to Prussia. Napoleon, whom victory had 
placed in the most triumphant situation, treated the envoy with 
great haughtiness and severity. "Do you think," said Napoleon, 
"that your master hath kept faith with me? It would have been 
more honourable in him to have declared war against me openly, 
even though he had no motive for doing so. He then would have 
served his new allies, for I should have had to look two ways before 
I gave battle. You wish to be the friends of all parties, but that 
is impossible — you must choose between them and me. If you 

* " By the treaty of Presburg, Austria yielded the Venetian territories to the king- 
dom of Italy ; her ancient possessions of the Tyrol and Voralberg were transferred to 
Bavaria, to remunerate that elector for the part he had taken in the war; Wirtemberg, 
having also adopted the French side, received recompense of the same kind at the 
expense of the same power ; and both of these electors were advanced to the dignity 
of kings. Bavaria received Anspach and Bareuth from Prussia, and, in return, oeded 
Berg, which was erected into a grand duchy, and conferred, in sovereignty, on Napo- 
leon's brother-in-law, Murat. Finally, by the treaty concluded at Vienna on the 26th, 
Prussia added Hanover to her dominions, in return for the cession of Anspach and 
Bareuth, and acquiescence in the other arrangements above mentioned. 

" Eugene Beauharnois, son of Josephine, and Viceroy of Italy, received in marriage 
the eldest daughter of the new King of Bavaria ; this being the first occasion on which 
Napoleon manifested openly his desire to connect his family with the old sovereign 
houses of Europe. It was announced, at the same time, that in case the emperor should 
die without male issue, the crown of Italy would descend to Eugene." 



300 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

wish to go with them, I do not object ; but if you remain with me, 
I must have sincerity. I would rather have avowed enemies than 
false friends. What does this mean ? You call yourselves my allies, 
and you permit a body of thirty thousand Russians to communi- 
cate through your states with the grand army : nothing can justify 
such conduct; it is an open act of hostility. If your powers do 
not permit you to treat of all these questions, get them extended. 
As for myself, I shall march against my enemies wherever they are 
to be found." I was informed by Lauriston that the emperor was 
so excited during this conversation, that he could be hed^'d dis- 
tinctly by those who were in the adjoining room. 

The situation of M. Haugwitz must have been peculiarly deli- 
cate, especially as Napoleon's complaints against Prussia were not 
without foundation. The truth is, that Haugwitz had come from 
Berlin solely in quality of observer, and having only conditional 
instructions. Had the emperor been beaten by the coalition, the 
cabinet of Berlin had instructed its representative to declare openly 
the alliance of Prussia with Russia and Austria; but the result of 
the battle being so disastrous, he was obliged to conceal the object 
of his mission. Haugwitz, seeing no other means of averting the 
storm which was ready to burst upon Prussia, took upon himself, 
without the authority of his sovereign, to sign a treaty, by virtue 
of which the margravates of Bareuth and Anspach were exchanged 
for Hanover. 

While all this was going on at Vienna, I received the Berlin 
bulletins, which informed me that Von Hardenberg had just 
signed, hy order of his master, another treaty with England, which 
rendered the situation of Prussia with respect to her two allies 
extremely difficult and complicated. It was impossible for her to 
continue in her present situation, for with Napoleon there was no 
possibility of her screening herself under the plea of neutrality. 
Thus Prussia could not avoid war, and all that remained to her 
was, the choice of maintaining it against France or England. By 
her treaty with England, she received a subsidy of £1,500,000; 
and while nothing was known at the French head-quarters respect- 
ing this second negotiation, or any doubt entertained respecting 
the validity of the treaty concluded by Haugwitz; the Russian 
General Buxhoevden, at the head of thirty thousand men, crossed 
the Vistula at Warsaw, and advanced upon Bohemia by Breslaw. 
This was one of the results of the Emperor Alexander's visit to 
Berlin, he having succeeded in inducing the King of Prussia to 
make common cause along with Russia, Austria, and England ; 
never expecting that France could triumph over them all; but the 
fortune of Napoleon ordained otherwise. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 301 

Napoleon received at Vienna intelligence of the disastrous battle 
of Trafalgar. In France, that event was only known by report, 
and through the medium of the foreign newspapers, which were 
then prohibited. So completely did Napoleon succeed in veil- 
ing that disaster in obscurity, that, previous to the restoration, 
it was scarcely known in France. It was, however, very well 
known at Hamburg, it having been communicated by the mer- 
chants. The issue of the battle was to us equivalent to the 
destruction of our fleet, for we lost eighteen ships ; and the other 
thirteen returned to Cadiz dreadfully damaged. The battle of 
Trafalgar was fatal to the three admirals engaged in it. Nelson 
was killed, Gravina died of his wounds, and Villeneuve was made 
prisoner, and on his return to France put a period to his life. 

Napoleon was profoundly afflicted at this event, but at the time 
he did not express his mortification, for he never allowed himself 
to be engrossed with two subjects of equal interest at the same 
time. He showed the same self-command at Vienna, when he 
received intelligence of the financial crisis which occurred at Paris 
during his absence. 

This depreciation of the bank paper and general disquietude 
originated in some extensive speculations of M. Ouvrard, who was 
then one of the greatest capitalists in Europe. He told me, that 
before the 18th Brumaire he was possessed of sixty millions, without 
owing a franc to any one. I had been made acquainted, through 
the commercial correspondence betw^een Hamburg and Paris, 
with the operation, planned by M. Ouvrard, in consequence of 
which he was to obtain piasters from Spanish America, at a price 
much below the real value, and had learned that he was obliged 
to support this enterprise by the funds which he and his partners 
previously employed in victualling the forces. A fresh investment 
of capital was therefore necessary for this service, which, when 
on a large scale, requires extensive advances, and the tardy pay- 
ment of the treasury at that period was well known. 

This celebrated financier has been the object of great public 
attention. The prodigious variations of fortune which he has 
experienced, the activity of his life, the immense commercial 
operations in which he has been engaged, the extent and boldness 
of his enterprises, render it necessary, in forming a judgment of 
M. Ouvrard, to examine his conduct with due care and delibera- 
tion. The son of a paper-maker, who was able merely through his 
own resources to play so remarkable a part, could be no ordinary 
man. It may be said of M. Ouvrard, what Beaumarchais said of 
himself, that his life was really a combat. I have known him long, 
and I saw much of him in his relations with Josephine. He always 

26 



303 MEJIOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

appeared to me to possess great knowledge of the world, accom- 
panied by honourable principles, and a high degree of generosity, 
W'hich added greatly to the value of his prudence and discretion. 
No human power, no consideration, not even the ingratitude of 
those whom he had obliged, could induce him to disclose any sacri- 
fice A^hich he had made at the time when, under the Directory, 
the public revenue may be said to have been always at the dis- 
posal of the highest bidder, and when no business could be brought 
to a conclusion except by him who set about it with his hands full 
of money. To this security, with which M. Ouvrard impressed all 
official persons who rendered him services, I attribute the facility 
with which he obtained the direction of the numerous enterprises 
in which he engaged, and which produced so many changes in his 
fortune. The discretion of M. Ouvrard was not quite agreeable 
to the first consul, ^'S'ho found it impossible to extract from him the 
information he wanted. He tried every method to obtain from 
him the names of persons to wdiom he had given those kind of 
subsidies, which, in vulgar language, are called sops in the pan, 
and, by ladies, pin-money. Often have I seen Bonaparte resort to 
every possible contrivance to gain his object. He would some- 
times endeavour to alarm M. Ouvrard by menaces, and at others 
to flatter him by promises, but he was in no instance successful. 

While we were at the Luxembourg, on, as I recollect, the 25th 
of January, 1800, Bonaparte said to me during breakfast, "Bour- 
rienne, my resolution is taken. I shall have Ouvrard arrested." 
— '"General, have you proofs against him?" — "Proofs, indeed! 
He is a money-dealer, a monopolizer, we must make him regorge. 
All the contractors, all the provision agents, are rogues. How 
have they got their fortunes ? at the expense of the country, to be 
sure. I will not suffer such doings. They possess millions, they 
roll in an insolent luxury, while my soldiers have neither bread 
nor shoes ! I will have no more of that. I intend to speak on the 
business to-day in the council, and we shall see what can be done." 

I waited with impatience for his return from the council, to 
know what had passed: "Well, general," said I . . . . "The order 
is given." On hearing this, I became anxious about the fate of 
31. Ouvrard, ^^•ho was thus treated more like a subject of the 
Grand Turk than a citizen of the republic ; but I soon learned that 
the order had not been executed, because he could not be found. 

Next day I learned that a person, whom I shall not name, who 
was present at the council, and who probably was under obli- 
gations to Ouvrard, w-rote him a note in pencil, to inform him that 
a vote for his arrest had been carried by the first consul. This 
individual stepped out for a moment, and despatched his servant 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 303 

with the note to Ouvrard. Having thus escaped the writ of arrest, 
Ouvrard, after a few days had passed over, reappeared, and sur- 
rendered himself prisoner. Bonaparte was at first furious, on 
learning that he had got out of the way; but on hearing that 
Ouvrard had surrendered himself, he said to me, "The fool! he 
does not know what is awaiting him. He wishes to make the 
public believe that he has nothing to fear; that his hands are 
clean. But he is playing a bad game; he will gain nothing in that 
way with me. All talking is nonsense. You may be sure, Bour- 
rienne, that when a man has so much money, he cannot have got 
it honestly, and then all those fellows are dangerous with their 
fortunes. In the time of a revolution, no man ought to have more 
than three millions, and that is a great deal too much." 

Before going to prison, Ouvrard took care to secure against all 
the searches of the police any of his papers which might have 
compromised persons with whom he had dealings; and I believe 
that there were individuals, connected with the police itself, who 
had good reason for not regretting the opportunity which M. 
Ouvrard had taken for exercising this precaution. Seals, how- 
ever, were put upon his papers; but, on examining them, none of 
the information Bonaparte so much desired to obtain was found. 
Nevertheless, on one point his curiosity was satisfied, for, on look- 
ing over the documents, he found that Madame Bonaparte had 
been borrowing money from Ouvrard. 

I do not recollect to what circumstance he was indebted for his 
liberty; but it is certain that his captivity did not last long. 
Some time after he had left prison, Bonaparte asked him for twelve 
millions, which M. Ouvrard refused. 

On his accession to the consulate, Bonaparte found M. Ouvrard 
contractor for supplying the Spanish fleet under the command of 
Admiral Massaredo. This business introduced him to a cor- 
respondence with the famous Prince of Peace. The contract 
lasted three years, and M. Ouvrard gained by it a net profit of 
fifteen millions. 

In 1802, a dreadful scarcity afflicted France, and to remedy the 
distress was urgent. M. Ouvrard took upon himself, in concert 
with Wanlerberghe, the task of importing foreign grain, to prevent 
the troubles which might otherwise have been expected. In pay- 
ment of the grain, the foreign houses which sent it drew upon 
Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe for twenty-six millions of francs in 
treasury-bills, which, according to the agreement with the govern- 
ment, were to be paid. But when the bills of the foreign houses 
became due, there was no money in the treasury, and payment 
was refused. After six months had elapsed, payment was offered ; 



304 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

but on condition that the government should retain half the profit 
of the commission. This Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe refused ; 
upon which the treasury thought it most economical to pay- 
nothing, and the debt remained long unsettled. Notwithstanding 
this transaction, Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe engaged to victual the 
navy, which they supplied for six years and three months. After 
the completion of these different services, the debt due to them 
amounted to sixty-eight millions. 

In consequence of the long delay of payment by the treasury, 
the disbursements for supplies of grain amounted at last to more 
than forty millions ; and the difficulties which arose had a serious 
effect on the credit of the principal dealers with those persons who 
supplied them. The discredit spread, and gradually reached the 
treasury, the embarrassments of which augmented with the gen- 
eral disquietude. Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Seguin, were the 
persons whose capital and credit rendered them most capable of 
relieving the treasury. And they agreed to advance for that pur- 
pose one hundred and two millions, in return for which they were 
allowed bonds of the receivers-general to the amount of one hun- 
dred and fifty millions. M. Desprez undertook to be the medium 
through which the one hundred and two millions were to be paid 
into the treasury, and the three partners transferred the bonds 
to him. 

Spain had concluded a treaty with France, by which she was 
bound to pay a subsidy of seventy-two millions of francs. 

Thirty-two millions had become due without any payment being 
made. It was thought advisable that Ouvrard should be sent to 
Madrid to obtain a settlement. It was on this occasion he entered 
into the immense speculation for trading with Spanish America. 

Spain wished to pay the thirty-two millions which were due to 
France as soon as possible, but her coffers were empty, and good- 
will does not insure ability; besides, in addition to the distress of 
the government, a dreadful famine raged in Spain. In this state 
of things, Ouvrard proposed to the Spanish government to pay the 
debt due to France, to import a supply of coi'n, and to advance 
funds for the relief of the Spanish treasury. For this he required 
two conditions: 1. The exclusive right of trading with America. 
2. The right of bringing from America, on his own account, all 
the specie belonging to the crown, with the power of making loans 
guaranteed and payable by the Spanish treasuries. 

About the end of July, 1805, the embarrassment which some 
time before had begun to be felt in the finances of Europe was 
alarmingly augmented. Under these circumstances, it was obvi- 
ously the interest of Ouvrard to procure payment as soon as pos- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 305 

sible of the thirty-two millions which he had advanced for Spain 
to the French treasury. He therefore redoubled his efforts to 
brino- his negotiation to a favourable issue, and at last succeeded 
in getting a deed of partnership between himself and Charles IV. 
signed, which contained the following stipulation : " Ouvrard and 
Company are authorized to introduce into the ports of the New 
World every kind of merchandise and production necessary for 
the consumption of those countries, and to export from the Span- 
ish colonies, during the continuance of the war with England, 
all the productions and all specie derivable from them." This 
treaty was only to be in force during the war with England, and 
it was stipulated that the profits arising from the transactions of 
the company should be equally divided between Charles IV. and 
the rest of the company ; that is to say, one-half to the king, and 
the other half to his partners. 

The consequences of this extraordinary partnership between a 
king and a private individual remain to be staged. On the signing 
of the deed, Ouvrard received drafts from the treasury of Madrid 
to the extent of fifty-two millions five hundred thousand piasters ; 
making two hundred and sixty-two millions five hundred thousand 
francs; but the piasters were to be brought from America, while 
the terms of the treaty required that the urgent wants of the 
Spanish government should be immediately supplied ; and,' above 
all, the progress of the famine checked. To accomplish this object, 
fresh advances to an enormous amount were necessary ; for M. 
Ouvrard had to begin by furnishing two millions of quintals of 
grain, at the rate of twenty-six francs the quintal. Besides all 
this, before he could realize a profit, and be reimbursed for the 
advances he had made to the treasury of Paris, he had to get the 
piasters conveyed from America to Europe. After some difficulty, 
the English government consented to facilitate the execution of 
the transaction by furnishing four frigates for the conveyance of 
the piasters. 

Ouvrard had scarcely completed the outline of his extraordi- 
nary enterprise, when the emperor suddenly broke up his camp at 
Boulogne, to march for Germany. It will readily be conceived 
that Ouvrard's interests then imperatively required his presence 
at Madrid; but he was recalled to Paris by the minister of the 
treasury, who wished to adjust his accounts with him. The 
emperor wanted money for the war on which he was entering; 
and to procure it for the treasury, Ouvrard was sent to Amster- 
dam to negotiate with the house of Hope. He succeeded, and 
Mr. David Parish became the company's agent. 

Having concluded this business, Ouvrard returned in all haste 
U 26* 



306 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

to Madrid ; but, in the midst of tlie most flattering hopes and most 
gigantic enterprises, he suddenly found himself threatened with a 
dreadful crisis. M. Desprez had, with the concurrence of the 
treasmy, been allowed to take upon himself all the risk of exe- 
cuting the treaty, by which one hundred and fifty millions were 
to be advanced for the year 1804, and four hundred millions for 
the year 1805. Under the circumstances which had arisen, the 
minister of the treasury considered himself entitled to call upon 
Ouvrard to place at his disposal ten millions of the piasters which 
he had received from Spain. The minister at the same time 
informed him that he had made arrangements on the faith of this 
advance, which he thought could not be refused at so urgent a 
moment. 

The embarrassments of the ti'easury, and the well-known integ- 
rity of the minister, M. de Barbi^-Marbois, induced Ouvrard to 
remit the ten millions of piasters. But a few days after he had 
forwarded the mon^y, a commissioner of the treasury arrived at 
Madrid with a ministerial despatch, in which Ouvrard was 
requested to deliver to the commissioner all the assets he could 
command, and to return immediately to Paris. 

The treasury was then in the greatest difficulty, and a general 
alarm prevailed. This serious financial distress was occasioned 
by the' following circumstances. The treasury had, by a circular, 
notified to the receivers-general that Desprez was the holder of 
their bonds. They were also authorized to transmit to him all 
their disposable funds, to be placed to their credit in an account 
current. Perhaps the giving of this authority was a great error; 
but, be that as it may, Desprez, encouraged by the complaisance 
of the treasury, desired the receivers-general to transmit to him 
all the sums they could procure for payment of interest under eight 
per cent., promising to allow them a higher rate of interest. As 
the credit of the house of Desprez stood high, it may easily be con- 
ceived that, on such conditions, the receivers-general, who were 
besides secured by the authority of the treasury, would enter 
eagerly into the proposed plan. In short, the receivers-general 
soon transmitted very considerable sums. Chests of money arrived 
daily from every point of France. Intoxicated by this success, 
Desprez engaged in speculations, which, in his situation, were 
extremely imprudent. He lent more than fifty millions to the mer- 
chants of Paris, which left him no command of specie. Being 
obliged to raise money, he deposited with the bank the bonds ojp 
the receivers-general which had been consigned to him. but which 
were already discharged by the sums transmitted to their credit 
in the account current. The bank, wishing to be reimbursed for 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. • 307 

the money advanced to Desprez, applied to the receivers-general 
v^hose bonds were held in security. This proceeding had become 
necessaiy on the part of the bank, as Desprez, instead of making 
his payments in specie, sent in his acceptances. The directors of 
the bank, who conducted that establishment with great integrity 
and discretion, began to be alarmed, and required Desprez to 
explain the state of his affairs. The suspicions of the directors 
became daily stronger, and were soon shared by the public. At 
last the bank was obliged to stop payment, and its notes were soon 
at a discount of twelve per cent. 

The minister of the treasury, dismayed, as well may be supposed, 
at such a state of things, during the emperor's absence, convoked 
a council, at which Joseph Bonaparte presided, and to which 
Desprez and Wanlerberghe were summoned. Ouvrard being 
informed of this financial convulsion, made all possible haste from 
Madrid, and, on his arrival at Paris, sought assistance from 
Amsterdam. Hope's house offered to take fifteen millions of 
piasters, at the rate of three francs seventy-five centimes each. 
Ouvrard having engaged to pay the Spanish government only three 
francs, would very willingly have parted with them at that rate, 
but his hasty departure from Madrid, and the financial events at 
Paris, affected his relations with the Spanish treasury, and ren- 
dered it impossible for him to afford any support to the treasury 
of France ; thus the alarm continued, until the news of the battle 
of Austerlitz, and the consequent hope of peace, tranquillized the 
public mind. The bankruptcy of Desprez was dreadful ; it was 
followed by the failure of several houses, the credit of which was 
previously undoubted. 

To temper the exultation which victory was calculated to excite, 
the news of the desperate situation of the treasury and the bank 
reached the emperor on the day after the battle of Austerlitz. 
The alarming accounts which he received hastened his return to 
France ; and, on the very evening on which he arrived in Paris, 
he pronounced, while ascending the stairs of the Tuileries, the dis- 
missal of M. de Barbe-Marbois. Such was the financial catas- 
trophe which occurred dui^ing the campaign of Vienna; but all 
was not over with Ouvrard, and, in so great a confusion of affairs, 
it was to be expected that the imperial hand, which was not 
always the hand of justice, should make itself be somewhere felt. 

In the course of the month of February, 1806, the emperor 
issued two decrees, in which he declared Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, 
and Michel, contractors for the service of 1804, and Desprez, their 
agent, debtors to the amount of eighty-seven millions, which they 
had misapplied in private speculations, and in transactions with 



308 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Spain, "for their personal interests." Who would not suppose, 
from this phrase, that Napoleon had taken no part whatever in the 
great financial operation between Spain and South America? 
He was, however, intimately acquainted with it, and was himself 
really personally interested. But whenever any enterprise was 
unsuccessful, he always wished to disclaim all connexion with it. 
Possessed of title-deeds made up by himself — that is to say, his own 
decrees — the emperor seized all the piasters, and other property 
belonging to the company, and derived from the transaction great 
pecuniary advantage — though such advantage never could be 
regarded by a sovereign as any compensation for the dreadful 
state into which public credit had been brought. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



The King of Sweden ; Projects in Holland ; Negotiations for Peace ; Mr. Fox, Britisti Minister ; 
Intended Assassination of Napoleon ; Propositions made through Lord Yarmouth ; the Emperor 
returns to Paris ; Creation of the new Nobility. 

I HAVE been somewhat defuse respecting the enterprises of M. 
Ouvrai'd, and on the disastrous state of the finances dui'ing the 
campaign of Vienna; but I shall now return to the minister plen- 
ipotentiary's cabinet, and state such circumstances as came within 
my knowledge. The facts will not always be stated in a con- 
nected series, because they often had no more particular connexion 
than the pleadings of the barristers who succeed each other in a 
court of justice. 

On the 5th of January, 1805, the King of Sweden arrived before 
the gates of Hamburg. The senate, surrounded on all sides by 
English, Swedish, and Russian troops, detei'mined to send a depu- 
tation to the Swedish monarch, who, however, hesitated so long 
about receiving this homage, that fears were entertained lest his 
refusal should be accompanied by some act of aggression. He, 
however, at last permitted two deputies to come to him, and they 
returned well satisfied with their reception. 

His complaint against the Senate of Hamburg arose from my 
having demanded and obtained the removal of the colours which 
used to be suspended over the door of the house for receiving 
Austrian recruits. The poor senate was kept in constant alarm 
by so dangerous a neighbour. He had fixed his head-quarters at 
Boetzenburg, on the northern bank of the Elbe; and, in order to 
amuse himself, he sent for Dr. Gall, who was at Hamburg, where 
he delivered a series of lectures on his system. I had the pleasure 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 309 

of knowing Dr. Gall, and one occasion, when he went to the head- 
quarters of the King of Sweden, I said to him, "My dear doctor, 
you will certainly discover the bump of vanity." The truth is, 
that had the doctor at that period been permitted to examine the 
heads of the sovereigns of Europe, they would have afforded very 
curious craniological studies. It was not the King of Sweden 
alone who gave uneasiness to Hamburg, for the King of Prussia 
had threatened to seize it, and to subject it to his fiscal regulations, 
which would have had the effect of destroying the commercial 
prosperity of the city. 

Hanover, no longer occupied by the French troops, was used 
by the English as a sort of recruiting station, where every man 
who presented himself was enlisted, in order to complete the Han- 
overian regiment, which was then about being raised. They scat- 
tered gold in handfuls. The English employed in this service a 
hundred and fifty carriages, with six horses to each, which con- 
firmed me in my former opinion that they, in conjunction with 
the Russians, were about to undertake an expedition against Hol- 
land. On the first indication of this intention, I sent off informa- 
tion to the emperor by express. The aim of the Anglo-Russians, 
who were not aware that peace had been concluded at Presburg, 
was to create a diversion in the movements of the French armies 
in Germany. The advanced guard of the Russians soon arrived 
at Affersburg, four leagues from Bremen, and the whole of the 
Allied forces marched through the bishopric of Osnaburg; not a 
moment, therefore, was to be lost in reuniting all the troops at our 
disposal for the preservation of Holland ; but it is not my purpose 
at present to treat of this expedition ; I only wish to afford an idea 
of our situation at Hamburg, surrounded as we were on all sides 
by Swedish, EngUsh, and Russian troops. I frequently received, 
from the minister of marine, letters and packets to be forwarded 
to the Isle of France, for the retention of which place the emperor 
evinced considerable anxiety ; and I had much difficulty in finding 
vessels bound for that colony who would take charge of the min- 
ister's despatches. The death of Pitt, and the nomination of Mr. 
Fox to the ministry, opened a fair prospect of peace. It was well 
known that this latter statesman, in succeeding to the office of 
Mr. Pitt, did not inherit his violent hatred against France and its 
emperor; a mutual esteem existed between them, and Mr. Fox 
had shown himself really sincere in his professions for peace. Its 
practicability he had always insisted upon while in opposition to 
Mr. Pitt; and Bonaparte himself, from the high regard he had for 
Mr. Fox, might have been induced to yield in some points, the 
very idea of which he would otherwise have rejected with indig- 



310 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

nation. But two obstacles (I might almost say insmnnountable 
ones) were opposed to it. The first was, the conviction on the 
part of England, that this peace would never be any thing more 
than a truce, of longer or shorter duration, and that Bonaparte 
would still continue to pursue his scheme of universal dominion. 
And the other, the belief which was firmly entertained that Napo- 
leon meditated the invasion of England. Could this have been 
efiected, it would have been less with a view of giving a mortal 
blow to her commerce, and destroying her maritime supremacy 
over France, than of abolishing the liberty of the press, which he 
had totally annihilated on his own side of the Channel. The sight 
of a free people, separated from them only by one- and- twenty 
miles of sea, was, in his opinion, a tempting aspect to the French, 
and a most powerful incentive to such of them as bore the yoke 
with reluctance. 

Almost at the commencement of INIr. Fox's ministry, a French- 
man proposed to him the assassination of the emperor: the min- 
ister wrote immediately to M. de Talleyrand to inform him of the 
circumstance. He intimated to him that, although the English 
laws forbade the detention of an individual not actually convicted 
of any crime, yet, on this occasion, he would take it upon himself 
not to suffer such a wretch to go at large, until such time as the 
head of the French government could be put on his guard against 
his attempts. Mr. Fox added, that he had at first done this indi- 
vidual "the honour to take him for a spy," an expression which 
sufficiently marked the indignation and disgust with which the 
English minister regarded him. 

This information, so honourably imparted, was the key which 
opened the door to fresh neo-otiations. M. de Talleyrand was 
directed to express to Mr. Fox that the emperor was deeply 
affected with this proof of the principles by which the British 
cabinet was governed. Nor did Napoleon confine himself to this 
diplomatic courtesy ; he considered it a favourable opportunity to 
create an impression that on his part the desire for peace was 
sincere. He summoned to Paris Lord Yarmouth, the most dis- 
tinguished among those English subjects who had been so unjustly 
detained prisoners at Yerdun, on the infraction of the treaty of 
Amiens. He commissioned his lordship to propose to the British 
government to enter into negotiations, oftering, on his part, to 
recognise the possession by England of the Cape of Good Hope 
and Malta. By some, this concession of Bonaparte has been 
extolled as a mark of his moderation; by others, he has been 
blamed as willing to make too gi'eat a sacrifice; as if the cession 
of the Cape of Good Hope and Malta were to be put in competi- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 311 

tion with the recognition of his title of emperor, the establishment 
of the Jiingdom of Italy, the acquisition of Genoa and of all the 
Venetian states, the dethronement of the King of Naples, the gift 
of his kingdom to Joseph; and, finally, the new partition of Ger- 
many. All these events, which had taken place subsequently to 
the treaty of Amiens, were not even alluded to by Bonaparte, and 
certainly were advantages which he had no intention to forego. 
The letters which I received from Paris frequently dwelt on the 
prospect of peace — a sentiment in which I could not participate, 
being too well acquainted with the emperor to repose any faith in 
his sincerity, especially after the successful campaign of Vienna, 
which opened a wider prospect to his ambition — a passion which 
appeared to increase in proportion as it was gratified. Every day, 
indeed, afforded me fresh proofs that this ambition was insatiable. 
The fact was. Napoleon coveted the possession of the Hanse 
Towns. My instructions, however, were at first merely to make 
overtures to the senates of each of these three towns, and to 
endeavour to make them sensible of the advantage it would be 
to them to enjoy the protection of Napoleon in exchange for 
the trifling sacrifice of six millions to be advanced to him. On 
this subject, I had several conferences with the magistrates, who 
at first objected to the sum as being too exorbitant, representing 
to me at the same time that the city was by no means so rich as 
formerly, as the war had created so many obstacles to their com- 
merce; and the senate, at length, for which I could not greatly 
blame them, signified to me, in the most delicate manner possible, 
that their circumstances would not permit them to accept the 
"generous proposal" of the emperor. For my own part, Icould 
not but consider the proposition I had to make as in the highest 
degree absurd ; since, in fact, there was no real advantage what- 
ever I could offer to the Hanse Towns as an equivalent for their 
money. Against whom, too, could he offer to protect them? 
Prussia, Sweden, Russia, and England, might be, and probably 
were, desirous of obtaining possession of these towns, but the very 
wish which those powers entertained in common, proved the real 
security of the former; for it is very certain, that if the attempt 
had been made by either, the other three would immediately have 
interposed to prevent it. The truth is, that Napoleon even then 
wished to make an open seizure of these places, a pretext for which, 
however, he was not able to find till about four years afterwards. 
The emperor arrived at Paris about the end of January, 1806. 
Having created kings in Germany, he deemed it a favourable 
opportunity for surrounding his throne with a new race of princes. 
At this period, therefore, he created Murat Grand Duke of Cleves 



312 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

and Berg; Bernadotte. Prince of Ponte Corvo; M. de Talleyrand, 
Duke of Benevento,, and his two former colleagues, Cambaceres 
and Lebrun, Dukes of Parma and Placenza. He likewise gave 
to his sister Pauline, who had a short time before contracted a 
second marriage with the Prince Borghese, the title of Duchess 
ot Guastalla. How extraordinary the course of events ! Who 
could then have foreseen that the Duchy of Cambaceres would 
aflbrd a refuge to a Princess of Austria, the widow of Xapoleon, 
ere death had made her so? 

The atiairs of the Bourbon princes now wore every day a more 
unfavourable aspect, and such was the exhausted state of their 
finances, that it was intimated to the emigrants at Brimswick that 
the pretender could no longer continue their pensions. This pro- 
duced the greatest consternation among them, as it deprived many 
of their sole means of existence, who, notwithstanding their fidelity 
to the royal cause, were by no means disinclined that it should be 
strengthened by a pension. Among these emigrants was an indi- 
vidual whose name will occupy no ambiguous place in history; I 
allude to Dumouriez, of whom I have before spoken, and who was 
now busying himself in the peaceful employment of distributing 
pamphlets. He was then at Stralsund. and it was supposed the 
King of Sweden would entrust him with a command. The un- 
settled life of this general, who wandered from place to place 
soliciting, but in vain, to be employed against his native country, 
rendered him an object of general ridicule ; in fact, he was every 
where looked upon with contempt. 

"With a view to put an end to all disputes, as regarded Holland 
— which Dumouriez dreamed of conquering with an army which 
existed only in his own imagination — and dissatisfied moreover 
with the Dutch, who had not excluded English vessels from thek 
ports so rigorously as he desired, the emperor formed these states 
into a kingdom, which he conferred upon his brother Louis. 

When, with other otficial matters, I communicated to the states 
of the circle of Lower Saxony, the accession of Louis to the 
throne of Holland, and the nomination of Cardinal Fesch as coad- 
jutor and successor of the Arch-chancellor of the Germanic 
empire, I remarked that the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was 
the only one who made no reply to me, and I learned afterwards 
that he had applied to the court of Petersburg for instructions, 
'•w-hether, and in what way, he should reply." He at the same 
time sent information to the emperor of the marriage of his 
daughter, the Princess Charlotte Frederica. with Prince Christian 
Frederick of Denmark. 

At this period it would have been ditficuh to foresee in what 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 313 

way this union was destined to terminate. The prince was young, 
possessed of an agreeable exterior, and amiable disposition ; every 
thing seemed to promise that he would prove a good husband. 
As to the princess, she was in person exceedingly beautiful, but 
her mind was thoughtless and volatile in the extreme ; in short, 
she was completely a spoiled child. She adored her husband, 
and for several years their union was perfectly happy; little 
indeed did they imagine that they were afterwards to be separated 
for ever. The princess was at this time in all the height of her 
beauty; fetes were frequently given in her honour on the banks 
of the Elbe, at which the prince always opened the ball with 
Madame de Bourrienne. Lovely as she was, however, the Prin- 
cess Charlotte could not secure the affection of the Danish court, 
which was occupied in intrigues against her. I am not aware 
that there were any real grounds of reproach in her behaviour, 
but the stately dames of the court objected to her continual levi- 
ties, and, whether with reason or not, her husband considered 
himself obliged to separate from her; she was accordingly sent at 
the commencement of 1809 to Altona, attended by a chamberlain 
and a maid of honour. On her arrival, she gave herself up to 
despair; her's, however, was not a silent grief, for she related her 
history to every body. The unfortunate lady really excited com- 
miseration when she wept for her son, three years of age, whom 
she was destined never to see again. But her natural levity soon 
gained the ascendancy; she did not continue to observe the deco- 
rum becoming her station, and some months afterwards was sent 
into Jutland, where, I believe, she is still Uving. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Menaces of Prussia; Hostilities commenced between France and Prassia ; Battle of Jena; Death of 
the Duke of Brunswick. 

In September, 1806, it was pretty evident tnat, as soon as war 
should break out between France and Prussia, Russia would not 
be long in forming an alliance with the latter. Peace, however, 
had been reestablished between Napoleon and Alexander by vir- 
tue of a treaty just signed at Paris, by which Russia engaged to 
evacuate the mouths of the Cataro, a condition which she showed 
no great readiness to fulfil. I received, too, a number of the St. 
Petersburg Court Gazette, containing an ukase of the Emperor of 
Russia, in which he pointed out the dangers which again menaced 
Europe; and showed the necessity which existed of watching 

27 



SI4 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

over the general tranquillity and the security of his own empire, 
declaring his intention, in consequence, not only of completing, but 
augmenting his army. A levy therefore was ordered of four men 
out of every five hundred inhabitants. — Before the commencement 
of hostilities, Duroc was sent to the King of Prussia, in order to 
discover if there were yet a possibility of renewing negotiations; 
but affairs were already too much embarrassed, and all his endeav- 
ours were ineffectual. Perhaps, too, the King of Prussia had it 
no longer in his power to avoid a war with France; but be that 
as it may, he certainly had just grounds of complaint against her 
emperor. For although the latter, as we have seen, had given 
Hanover to him in exchange for the two margravates, he had 
nevertheless offered the restitution of that province to England, 
as one of the conditions of the treaty entered into with Mr. Fox. 
These clandestine proceedings were not unknown to the Berlin 
cabinet, and thus Duroc's mission was rendered useless by Napo- 
leon's duplicity. 

The King of Prussia was at this time at Weimar. The period 
was now approaching when the horrors of war were to be renewed 
in Germany, and in proportion as the hopes of peace w'ere dimin- 
ished, the threats of Prussia redoubled. Inspired by the memory 
of the great Frederic, she was utterly averse to peace. Her meas- 
ures, which hitherto had been sufficiently moderate, all at once 
assumed a menacing character, upon learning that the minister 
of the King of England had announced to parliament that France 
had consented to the restitution of Hanover. The French min- 
ister intimated to Prussia that this was a preliminary step towards 
a general peace, and that she w'ould be liberally indemnified in 
return. But the King of Prussia, well aware how pertinaciously 
the house of Hanover clung to this ancient domain, which gave 
to England a certain preponderance in Germany, considered him- 
self trifled with, and determined on war. He was, moreover, 
ambitious of the character of the liberator of Germany, and 
rejected every offer of compensation. Under these circumstances, 
Lord Lauderdale having been recalled from Paris by his govern- 
ment, the w^ar with England continued, and was about to com- 
mence with Prussia. The cabinet of Berlin sent an ultimatum, 
couched in terms which almost amounted to a defiance. From 
the well-known character of Napoleon, we may judge of his irri- 
tation at this ultimatum ; and after a stay of eight months in 
Paris, passed in ineffectual negotiations, he set out on the 25th of 
September for the Rhine. On the 10th of October, 1806, hostili- 
ties commenced between France and Prussia, and I demanded of 
the senate that a stop should be put to the Prussian recruiting. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 315 

The news of a great victory gained by the emperor over the 
Prussians on the 14th of October, was brought to Hamburg on 
the 19th by some fugitives, who gave such contradictory and 
exaggerated accounts of the loss the French army had sustained, 
that it was not till the 28th of October, when the official des- 
patches arrived, that we knew whether to mourn or rejoice at 
the victory of Jena, 

The Duke of Brunswick, who was dangerously wounded at 
the battle of Auerstaedt, arrived on the 29th of October at Altona. 
His entrance into that city presented a new and striking illustra- 
tion of the vicissitudes of fortune. A sovereign prince, of high 
military reputation, but lately in the peaceable enjoyment of power 
in his own capital, now vanquished and wounded, was brought 
into Altona on a wretched litter borne by ten men, without offi- 
cers or attendants, followed by a crowd of children and vagabonds 
drawn together by curiosity. He was lodged in a miserable inn, 
so much exhausted by fatigue and the pain in his eyes, that, the 
day after his arrival, his death was very generally reported. Dr. 
Unzer was immediately sent for to relieve the sufferings of the 
unfortunate duke; who, during the few days that he survived his 
v^ounds, saw no one but his wife, who joined him on the 1st of 
November, No visitors were admitted to see him, and on the 
10th of the same month he expired. At this juncture, Berna- 
dotte returned to Hamburg. I asked him what construction I 
was to put on his conduct while he was with Davoust, who had 
left Nauemburg to attack the Prussian army; and whether it 
were true that he had refused to march with that general, and 
afterwards to assist him in his attack upon the Prussians on the 
Weimar road? "My letters inform me," I observed, "that you 
took no part in the battle of Auerstaedt. To this statement I 
gave no credit, but doubtless you have seen the bulletin which I 
received a short time after the battle, in which it is mentioned 
that Bonaparte said at Nauemburg, in the presence of several 
officers, 'Were I to bring him before a court-martial, he would be 
shot. I shall say nothing to him about it, but he shall be at no 
loss to understand what I think of his behaviour. He has too 
nice a sense of honour not to be himself aware that he has acted 
disgracefully.'" "I think him very capable," replied Bernadotte, 
"of making those observations. He hates me, because he knows 
I have no great love for him ; but let him speak to me himself on 
the subject, and he shall have his answer. Gascon as I may be, 
he is a greater one than myself I do not deny feeling piqued at 
receiving something like orders from Davoust, but I did my duty 
notwithstanding." About the beginning of November, the Swedes 



316 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

entered Lubeck, but on the 8th of the same month the town was 
taken by assault, and the Swedes, as well as the rest of the corps 
that had escaped from Jena, were made prisoners. 

THE BATTLES OF AUERSTAEBT AND JENA. 

DESCRIBED BY GENERAL RAPP. 

" We were in possession of the whole course of the Saale, and in a 
fair way to turn the enemy's army. The calculations of the Duke of 
Brunswick were completely frustrated. He had formed the idea of 
coming up with us on the Maine, of occupying our wings by detached 
corps, and penetrating our centre before we could concentrate our 
forces. He still possessed all the threads of that vast spy system which 
had harassed France since the emigrations. He knew the force and 
the route marked out for several corps which were marching from Meu- 
don, and he did not doubt of anticipating us. Napoleon took a pleasure 
in cherishing this illusion ; he made preparations, and caused reconnois- 
sances to be taken through the whole of that line. The duke had no 
longer any doubt of having penetrated our intentions; we were to 
debouch by Kcenigshaften ; he made certain of that ; he felt perfectly 
convinced of it. Our movements on his centre were only a snare, a 
ruse de guerre; we wished to deceive him, in order to prevent him from 
debouching by the forest of Thuringen, whilst we proceeded towards 
Coburg and Memingen, in woody and mountainous countries, where his 
cavalry would have no opportunity of acting, or at least would be 
deprived of its advantage. It was of the utmost importance to anticipate 
us, and he hurried to Koenigshaften. 

" The enemy were engaged in the woods ; Napoleon marched on 
Schelitz, sixty leagues from the presumed point of attack. The third 
corps quietly reposed on the 10th at Nauemburg, in the rear of the 
Duke of Brunswick. Hostilities were of only two days' date, and that 
prince, who was already uncovered on his left, was on the eve of being 
entirely cut to pieces. His communications with the Elbe were in 
dan O'er; and he was nearly reduced to the same extremities as Mack, 
whom he had so violently censured. His advanced-guard, on arriving 
on the Maine, found the field unoccupied. This circumstance seemed 
incomprehensible ; but still it never led him to suspect the danger to 
which he was exposed. The rout of Saalfield alone shook the confidence 
which he had placed in his own safety. He hastily retraced his course. 
Weimar and Hohenlohe were directed to come up speedily, and the 
army of reserve was ordered to make a forced march. But some parties 
mistook their route, and others did not use sufficient despatch, so that 
a portion of the troops were not engaged in the battle. The duke, who 
was disconcei-ted at a system of movements so novel to him, knew not 
what determination to adopt. All these marches and arrangements, so 
rapidly succeeding each other, formed a mass of confusion, in which he 
could discern neither plan nor object. The occupation of Nauemburg 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 317 

relieved him from this perplexity: he saw his left wing about to be 
turned, or at least exposed ; he would not wait longer ; he hastily rallied 
his army of reserve, which was advancing upon Halle, and left Hohen- 
lohe at the camp of Capellendorf to mask the retrograde movement. 
His troops, who had not shared the disasters of Saalfield and Schleitz, 
ridiculed the beaten corps; they shouted, 'The king for ever! the queen 
for ever!' &c., &c. They resolved to avenge the affront offered to the 
Prussian arms : there were not enough Frenchmen for them. The duke 
himself had resumed his confidence. On the Auerstaedt road he found 
not more than thirty chasseurs. His communications were free ; it was 
impossible they could be intercepted : it was not easy to surprise a skilful 
manoeuvrer like the duke. Hohenlohe's Prussians were encamped 
behind the heights of Jena : their masses extended as far as the eye 
could reach ; they were prolonged beyond Weimar. Napoleon recon- 
noitred them on the evening of the 13th, and fixed the attack for the 
following day. In the night he distributed orders for the movements 
of the different corps. 'As to Davoust, he must march on Apolda, so 
as to fall on the rear of the enemy's army. He may take whatever 
route he may deem most expedient; I leave that to himself, provided he 
take part in the battle : if Bernadotte be at hand, he may support him. 
Berthier, issue instructions accordingly.' It was ten o'clock at night; 
all the arrangements were made, and yet the general commanding the 
enemy's force flattered himself that we could not debouch. But the 
axes of the pioneers removed every obstacle ; the rock was cut, and 
trenches were opened: the action commenced on the right and the left: 
the conflict was terrible. Davoust, in particular, was placed in a situa- 
tion in which a man of less firmness might have found his courage fail 
him. Bernadotte refused to support him ; he even forbade two divisions 
of the reserve cavalry, which, however, were not under his command, 
from taking part in the action. He paraded round Apolda, while twenty, 
six thousand French troops were engaged with seventy thousand picked 
men, commanded, by the Duke of Brunswick and the King of Prussia. 
But this circumstance only added to the glory of the commander, whom 
it might have ruined. Davoust's plans were so v/ell laid, his generals 
and his troops deployed with such skill and courage, that Blucher, with 
his twelve thousand cavalry, had not the satisfaction to cut a single com- 
pany. The king, the guards, and the whole army, attacked our troops 
without obtaining better success. 

"At Jena the victory had been no less brilliant: the rout was com- 
plete and general; the enemy fled in the utmost confusion. 

"In the evening I was directed, together with the grand duke, to pursue 
the wrecks of the Prussian army. We took some Saxon battalions, and 
we entered ■pele-mele with them into Weimar. We stationed our posts 
before the town, despatched some parties of cavalry on the Erfurt road, 
and presented ourselves at the castle. M. de Papenheim, whom I recol- 
lected having seen in Paris, came out to meet us. He was quite alarmed ; 
but we assured him he had no cause for apprehension. AH the court, 

27* 



318 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

with the exception of the grand duke and his family, were at Weimar. 
The duchess received us with perfect politeness. I was acquainted with 
several ladies of her suite, one of whom has since become my sister-in- 
law. I endeavoured to calm their fears. They took courage. Some 
few disorders took place ; but they were of little importance. 

" Murat took up his quarters at the castle. I set out to join Napoleon 
at Jena, in order to render him an account of the events of the evening. 
He did not think that they would go beyond Weimar. He was highly 
satisfied. The courage of the duchess astonished him. He did not 
imagine that the court would have waited for him. He did not like the 
family ; this he often repeated. The night was far advanced, and Napo- 
leon had just received despatches from the second corps. 'Davoust,' 
said he to me, 'has had a terrible engagement: he had King William 
and the Duke of Brunswick opposed to him. The Prussians fought 
desperately : they suffered dreadful slaughter. The duke has been 
dangerously wounded ; and the whole army seems to be in terrible dis- 
order. Bernadotte did not behave well. He would have been pleased 
had Davoust been defeated ; but the affair reflects the highest honour on 
the conqueror, and the more so as Bernadotte rendered his situation a 
difficult one. That Gascon will never do better.' 

" The battle was lost. The Prussians were no longer eager to carry 
on the war ; they wished for and invoked peace. By dint of wishing for 
an armistice, they at length persuaded themselves that one had been 
granted. Kalkreuth announced it : Blucher swore that it was concluded : 
how could it be discredited ? Soult, however, was not to be caught in the 
snare. The imprudent generosity evinced at Austerlitz had rendered 
him distrustful. He refused to afford a passage to the troops whom he 
had cut off. 'The convention you speak of is impossible!' said he to 
the field-marshal. 'Lay down your arms. I must receive the emperor's 
orders. You shall retire if he permit it.' Kalkreuth was unwilling to 
resort to this kind of expedient. It always has somewhat the appearance 
of a defeat : and he would rather have experienced one in good earnest. 
Some other columns were more fortunate. But it was only deferring the 
evil moment : they were obliged to surrender some leagues farther on. 

"The king himself was disheartened by his misfortunes. Our hus- 
sars gave him neither truce nor respite. He recollected all that Napoleon 
had done to avoid hostilities ; and he addressed a letter to him. It was 
rather late to reply to overtures which had been so ill received. 'It 
would have been better,' said Napoleon, 'had he explained himself two 
days sooner ; but no matter : I am willing to accede to any thing that is 
compatible with the dignity and interests of France. I will send Duroc 
to the King of Prussia. But there is something still more urgent yet. 
Duroc, set out immediately. Proceed to Nauemburg, to Dessau, wherever 
we have wounded troops. See that they want for nothing : visit them for 
me, each man individually. Give them all the consolation their situation 
requires. Tell them — tell the marshal, that he, his generals, and his 
troops, have acquired everlasting claims on my gratitude.' 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 319 

" He was not satisfied with this message. He wrote to assure him how 
much he was pleased with his conduct. His letter was inserted in the 
order of the day. The troops were transported with it : even the wounded 
men could not refrain from expressing their delight. 

"The emperor established his head-quarters at Weimar. He showed 
every possible mark of respect to the duchess. 

"Meanwhile, the enemy was rallying on Magdeburg. The wrecks of 
the army that had been engaged at Jena, the army of reserve, and the 
troops of Old and New Prussia, hastily repaired to that place. The Duke 
of Wirtemberg had already taken a position at Halle ; and Bernadotte 
proceeded thither. His corps had not been engaged at Auerstaedt; and 
he was eager for an opportunity to compensate the portion of glory he 
had lost. He attacked the Prussians with the bayonet; killing and rout- 
ing all that opposed him. The carnage was dreadful. On the following 
day, Napoleon visited the field of battle, and was struck with the sight 
of the heaps of dead which surrounded the bodies of some of our soldiers." 
— Memoirs of General Rapp. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 



Triumph of the French Armies ; Generous Conduct of Napoleon towards the Prince of Hatzfeld ; 
Blucher my Prisoner : his Character ; Prince Paul of Wirtemberg also a Pi-isoner ; Negotiations for 
Peace ; the Demands of Napoleon rejected ; Displeasm-e of the King of Sweden. 

Victory every where declared in favour of the French. Prince 
Hohenlohe, who commanded a division of the Prussian army, 
was obliged to capitulate at Prentzlaw. After this capitulation, 
General Blucher took the command of the remains of the corps, to 
which he reunited those troops who, being absent from Prentzlaw, 
were not included in the capitulation. These corps, in addition 
to those which Blucher had at Auerstaedt, were then almost the 
only ramparts of the Prussian monarchy. Soult and Bernadotte 
received orders from Murat for the close pursuit of Blucher, who, 
on his part, was using every effort to draw the forces of those two 
generals from Berlin. Blucher marched upon Lubeck, of which 
he took possession. General Murat pursued the wreck of the 
Prussian army, which had escaped from Saxony by way of Mag- 
deburg, and Blucher was driven back upon LulDeck. To the 
army at Berlin the destruction of this corps was of the first con- 
sequence, being under the command of a brave and skilful gen- 
eral, who drew from the centre of military operations numerous 
troops, with which he might throw himself into Hanover, or 
Hesse, or even Holland, and by a junction with the English forces 
greatly harass the rear of the grand army. The Grand Duke of 



520 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Berg explained to me his plans and expectations, and shortly after- 
wards announced their completion. His letters, among other 
particulars, informed me of the taking of Lubeck. In two of 
these letters, Murat, who was probably misinformed by his agents 
or made the dupe of some intriguer, sent me word that Moreau 
had arrived at Hamburg, and that he had passed through Paris on 
the 28th of October. His only proof of this fact was a letter of 
Fauche-Borel, which he had intercepted. I recollect a curious 
circumstance, which threw some light on this matter, and shows 
the necessity of mistrusting the intelligence which on slight sur- 
mises is often furnished to persons in authority. About a fort- 
night before I received Murat's first letter, a person came to 
acquaint me that General Moreau was in Hamburg. I gave no 
credit whatever to the information, though I used every means in 
my power to discover if there were any foundation for such a 
report, but without success. Two days afterwards I was assured 
that a certain individual had met General Moreau, that he had 
spoken to him, and knew him well from having served under him, 
together with several other circumstances which appeared suf- 
ficiently credible. I, in consequence, sent for the individual in 
question, who repeated to me what he knew of Moreau — that he 
had lately met him — that the general had inquired of him the way to 
the Jungfersteige (a public walk in Hamburg) — that he had pointed 
it out to him, adding afterwards, " Have I not the honour of address- 
ing General Moreau?" upon which the latter rephed, "Yes, but 
take no notice of having seen me, I am here incognito." All this 
appeared so absurd to me that pretending not to know Moreau, I 
requested the man to give me a description of him. The person 
he described bore no resemblance whatever to Moreau, whom he 
represented as wearing a braided French coat, with the national 
cockade in his hat. I at once perceived that the whole was an 
imposture for the purpose of getting a little money, and quickly 
sent the fellow about his business. In about a quarter of an hour 
afterwards, I received a visit from M. Chevardiere, who came to 
introduce M. Belland, the French consul at Stettin. This gentle- 
man wore a braided coat and the national cockade. He was the 
hero of the tale told by my late informer. In fact, a slight resem- 
blance between the consul of Stettin and General Moreau had 
occasioned several persons to mistake them for each other. 

Dui'ingthe campaign in Prussia, nothing was talked of throughout 
Germany but the generous conduct of Napoleon in regard to Prince 
Hatzfeld. I became possessed of many interesting particulars 
relative to this event, and was fortunate enough to obtain a copy 
of a letter which the emperor wrote to Josephine on the subject. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 321 

which I shall presently lay before the reader. I must premise 
that, in conformity with the inquisitorial system which too often 
characterized the emperor's government, and which extended to 
every country of which he had taken military possession, the first 
thing done on entering a town was to take possession of the post- 
office — and then, Heaven knows how little the privacy of cor- 
respondence was respected! Berlin was not exempted from this 
system, and among the letters thus intercepted and forwarded to 
Napoleon, was one addressed to the King of Prussia by Prince 
Hatzfeld, who had imprudently ventured to remain in the Prussian 
capital. In this letter the prince communicated to his sovereign 
every thing of importance that had transpired in Berlin since he 
had been obliged to leave it, together with the strength and situ- 
ation of the divisions of which the French army was composed. 
The emperor, after reading this letter, gave orders that the prince 
should be arrested, and tried by a court-martial as a spy. The 
court had assembled, and its decision could hardly be a matter of 
doubt, when Madame Hatzfeld had recourse to Duroc, who on 
such occasions was always happy to facilitate an interview with 
the emperor. On that day Napoleon had been at a review in the 
environs of the city. Duroc was acquainted with Madame Hatz- 
feld, having frequently seen her during his visits to Berlin. On 
Napoleon's return from the review, he was astonished to find 
Duroc at the palace at such an hour, and inquired if he had brought 
any news. Duroc replied in the affirmative, and followed the 
emperor into his closet, into which he shortly introduced Madame 
Hatzfeld. The remainder of the scene is related in Napoleon's 
letter before alluded to. This letter is evidently in reply to one 
from Josephine, reproaching him for the manner in which he spoke 
of women, and very probably of the beautiful and unfortunate 
Queen of Prussia, with regard to whom he had, in one of his 
bulletins, expressed himself in terms not sufficiently respectful. 
Napoleon's letter runs thus: "I have received your letter, in 
which it seems you reproach me for speaking ill of women. True 
it is that, above all things, I dislike female intriguers. I have been 
used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory women. Them I love ; and 
if they have spoiled me, it is not my fault, but yours. However, 
you will see that I have acted indulgently towards one sensible 
and deserving woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld. When 
I showed her her husband's letter, she burst into tears, and in a 
tone of the most exquisite grief and candour exclaimed, 'It is, 
indeed, his writing!' This was too much; it went to my heart; 
and I said, 'Well, madame, throw the letter into the fire, and then 
I shall have no proof against your husband." She burned the 
V 



322 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

letter, and was restored to happiness. Her husband is now safe ; 
two hours later, and he would have been lost. You see, therefore, 
that I like women who are feminine, simple, and amiable, for they 
alone resemble you. November 6th, 1806, 9 o'clock, P. M." 

When Marshal Bernadotte had forced Blucher into Lubeck, 
and made him prisoner, he sent me information of the circum- 
stance, but I was far from expecting that the prisoner would be 
entrusted to my charge. Such, however, was the case. After 
his surrender, he was sent to Hamburg, where he had the whole 
city for a prison. During the whole time Blucher was under my 
surveillance at Hamburg, so far from seeking to add to the severity 
of his captivity, I was anxious to spare him those annoyances 
which a strict enforcement of my instructions would have occa- 
sioned. I was curious to become acquainted with this extraordi- 
nary man, and saw him very frequently. I found him an enthu- 
siastic Prussian patriot, a man of unquestionable bravery, and 
enterprising even to rashness, but of defective education, and an 
extreme lover of pleasure, of which he took his full share during 
his stay at Hamburg. It was his custon to remain whole hours 
at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism, he ren- 
dered ample justice to the wines of France. To pleasures of a 
more licentious nature he was likewise immoderately addicted, 
and spent a considerable part of his time at the gaming-table. 
His disposition was extremely gay, and, considered merely as a 
boon companion, he was agreeable enough. The original style of 
his conversation amused me much. In spite of the disasters of 
the Prussian army, his confidence in the deliverance of Germany 
remained wholly unshaken. He often said to me, "I place great 
reliance in the public spirit of Germany — in the enthusiasm which 
prevails in our universities. The events of war are uncertain, 
and even defeats tend to keep alive in a people principles of 
honour, and a concern for the national glory. You may depend 
upon it, that when once a whole nation has determined to free 
itself from a humiliating yoke, it will succeed in doing so. There 
is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehre very diflerent 
from any levy which the worn-out spirit of the French could pro- 
duce. England will always lend us the aid of her navy and her 
subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Austria and Russia. 
From my own certain knowledge, I can pledge myself to the truth 
of one fact, which you may rely upon, namely, that none of the 
allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of terri- 
torial acquisition. All they unanimously desire, is, to put an end 
to the system of aggrandizement established by your emperor, and 
which he pursues with such alarming rapidity. In our first war 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 323 

against France, at the commencement of your revolution, we 
fought about questions respecting the rights of kings, for which I 
assure you I care very little ; the case is now widely different ; 
the whole population of Prussia makes common cause with its 
government. The people fight in defence of their hearths and 
their homes, and reverses destroy our armies without changing 
the spirit of the nation. I am tranquil as to the result, because I 
foresee that fortune will not always favour your emperor. It is 
impossible but that the time will come when all Europe, humbled 
by his extortions, and impatient of his encroachments, will rise up 
together against him. The greater the number of nations that 
wear his chains, the more fearful will be the reaction, when they 
burst those chains asunder. It cannot be denied that he is tor- 
mented with an insatiable desire of acquiring new territories. To 
the war of 1805, against Austria and Russia, the present has 
almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen ; Prussia is occu- 
pied, but Russia still remains to be conquered. What will be the 
event of the war, it is not in my power to foresee ; but, admitting 
that the issue should be favourable to you, it will terminate only 
to be speedily renewed. If we but persevere, depend upon it, 
France, exhausted even by her conquests, must eventually fall. 
Do you wish for peace ? Recommend it, and you will give the 
strongest proof of your love to your country." In this manner 
did Blucher constantly talk to me; and as I never deemed it 
necessary to carry my official character into the drawing-room, 
I replied frankly to his observations, preserving merely the degree 
of reserve requisite in my situation. I did not tell him how often 
my anticipations accorded with his own, but I never hesitated to 
acknowledge to him how greatly I desired to see a reasonable 
peace concluded. Before Blucher's amval at Hamburg, it was 
visited by Prince Paul of Wirtemberg, the second son of one of 
the two kings created by Napoleon, whose crowns had not yet 
been worn a year. The young prince, who was imbued with the 
ideas of liberty and independence which then agitated Germany, 
had adopted a headlong proceeding. He had quitted Stuttgard, to 
serve in the Prussian campaign, without asking his father's per- 
mission, and this inconsiderate step might have exposed the King 
of Wirtemberg to Napoleon's resentment. The King of Prussia 
advanced Prince Paul to the rank of general, but he was taken 
prisoner at the very commencement of hostilities. The Prince 
of Wirtemberg was not, as has been falsely stated, conducted to 
Stuttgard by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg, 
where I received several visits from him. At that time he did 
not appear to have any settled intentions, for, after he was made 



3"24: MEMOIRS OF XAPOLEOX BOXAPARTE. 

prisoner, he expressed to me his earnest desire to enter into the 
French service, and often asked me to sohcit for him an interview 
with the emperor. This he obtained, and remained for a long 
time in Paris, where I know he has frequently resided since the 
restoration. 

When the King of Prussia found that defeat awaited him at 
every turn, he repented of having undertaken a war ^A■hich had 
delivered his states into the power of Xapoleon, in less time even 
than that in which Austria had fallen the year preceding. He 
wi'ote to the emperor, requesting a suspension of hostilities. 
Rapp was present when Napoleon received the King of Prus- 
sia's letter. "It is too late,"'" said he; ''but no matter; I wish to 
put a stop to farther bloodshed, and am ready to listen to any 
terms by which neither the honour nor the interests of the nation 
will be compromised.""' Then, calling Duroc, he gave him orders 
to visit the wounded, and see that they wanted for nothing. 
"Visit each individual," he added, "on my behalf, and give them 
all the consolation of which they stand in need; afterwards seek 
the King of Prussia, and if he offers reasonable proposals, you will 
let me know.*" Negotiations were accordingly commenced, but 
Napoleon"s conditions were considered wholly inadmissible. Prus- 
sia still hoped for assistance from the Russian forces ; besides which, 
the emperor's demands extended to England, who at that moment 
had no motive to accede to the pretensions of France. The 
emperor required that England should make restitution to France 
of all the colonies she had captured since the commencement of 
the war; that Russia should restore to the Porte, Moldavia and 
"Wallachia, which she then occupied; in short, he adopted the 
advice of the king in some tragedy or other, who told his ambas- 
sador, to "ask every thing, that you may obtain nothing."" The 
emperor's demands were, in fact, so unreasonable, that it was 
scarcelv possible to suppose that he himself expected they would 
be listened to. 

Negotiations, alternately resumed and abandoned, were carried 
on with coldness on both sides, until the moment that England 
had persuaded Russia to assist Prussia against France. They 
then altogether ceased, and it was only for the purpose of appear- 
ing to wish for their renewal, on terms still more favourable to 
France, that Duroc was sent to the King of Prussia, whom he 
found at Osterade. on the other side of the Danube. The only 
answer he received from that monarch was, •■ The time is passed ;'"' 
an observation nearly similar to Napoleon's, "It is too late.'" when 
he received his majesty's letter. While Duroc was fulfilling his 
mission to the Kin-j of Prussia, I was myself negotiating at Ham- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 325 

burg. Bonaparte was extremely anxious to detach Sweden from 
the coahtion, and to termmate the war with her by a separate 
treaty. Sweden, indeed, might prove very useful to him, if 
Prussia, Russia, and England, should assemble any considerable 
forces in the north. Denmark was already with us, and, could we 
gain Sweden also, the union of those two powers might create a 
diversion, and occasion serious alarm to the coalition, which would 
be obliged to concentrate its principal force to withstand the 
attack of the grand army in Poland. The opinions of M. Peyron, 
the Swedish minister at Hamburg, were altogether averse to the 
war in which his sovereign was engaged with France, and of 
those opinions he made no secret. I much regretted that this 
gentleman left Hamburg, upon leave of absence for a year, at the 
very time that I received the emperor's instructions upon the 
subject I have just mentioned. M. Peyron was succeeded by M. 
Netzel, and I soon had the satisfaction of discovering that his ideas 
differed in no respect from those of his predecessor. Immediately 
on his arrival, M. Netzel requested an interview to speak to me 
on the subject of the Swedes who had been taken prisoners on 
the Trave. He begged permission for the officers to return to 
Sweden on their parole. I was anxious to oblige M. Netzel in 
this respect, and availed myself of so favourable an opportunity to 
lead him gradually to the subject of my instructions. I had every 
reason to be satisfied with the success of my first overtures, and 
he himself was well convinced of the truth of the remarks I made 
to him. I saw he understood that his sovereign would have every 
thing to gain by an accommodation with France, and he told me 
that all Sweden called for peace. Emboldened by the success of 
this first attempt, I told him frankly that I was authorized to treat 
with him. In return for this confidence on my part, he assured 
me that M. de Wetterstedt, the King of Sweden's private secre- 
tary, with whom he was intimate, and from whom he showed me 
several letters, entertained the same opinions as himself. He 
added, that he had permission to correspond with the king, to 
whom, as well as to M. de Wetterstedt, he promised to write the 
same evening, and acquaint them with our conversation. From 
the foregoing statement it will appear, that never was a negotia- 
tion commenced under more favourable auspices; but who could 
foresee what caprice would enter into the head of the King of 
Sweden ? That unlucky prince took M. Netzel's letter in very ill 
part, and M. de Wetterstedt himself received a most ungracious 
command, to signify to M. Netzel his sovereign's displeasure at 
his having presumed to visit a French minister, and still more ta 
enter into a political conversation with him, although it amounted 



326 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

to nothing more than conversation. The king did not confine 
himself to reproaches. M. Netzel, in great affliction, came to 
inform me that he had received orders to quit Hamburg imme- 
diately, without even awaiting the arrival of his successor. He 
looked upon his disgrace as complete. I had the pleasure of see- 
ing M. Netzel again in 1809, at Hamburg, charged with a mission 
from Charles XIII. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

The Berlin Decrees; Remarks on the Continental System ; its tendencies to produce Napoleon's fall. 

"Napoleon had achieved the total humiliation of the Prussian 
monarchy in a campaign of a week's duration ; yet, severe as the 
exertions of his army had been, and splendid his success, and late 
as the season was now advanced, there ensued no pause of 
inaction ; the emperor himself remained but a few days in Berlin. 

" This brief residence, however, was distinguished by the issue 
of the famous decrees of Berlin ; those extraordinary edicts by 
which Bonaparte hoped to sap the foundations of the power of 
England — the one power which he had no means of assailing by 
his apparently irresistible arms. 

"Napoleon declared the British Islands to be in a state of block- 
ade : any intercourse with that country was henceforth to be a 
crime; all her citizens found in any country in alliance with 
France, to be prisoners ; every article of English produce or man- 
ufacture, wherever discovered, to be confiscated. In a word, 
wherever France had power, the slightest communication with 
England was henceforth to be treason against the majesty of 
Napoleon ; and every coast of Europe was to be lined with new 
armies of douaniers and gens-d'armes, for the purpose of carrying 
into effect what he called the continental system." 

I shall here bestow a few remarks on the famous continental 
system, as, perhaps more than any other person, I had opportuni- 
ties of witnessing its fraud, and estimating its ruinous conse- 
quences. This system originated in the war of 1806, and was 
brought into operation on the 21st of November of that year, by 
a decree dated at Berlin.* The plan was conceived by weak- 
minded counsellors, who, perceiving the emperor's just indignation 

* Sir "Walter Scott, misinformed on this point, cites another decree, dated Hamburar, 
1807. Napoleon never was at Hamburg. The famous decree of Berlin was date"d 
from that city, on the 21st of Navember, 1806. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 327 

against the duplicity of England, her repugnance to enter into 
serious negotiations with him, and her incessant endeavours to 
arm the continent against him, had prevailed on him to issue this 
decree, which I can never view in any other light than as an act 
of tyranny and madness. It was not a decree, but fleets that 
were necessary. Without a navy, it was ridiculous to declare 
the British Isles in a state of blockade, while the English fleets 
were actually blockading all the French ports. This declaration, 
however, was made by Napoleon in the Berlin decree, and this is 
what was called the continental system! a system of fraud, of 
peculation, and pillage. One can scarcely now conceive how 
Europe could endure for a single day that fiscal tyranny, which 
extorted exorbitant prices for articles, which the habits of three 
centuries had rendered equally indispensable to rich and poor. 
So far from true is it, that this system had for its sole and exclu- 
sive object the prevention of the sale of English goods, that licenses 
for that purpose were granted to any who were rich enough to 
pay for them. The quantity and quality of exported French 
goods were magnified to an extravagant degree. In order to 
comply with the emperor's wishes, it was necessary to take out a 
certain quantity of those articles, but it was only to throw them 
into the sea. And yet no one had the honesty to tell the emperor 
that England found a market for her goods on the continent, but 
bought scarcely any thing. The speculation in licenses was car- 
ried to a scandalous extent, merely to enrich a favoured few, and 
to satisfy the short-sighted views of its besotted contrivers. This 
system proves what is written in the annals of the human heart 
and mind, that the cupidity of the one is insatiable, and the errors 
of the other incorrigible. Of this I will cite an example, though 
it relates to a period subsequent to that in which this detestable 
system originated. At Hamburg, in 1811, under Davoust's gov- 
ernment, a poor man narrowly escaped being shot for having 
brought into the department of the Elbe a small loaf of sugar for 
the use of his family ; while at the same moment, perhaps, Napo- 
leon was signing a license for the importation of a million of sugar 
loaves. Smuggling on a small scale was punished by death, while 
the government carried it on wholesale. Thus the effect of the 
same law was to fill the treasury with money, and the prisons 
with victims. 

The excise laws of this period, which carried on a war of exter- 
mination against rhubarb, and kept a coast-guard along the conti- 
nent to prevent the introduction of senna, could not preserve the 
continental system itself from destruction. Ridicule attended the 
installation of the detested prevotal courts. At Hamburg, the 



328 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

president of one of them, who was a Frenchman, delivered an 
oration, in which he attempted to prove, that in the time of the 
Ptolemies there had existed extraordinary tribunals for the regu- 
lation of the customs, and that to them Egypt was indebted for 
her prosperity. Thus, insulting irony and the most absurd folly 
were added to intimidation. The ordinary excise officers, formerly 
so much abhorred in Hamburg, truly observed, that they would 
soon be regretted, and that the difference between them and the 
prevotal courts would very shortly be felt. Bonaparte's counsellors 
led him to commit so gross an absurdity as to require, that every 
vessel which had obtained a license, should export merchandise 
equivalent to the colonial produce licensed to be imported. And 
what was the consequence? Old stores of silks, which the change 
of fashion had rendered wholly unsaleable, were bought up at a 
low price, and being prohibited in England were thrown into the 
sea. The slight loss this occasioned was amply recompensed by 
the profits of the speculation. 

The continental system, which was worthy only of the dark 
and barbarous ages, and which, had it been even admissible in 
in theory, was perfectly impracticable in its application, can never 
be sufficiently stigmatized. No real friends to the emperor were 
they who could recommend to him such a system, calculated, as 
it infallibly was, to excite the indignation of Europe, and event- 
ually to produce the most terrible reaction. To tyrannize over 
the human species, and at the same time to expect their uniform 
admiration and submission, is clearly to require an impossibility. 
It would seem as if Fate, who had still some splendid triumphs in 
store for Napoleon, was already, too, preparing those causes which 
were at once to wrest them from him, and plunge him into dis- 
asters, even greater than the good fortune which had favoured 
his elevation. The prohibition of trade, the constant severity in 
the execution of this detested system, amounted to nothing short 
of a continental impost. Of this I will give a proof, and I state 
nothing but from personal observation. The custom-house regu- 
lations were strictly enforced at Hamburg, and along the two 
lines of Cuxhaven and Travemunde. Mr. Eudel, the director of 
this department, performed his duty with zeal and disinterested- 
ness, and I am happy in rendering him this deserved testimony. 
Immense quantities of English merchandise and colonial produce 
were accumulated at Holstein, where they almost all arrived by 
way of Kiel and Hudsum, having been brought over the line at 
the expense of a premium of from thirty-three to forty per cent. 
Convinced of this fact, by a thousand proofs, and weary of the 
vexations of the system, I took upon myself to lay my ideas on 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 329 

the subject before the emperor. He had given me permission to 
write to him direct, without any intermediate agency, upon what- 
ever I might consider essential to his service. I sent an extraor- 
dinary courier to Fontainebleau, where he then was, and in my 
despatch informed him that, in spite of his preventive guard, con- 
traband goods were smuggled in, because the profits on their sale 
in Germany, Poland, Italy, and even France, to which they found 
their way, were too considerable, not to induce persons to run all 
hazards to obtain them. I recommended, at the very time that 
he was about to unite the Hans Towns to the French empire, that 
such merchandise should be openly imported upon paying a duty 
of thirty-three per cent., which was about equal to the rate of their 
insurance. The emperor did not hesitate to adopt my suggestion ; 
and, in 1811, the measure produced a revenue in Hamburg alone 
of upwards of sixty millions of francs. This system embroiled us 
with Sweden and Russia, who could but ill endure that a strict 
blockade should be required of them, while Napoleon himself was 
distributing licenses at his pleasure. Bernadotte, on his way to 
Sweden, passed through Hamburg, in October, 1810. He stayed 
with me three days, during which he scarcely saw any one but 
myself He asked my opinion as to what he should do relative 
to the continental system. I did not hesitate in telling him, not 
of course as a minister of France, but as a private individual to 
his friend, that, in his place, at the head of a poor nation, which 
could only exist by the exchange of its natural productions with 
England, I would open my ports, and give the Swedes gratuitously 
that general license which Bonaparte was selling in detail to 
intrigue and cupidity. The ill-advised Berlin decree could not 
but produce a reaction fatal to the emperor's fortune, by making 
whole nations his enemies. The hurling of twenty kings from their 
thrones would have excited less hatred than this contempt for the 
wants of the people. This profound ignorance of the maxims of 
political economy was the source of general privation and misery, 
which in their turn produced general hostility. The system could 
only succeed in the impossible event of all the powers of Europe 
honestly making common cause to carry it into effect. A single 
free port would destroy it. To ensure its complete success, it 
was necessary to conquer and occupy every country, and never to 
withdraw from any. As a means of ruining England, it was per- 
fectly ridiculous, since, by prohibiting all intercourse with that 
country, the interests of every other must have suffered. It was 
necessary too that the whole of Europe should be compelled, by 
force of arms, to enter into this absurd coalition, and that the same 
force should be constantly maintained to support it. Was this 

28*= 



330 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

possible? This system has been styled the essence of despotism, 
an expression which correctly defines it. The captain reporter 
of a court-martial had sanctioned the acquittal of a poor peasant, 
convicted of having purchased a loaf of sugar beyond the custom- 
house limits. This officer being some time afterwards at a 
grand dinner given by Marshal Davoust, in the midst of the 
entertainment, the latter said to him, "You have a very tender 
conscience, sir;" and upon the captain's attempting to explain, 
he interrupted him, adding, " Go to head-quarters, and you will find 
an order there for you." This order sent him eighty leagues from 
Hamburg. It is necessary to have witnessed as I did the count- 
less vexations and miseries occasioned by this deplorable system, 
to form a due conception of the mischief its authors did in Europe, 
and how greatly the hatred and revenge which it produced con- 
tributed to Napoleon's fall. 



CHAPTER XXX, 



Deputation of the Senate to Berlin ; New System of War ; Napoleon marches to meet the Russians ; 
Mui-at enters Wai-saw ; Excitement in Poland ; Military Prepai-ations ; the Battle of Eylau ; Gai'd- 
anne's Mission to Persia ; Fall of Dantzic ; Battle of Friedland. 

"Napoleon received at Berlin a deputation of his senate, sent 
from Paris to congratulate him on the successes of his campaign. 
To them he announced these celebrated decrees : he made them 
the bearers of the trophies of his recent victories, and, moreover 
of a demand for the immediate levying of eighty thousand men, 
being the first conscription for the year 1808 — that for the year 
1807 having been already anticipated. The subservient senate 
recorded and granted whatever their master pleased to dictate; 
but the cost of human life which Napoleon's ambition demanded, 
had begun, ere this time, to be seriously thought of in France. 
He, meanwhile, prepared, without farther delay, to extinguish the 
feeble spark of resistance which still lingered in a few garrisons 
of the Prussian monarchy, beyond the Oder ; and to meet, before 
they could reach the soil of Germany, those Russian legions, which 
were now advancing, too late, to the assistance of Frederick 
William. That unfortunate prince sent Lucchesini to Berlin, to 
open, if possible, a negotiation with the victorious occupant of 
his capital and palace; but Bonaparte demanded Dantzic, and 
two other fortified towns, as the price of even the briefest armis- 
tice; and the Italian envoy returned to inform the king that no 
hope remained for him except in the arrival of the Russians." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 331 

Napoleon held in his hands the means of opening his campaign 
with those allies of Prussia, under circumstances involving his 
enemy in a new, and probably endless train of difficulties. The 
partition of Poland — that great political crime, for which every 
power that had a part in it has since been severely, though none 
of them adequately punished — had left the population of what 
had once been a great and powerful kingdom, in a state of dis- 
content and irritation, of which, had Napoleon been willing to 
make full use of it, the fruits might have been more dangerous 
for the czar than any campaign against any foreign enemy. The 
French emperor had but to announce distinctly that his purpose 
was the restoration of Poland as an independent state, and the 
whole mass, of an eminently gallant and warhke population, 
would have risen instantly at his call. But Bonaparte was with- 
held from resorting to this effectual means of annoyance by various 
considerations; of which the chief were these:, first, he could not 
emancipate Poland without depriving Austria of a rich and 
important province, and consequently provoking her once more 
into the field : and secondly, he foresaw that the Russian emperor, 
if threatened with the destruction of his Polish territory and 
authority, would urge the war in a very different manner from 
that which he was likely to adopt while acting only as the ally of 
Prussia. 

"Before reopening the great campaign, Bonaparte received the 
submission and explanation of the Elector of Saxony, who truly 
stated that Prussia had forced him to take part in the war. The 
apology was accepted, and from this time the elector adhered to 
the league of the Rhine, and was a faithful ally of Napoleon." 

Bonaparte was not only beyond all comparison the greatest 
captain of modern times, but he may be said to have entu'ely 
changed the art of war. Formerly, even the most skilful generals 
were governed by the almanac as to the proper season for fight- 
ing; and it was the settled custom in Europe to brave the battle's 
roar only from the first fine days of spring to the last fine (lays of 
autumn. The months of rain, frost, and snow, were passed in 
what were termed winter-quarters. Pichegru, in Holland, had 
set the example of indifference to the atmosphere. Bonaparte too, 
at Austerlitz, had dared the inclemency of the season; and so 
perfect was his success, that he determined on the same course 
of action at the commencement of the winter of 1806. His 
military genius and incredible activity seemed to increase, and, 
confident of his troops, he resolved to commence a winter cam- 
paign in a climate more rigorous than any in which he had hith- 
erto fought. The men, chained to his destiny, were now to brave 



322 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

letter, and was restored to happiness. Her husband is now safe ; 
two hours later, and he would have been lost. You see, therefore, 
that I like women who are feminine, simple, and amiable, for they 
alone resemble you. November 6th, 1806, 9 o'clock, P. M." 

When Marshal Bernadotte had forced Blucher into Lubeck, 
and made him prisoner, he sent me information of the circum- 
stance, but I was far from expecting that the prisoner would be 
entrusted to my charge. Such, however, was the case. After 
his surrender, he was sent to Hamburg, where he had the whole 
city for a pi'ison. During the whole time Blucher was under my 
surveillance at Hamburg, so far from seeking to add to the severity 
of his captivity, I was anxious to spare him those annoyances 
which a strict enforcement of my instructions would have occa- 
sioned. I was curious to become acquainted with this extraordi- 
nary man, and saw him very frequently. I found him an enthu- 
siastic Prussian patriot, a man of unquestionable bravery, and 
enterprising even to rashness, but of defective education, and an 
extreme lover of pleasure, of which he took his full share during 
his stay at Hamburg. It was his custon to remain whole hours 
at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism, he ren- 
dered ample justice to the wines of France. To pleasures of a 
more licentious nature he was likewise immoderately addicted, 
and spent a considerable part of his time at the gaming-table. 
His disposition was extremely gay, and, considered merely as a 
boon companion, he was agreeable enough. The original style of 
his conversation amused me much. In spite of the disasters of 
the Prussian army, his confidence in the deliverance of Germany 
remained wholly unshaken. He often said to me, "I place great 
reliance in the public spirit of Germany — in the enthusiasm which 
prevails in our universities. The events of war are uncertain, 
and even defeats tend to keep alive in a people principies of 
honour, and a concern for the national glory. You may depend 
upon it, that when once a whole nation has determined to free 
itself from a humiliating yoke, it will succeed in doing so. There 
is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehre very different 
from any levy which the worn-out spirit of the French could pro- 
duce. England will always lend us the aid of her navy and her 
subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Austria and Russia. 
From my own certain knowledge, I can pledge myself to the truth 
of one fact, which you may rely upon, namely, that none of the 
allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of terri- 
torial acquisition. All they unanimously desire, is, to put an end 
to the system of aggrandizement established by your emperor, and 
which he pursues with such alarming rapidity. In our first war 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 323 

against France, at the commencement of your revolution, we 
fought about questions respecting the rights of kings, for which I 
assure you I care very Httle ; the case is now widely different ; 
the whole population of Prussia makes common cause with its 
government. The people fight in defence of their hearths and 
their homes, and reverses destroy our armies without changing 
the spirit of the nation. I am tranquil as to the result, because I 
foresee that fortune will not always favour your emperor. It is 
impossible but that the time will come when all Europe, humbled 
by his extortions, and impatient of his encroachments, will rise up 
together against him. The greater the number of nations that 
wear his chains, the more fearful will be the reaction, when they 
burst those chains asunder. It cannot be denied that he is tor- 
mented with an insatiable desire of acquiring new territories. To 
the war of 1805, against Austria and Russia, the present has 
almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen ; Prussia is occu- 
pied, but Russia still remains to be conquered. What will be the 
event of the war, it is not in my power to foresee ; but, admitting 
that the issue should be favourable to you, it will terminate only 
to be speedily renewed. If we but persevere, depend upon it, 
France, exhausted even by her conquests, must eventually fall. 
Do you wish for peace ? Recommend it, and you will give the 
strongest proof of your love to your country." In this manner 
did Blucher constantly talk to me; and as I never deemed it 
necessary to carry my official character into the drawing-room, 
I replied frankly to his observations, preserving merely the degree 
of reserve requisite in my situation. I did not tell him how often 
my anticipations accorded with his own, but I never hesitated to 
acknowledge to him how greatly I desired to see a reasonable 
peace concluded. Before Blucher's amval at Hamburg, it was 
visited by Prince Paul of Wirtemberg, the second son of one of 
the two kings created by Napoleon, whose crowns had not yet 
been worn a year. The young prince, who was imbued with the 
ideas of liberty and independence which then agitated Germany, 
had adopted a headlong proceeding. He had quitted Stuttgard, to 
serve in the Prussian campaign, without asking his father's per- 
mission, and this inconsiderate step might have exposed the King 
of Wirtemberg to Napoleon's resentment. The King of Prussia 
advanced Prince Paul to the rank of general, but he was taken 
prisoner at the very commencement of hostilities. The Prince 
of Wirtemberg was not, as has been falsely stated, conducted to 
Stuttgard by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg, 
where I received several visits from him. At that time he did 
not appear to have any settled intentions, for, after he was made 



324 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

prisoner, he expressed to me his earnest desire to enter into the 
French service, and often asked me to soHcit for him an interview 
with the emperor. This he obtained, and remained for a long 
time in Paris, where I know he has frequently resided since the 
restoration. 

When the King of Prussia found that defeat awaited him at 
every turn, he repented of having undertaken a war which had 
delivered his states into the power of Napoleon, in less time even 
than that in which Austria had fallen the year preceding. He 
wrote to the emperor, requesting a suspension of hostilities. 
Rapp was present when Napoleon received the King of Prus- 
sia's letter. "It is too late," said he; "but no matter; I wish to 
put a stop to farther bloodshed, and am ready to listen to any 
terms by which neither the honour nor the interests of the nation 
will be compromised." Then, calling Duroc, he gave him orders 
to visit the wounded, and see that they wanted for nothing. 
"Visit each individual," he added, "on my behalf, and give them 
all the consolation of which they stand in need ; afterwards seek 
the King of Prussia, and if he offers reasonable proposals, you will 
let me know." Negotiations were accordingly commenced, but 
Napoleon's conditions were considered wholly inadmissible. Prus- 
sia still hoped for assistance from the Russian forces ; besides which, 
the emperor's demands extended to England, who at that moment 
had no motive to accede to the pretensions of France. The 
emperor required that England should make restitution to France 
of all the colonies she had captured since the commencement of 
the war; that Russia should restore to the Porte, Moldavia and 
Wallachia, which she then occupied ; in short, he adopted the 
advice of the king in some tragedy or other, who told his ambas- 
sador, to "ask every thing, that you may obtain nothing." The 
emperor's demands were, in fact, so unreasonable, that it was 
scarcely possible to suppose that he himself expected they would 
be Hstened to. 

Negotiations, alternately resumed and abandoned, were carried 
on with coldness on both sides, until the moment that England 
had persuaded Russia to assist Prussia against France. They 
then altogether ceased, and it was only for the purpose of appear- 
ing to wish for their renewal, on terms still more favourable to 
France, that Duroc was sent to the King of Prussia, whom he 
found at Osterade, on the other side of the Danube. The only 
answer he received from that monarch was, " The time is passed ;" 
an observation nearly similar to Napoleon's, "It is too late," when 
he received his majesty's letter. While Duroc was fulfilling his 
mission to the King of Prussia, I was myself negotiating at Ham- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 325 

burg. Bonaparte was extremely anxious to detach Sweden from 
the coalition, and to terminate the war with her by a separate 
treaty. Sweden, indeed, might prove very useful to him, if 
Prussia, Russia, and England, should assemble any considerable 
forces in the north. Denmark was already with us, and, could v/e 
gain Sweden also, the union of those two powers might create a 
diversion, and occasion serious alarm to the coalition, which would 
be obliged to concentrate its principal force to withstand the 
attack of the grand army in Poland. The opinions of M. Peyron, 
the Swedish minister at Hamburg, were altogether averse to the 
war in which his sovereign was engaged with France, and of 
those opinions he made no secret. I much regretted that this 
gentleman left Hamburg, upon leave of absence for a year, at the 
very time that I received the emperor's instructions upon the 
subject I have just mentioned. M. Peyron was succeeded by M. 
Netzel, and I soon had the satisfaction of discovering that his ideas 
differed in no respect from those of his predecessor. Immediately 
on his arrival, M. Netzel requested an interview to speak to me 
on the subject of the Swedes who had been taken prisoners on 
the Trave. He begged permission for the officers to return to 
Sweden on their parole. I was anxious to oblige M. Netzel in 
this respect, and availed myself of so favourable an opportunity to 
lead him gradually to the subject of my instructions. I had every 
reason to be satisfied with the success of my first overtures, and 
he himself was well convinced of the truth of the remarks I made 
to him. I saw he understood that his sovereign would have every 
thing to gain by an accommodation with France, and he told me 
that all Sweden called for peace. Emboldened by the success of 
this first attempt, I told him frankly that I was authorized to treat 
with him. In return for this confidence on my part, he assured 
me that M. de Wetterstedt, the King of Sweden's private secre- 
tary, with whom he was intimate, and from whom he showed me 
several letters, entertained the same opinions as himself. He 
added, that he had permission to correspond with the king, to 
whom, as well as to M. de Wetterstedt, he promised to write the 
same evening, and acquaint them with our conversation. From 
the foregoing statement it will appear, that never was a negotia- 
tion commenced under more favourable auspices; but who could 
foresee what caprice would enter into the head of the King of 
Sweden ? That unlucky prince took M. Netzel's letter in very ill 
part, and M. de Wetterstedt himself received a most ungracious 
command, to signify to M. Netzel his sovereign's displeasure at 
his having presumed to visit a French minister, and still more to 
enter into a political conversation with him, although it amounted 

28 



336 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

supposing that Russia would be more fortunate as the ally of 
Prussia than she had been as her ally, assembled in Bohemia a 
body of forty thousand men. That corps was called an army of 
observation, but the nature of these armies of observation is pretty 
well known ; they belong to the same class as armed neutralities, 
and those ingenious inventions, sanitory cordons. The fact is 
that the army assembled in Bohemia was destined to aid and 
assist the Russians in the event of the latter proving successful; 
and who can reasonably blame the Austrian government for wish- 
ing for the opportunity of a revenge which might wash away the 
disgrace of the treaty of Presburg? Under such circumstances, 
Napoleon had not a moment to lose, but the activities of his mind 
required no farther incitement, and as he had hastened the battle 
of Austerlitz to anticipate Prussia, so he now deemed it expedient to 
anticipate Russia, in order to keep Austria in a state of indecision. 
The emperor, therefore, left Warsaw about the end of January, 
and immediately gave orders for the attack of the Russian army 
in the beginning of February; but in spite of his desire to be 
the first to engage, he was anticipated. The attack was made 
on the part of the Russians on the 8th of February, at seven in 
the morning, during a terrible .storm of snow, which fell in large 
flakes. They approached Preussich Eylau, where the emperor 
was, and the imperial guard stopped the progress of the Russian 
column. Nearly the whole of the French army was engaged in 
that battle, one of the most sanguinary ever fought in Europe. 
The corps commanded by Bernadotte took no part in the engage- 
ment, having been stationed on the left at Mohrungen, whence it 
menaced Dantzic. The issue of this battle would have been very 
different, had the four divisions of infantry and the two of cavalry, 
of which Bernadotte's corps was composed, arrived in time ; but, 
unfortunately, the officer entrusted with the orders to Bernadotte, 
directing him to march without loss of time upon Preussich Eylau, 
was made prisoner by a troop of Cossacks, and Bernadotte, in 
consequence, did not arrive. Bonaparte, who always contrived 
to throw the blame on some one, if things did not turn out exactly 
as he wished, attributed the doubtful success of the day to the 
absence of Bernadotte; this, in itself, was undoubtedly true, but 
to make that absence a matter of reproach to the marshal, was 
the most cruel injustice. Bernadotte was accused of not being 
willing to march on Preussich Eylau, although, as was asserted, 
General d'Hautpoult had informed him of the necessity of his 
assistance. But how could that fact be verified, since General 
d'Hautpoult was among the slain ? Those who knew Bonaparte, his 
cunning, and the advantage he sometimes took of words which he 
attributed to the dead, will be at no loss to solve the enigma. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 337 

The battle of Eyiau was terrible ; the French held out, constantly, 
though vainly, expecting the arrival of Bernadotte; and, after a 
considerable loss, night came on, which the French army had the 
melancholy honour of passing on the field of battle. Bernadotte 
at length arrived, but too late, and met the enemy quietly retreat- 
ing towards Konigsberg, the only capital now remaining to Prussia. 

To connect the narrative of Bourrienne, we attach a short 
account of the battle of Eylau, and of the other military opera- 
tions which preceded the peace of Tilsit: 

"The great battle of Preuss-Eylau was fought on the 8th of Febru- 
ary. At dawn of day, the French charged at two different points, in 
strong columns, and were unable to shake the iron steadiness of the 
infantry ; while the Russian horse, and especially the Cossacks, under 
their gallant Hetman Platoff, made fearful execution on each division, 
as successively they drew back from their vain attempt. A fierce storm 
arose at mid-day; the snow drifted right in the eyes of the Russians; 
the village of Serpallen, on their left, caught fire, and the smoke also 
rolled dense upon them. Davoust skilfully availed himself of the oppor- 
tunity, and turned their flank so rapidly, that Serpallen was lost, and 
the left wing compelled to wheel backwards so as to form almost at right 
angles with the rest of the line. The Prussian corps of I'Estocq, a small 
but determined fragment of the campaign of Jena, appeared at this 
critical moment in the rear of the Russian left ; and, charging with such 
gallantry as had in former times been expected from the soldiery of the 
great Frederick, drove back Davoust, and restored the Russian line. 
The action continued for many hours along the whole line. The 
French attacked boldly the Russians, driving them back with unfailing 
resolution. Ney, and a fresh division, at length came up, and succeeded 
in occupying the village of Schloditten, on the road to Konigsberg. To 
regain this, and thereby recover the means of communicating with the 
King of Prussia, was deemed necessary ; and it was carried, accordingly, 
at the point of the bayonet. This was at ten o'clock at night. So ended 
the longest and by far the severest battle in which Bonaparte had as yet 
been engaged. The French are supposed to have had ninety thousand 
men under arms at its commencement; the Russians, not more than sixty 
thousand. After fourteen hours of fighting, either army occupied the 
same position as in the morning. Twelve of Napoleon's eagles were in 
the hands of Bennigsen, and the field between was covered with fifty- 
thousand corpses, of whom at least half were French. 

"Either leader claimed the victory; Bennigsen exhibiting, as proof 
of his success, the twelve eagles which his army, admitted to be inferior 
in numbers, bore oifthe field; Bonaparte, that he kept possession of the 
field, while the enemy retired, the very night after the battle, from Eylau 
towards Konigsberg. Bennigsen conducted his army in perfect order to 
Konigsberg, and the Cossacks, issuing from that city, continued for more 
W 29 



338 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tlian a week to waste the country, ' according to their pleasure, without 
an}^ show of opposition from the French. On the 19th of February, 
Napoleon left Eylau, and retreated with his whole army on the 
Vistula; satisfied that it would be fatal rashness to engage in another 
campaign in Poland, while several fortified towns, and, above all, Dantzic, 
held out in his rear ; and determined to have possession of these places, 
and to summon new forces from France, ere lie should again meet in 
tlie field such an enemy as the Russian had proved to be. 

"Dantzic was defended with the more desperate resolution, because 
it was expected that, as soon as the season permitted, an English 
fleet and army would certainly be sent to its relief. But the besiegers 
having a prodigious superiorit)^ of numbers, and conducting the siege 
with every advantage of skill, the place was at length compelled to sui*- 
render, on the 7th of May ; after which event, Napoleon's extraordinary 
exertions in hurrying supplies from France, Switzerland, and tlie Rhine 
country, and the addition of the division of twenty-five thousand, which 
had captured Dantzic, enabled him to take the field again at the head of 
not less than two hundred and eighty tliousand men. The Russian gen- 
eral also had done wliat was in his power to recruit his army during this 
interval; but his utmost zeal could effect no more than bringing his 
muster up again to its original point — ninety thousand. 

"Bennigsen, nevertheless, was the first to reappear in the field. In 
the beginning of June, he attacked Ney's division stationed at Gus- 
tadt, and pursued them to Deppen, where, on the 8th, a smart action 
took place, and Napoleon arrived in person to support his troops. The 
Russians were then forced to retire towards Heilsberg. where they 
halted, and maintained their position, during a whole day, in the face of 
an enemy prodigiously superior in numbers. The carnage on both 
sides was fearful ; and Bennigsen, continuing his retreat, placed the river 
AUer between him and Napoleon. 

"The French emperor now exerted all his art to draw the Russian 
into a general action. Bennigsen \vas on the eastern bank of the Aller, 
opposite to the town of Friedland, when Bonaparte once more came up 
witli him, on the 13th of June. There was a long and narrow wooden 
bridge over the river, close by, which might have been destroyed, if not 
defended, and Napoleon's object M-as to induce Bennigsen, instead of 
abiding by his position, to abandon its advantages, pass over the western 
bank, and accept battle with the town and river in his rear. His crafly 
management outwitted the Russian, who, being persuaded that tlie troops 
which appeared in front of him were only a small division of the French 
army, was tempted to send some regiments over the river, for the pur- 
pose of chastising them. The French, sometimes retreating, and then 
again returning to the combat, the Russians were by degrees induced to 
cross in greater numbers ; until at length Bennigsen found himself and 
his whole army on the western bank, with the town and bridge in the 
rear — thus completely entrapped in the snare laid for him by his enemy. 

"On the 14th of June, under circumstances thus disadvantageous, the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 339 

Russian general was compelled to accept battle, which commenced at 
ten in the morning, and the Russians stood their ground with unbroken 
resolution until between four and five in the evening. At length, Napo- 
leon put himself at the head of the French line, and commanded a gen- 
eral assault of all arms, which was executed with overpowering effect. 
Having lost full twelve thousand men, General Bennigsen was at last 
compelled to attempt a retreat; the French poured after him into the 
town; the first Russian division which forced the passage of the river 
destroyed the bridge behind them, in their terror ; and the rest of the 
army escaped by means of deep and dangerous fords, which, desperate 
as the resource they afforded was, had been discovered only in the 
moment of necessity. Nevertheless, such were the coolness and deter- 
mination of the Russians, that they saved all their baggage, and lost only 
seventeen cannon; and such was the impression which their obstinate 
valour left on the enemy, that their retreat towards the Niemen was 
performed without any show of molestation. 

" The results of the battle of Friedland were, however, as great as 
could have been expected from any victory. On the retreat of 
Bennigsen towards the Niemen, the unfortunate King of Prussia, evacu- 
ating Konigsberg, where he now perceived it must be impossible to 
maintain himself, sought a last and precarious shelter in the seaport of 
Memel; and the Emperor Alexander, overawed by the genius of Napo- 
leon, which had triumphed over troops moi'e resolute than had ever 
before opposed him, and alarmed for the consequence of some decisive 
m.easure towards the reorganization of the Poles as a nation, began to 
think seriously of peace. Bonaparte, on his part, also, had many rea- 
sons for being anxious to bring hostilities to a close. General Bennigsen 
sent, on the 21st of June, to demand an armistice; and to this proposal 
the victor of Friedland yielded immediate assent." — Family Library, 

After the battle of Eylau both sides remained stationary, and 
several days elapsed without any incident of importance. The 
offers of peace made by the emperor, with no great earnestness 
it is true, were scornfully rejected, as if a victory disputed with 
Napoleon was to be regarded as a triumph. In short, it would 
seem as if the battle of Eylau had turned the heads of the Rus- 
sians, who chanted " Te Deum" on the occasion. But while the 
emperor was making fresh preparations to advance, his diplomacy 
had succeeded in a distant quarter, and raised up against Russia 
an old and formidable enemy. Turkey declared war against her. 
This was a powerful diversion, and obliged Russia to expose her 
western frontiers, in order to form a line of defence on the south. 
Sometime after, General Gardanne departed on the famous em- 
bassy to Persia; for which the way had been prepared by the 
successful mission of my friend Amedee Jaubert. This embassy 
was not merely one of those pompous legations such as Charle- 



340 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON liONAPARTE. 

magne, Louis XIV. and Louis XVI. severally received from the 
Empress Irene, the King of Siam, and Tippoo Saib. It was con- 
nected with ideas wliich Bonaparte had cherished in the very 
dawn of his power. It was indeed the light from the east which 
alforded him the first glimpse of his future greatness; and that 
light never ceased to engage his thoughts and dazzle his imagina- 
tion. I have reason to know that Gardanne's embassy was at 
first conceived on a much grander scale than that on which it 
was executed. Napoleon had resolved to send to the Shah of 
Persia four thousand infantry, commanded by chosen and experi- 
enced officers, ten thousand muskets, and fifty pieces of cannon; 
and I likewise know that orders were given for the execution of 
this design. The object which the emperor had in view, and 
which he scrupled not to avow when his plan had reached matu- 
rity, was to enable the Shah of Persia to make an important 
diversion in the eastern provinces of Russia; but there was like- 
wise another, a long-cherished, constant object, which was ever 
uppermost in his thoughts, namely, the desire of striking England 
in the very heart of her Asiatic possessions. Such was the prin- 
cipal motive of Gardanne's mission; but circumstances did not 
permit the emperor to give it all the importance he desired. He 
contented himself with sending a few officers of engineers and 
artillery to Persia, who, on their arrival, were astonished at the 
number of English they found there. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



Intei'vicw between tlio two Eniporora at Tilsit ; the Treaty of Tilsit : its Consequences ; the Ivingdom 
of Westphalia roundeil; the Diicliy of Wiu-saw; King ol' Siixony; Bombaitlraent of Copenhagen; 
Napoleon's Retun\ to Paris ; Suppression of the Tribunate ; Affairs of Portugal ; the Code Napo- 
leon; Introduction of French Laws into Germany. 

After the battle of Eylau, I received a despatch from M. de 
Talleyrand, to which was added an account of that memorable 
battle, more disastrous to the conqueror than to the other party. 
I cannot in conscience say the conquered, when speaking of the 
Russians, particularly when I recollect the precautions which were 
then taken throughout Germany to make known the French 
account before the Russian should become known. The emperor 
rightly considered it of great importance, that the event of that day 
should be viewed by every one as he himself professed to view it. 
But if the battle of Eylau was doubtful, that at Friedland could 
not be questioned, for its results were soon felt throughout Europe. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 341 

"The Emperor Alexander sought an armistice, which was agreed 
to and ratified on the 23d June; and on the 25th the Emperors 
of France and Russia met personally, each accompanied by a few 
attendants, on a raft moored on the river Niemen, near the town of 
Tilsit. The sovereigns embraced each other, and retiring under 
a canopy had along conversation, to which no one was witness. 
At its termination the appearances of mutual good- will and confi- 
dence were marked : immediately afterwards the town of Tilsit was 
neutralized, and the two emperors established their courts there, 
and lived together, in the midst of the lately hostile armies, more 
like old friends who had met on a party of pleasure, than enemies 
and rivals attempting by diplomatic means the arrangement of dif- 
ferences which had for years been deluging Europe with blood." 
The interview at Tilsit is one of the culminating points of 
modern history, and the waters of the Niemen reflected the image 
of Napoleon at the very height of his glory. Although not present 
on that remarkable occasion, I learnt, in common with the rest of 
the world, what took place in public at Tilsit. The interview 
between the two emperors, and the unhappy situation of the King 
of Prussia, are facts generally known, but few secret particulars 
connected with those events ever came to my knowledge.* Rapp 
had been sent to Dantzic, and he it was who most readily com- 
municated to me all that the emperor said and did, together with 
all that was passing around him. I was made acquainted, however, 

* Savary gives the following interesting account of this interview: 

"The Emperor Napoleon, whose courtesy was manifest in all his actions, ordered a 
large raft to be floated in the middle of the river, upon which was constructed a room, 
well covered in and elegantly decorated, having two doors on opposite sides, each of 
which opened into an ante-chamber. The roof was surmounted by two weather- 
cocks ; one displaying the eagle of Russia, and the other the eagle of France. 

" The raft was precisely in the middle of the river. 

"The two sovereigns appeared on the banks of the river, and embarked at the same 
moment; but the Emperor Napoleon arrived first on the raft, entered the room, and 
went to the opposite door, which he opened, and then stationed himself on the edge 
of the raft to receive the Emperor Alexander. 

" The two emperors met in the most amicable way. They remained together for a 
considerable time, and then took leave of each other with as friendly an air as that 
with which they had met. 

" Next day the Emperor of Russia established himself at Tilsit with a battalion of 
his guard, and orders were given for evacuating that part of the town where he and 
his battalion were to be quartered. 

"On the day the Emperor Alexander entered Tilsit, the whole army was under 
arms. The imperial guard was drawn out in two lines of three deep from the landing- 
place to the Emperor Napoleon's quarters, and frorn thence to the quarters of the 
Emperor of Prussia. A salute of one hundred guns was fired the moment Alexander 
stepped ashore, on the spot where the Emperor Napoleon was waiting to receive him. 

"This meeting attracted visiters to Tilsit from a hundred leagues round. M. de 
Talleyrand arrived, and after the observance of the usual ceremonies, business began 
to be discussed." — Memoirs of the Duke de Eovigo. 

29* 



342 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

with one circumstance worthy of note, which occurred in the 
emperor's apartments at Tilsit, the first time he received a visit 
from the King of Prussia. That unfortunate monarch, accom- 
panied by his Queen Wilhemina, had taken up his temporary abode 
in a mill a little ways out of the town. This was his sole habita- 
tion, while the emperors occupied the two quarters of the town, 
which is divided by the Niemen. The fact I am about to relate 
was communicated to a person on whose veracity I can depend, 
by an officer of the imperial guard, who was then on duty in 
Napoleon's apartment, and an eye-witness of it. When the 
Emperor Alexander visited Napoleon, they continued conversing 
a long time in a balcony, beneath which an immense crowd hailed 
their meeting with enthusiastic shouts. Napoleon commenced 
the conversation, as he had done the year preceding with the 
Emperor of Austria, by alluding to the uncertain fate of war. 
In the midst of their couA^ersation, the King of Prussia was 
announced. He was evidently much affected, as may easily be 
conceived, since, hostilities being suspended, and his territories in 
possession of the French, his only hope was in the generosity of 
the conqueror. Napoleon himself, it is said, appeared touched 
by his situation, and invited him and the queen to dinner. On 
sitting down to table, Napoleon, with much gallantr)^ signified to 
the beautiful queen, that he would restore to her Silesia, a prov- 
ince which she greatly desired should be retained in the new 
arrangements, which were necessarily about to take place. The 
treaty of peace concluded at Tilsit, between France and Russia, 
on the 7th of July, and ratified two days after, was pi'oductive of 
a change in the geography of Europe, no less remarkable than 
that effected by the treaty of Presburg in the year preceding. 
The latter, however, contained no stipulation dishonourable to 
Russia, whose territory was preserved inviolate; but unhappy 
Prussia, how had she been treated? And yet there are historians, 
who, for the empty pleasure of flattering, by posthumous praises, 
the pretended moderation of Napoleon, have all but reproached 
him for suffering some few shreds of the monarchy of the great 
Frederick to survive.* There is, however, one point on which 

* By the treaty of Tilsit, " Napoleon restored to Frederick William, Ancient Prus- 
sia and the French conquests in Upper Saxony — the king agreeing to adopt ' the con- 
tinental system ;' in other words, to be henceforth the vassal of the conqueror. The 
Polish provinces of Prussia were erected into a separate principality, styled ' the Grand 
Duchy of Warsaw,' and bestowed on the Elector of Saxony ; with the exception, 
however, of some territories assigned to Russia, and of Dantzic, which was declared 
a free city, to be garrisoned by French troops until the ratification of a maritime peace. 
The Prussian dominions in Lower Saxony and on the Rhine, with Hanover, Hesse- 
Cassel, and various other small states, formed a new kingdom of Westphaha, of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 343 

Napoleon has been condemned, I think unjustly, at least as regards 
the campaign of 1807. It has been urged, that he ought at that 
period to have reestablished the kingdom of Poland; and cer- 
tainly, for my own part, I shall never cease to regret, both for 
the interests of France and Europe that it was not reestablished. 
But when a desire, however reasonable in itself, is not carried 
into effect, have we a right to conclude that it ought to be so, in 
defiance of every obstacle? And at that time — that is to say, 
during the campaign of Tilsit — insurmountable obstacles did exist. 
At a somewhat later period. Napoleon was prevented by the 
intriguing ambition of some of his chiefs and underlings, from 
carrying into effect his long-meditated intention, of placing the 
brave Poniatowski at the head of his heroic nation. If, how- 
ever, by the treaty of Tilsit the throne of Poland was not restored, 
to serve as a barrier between old Europe and the empire of the 
Czars, Napoleon founded a kingdom of Westphalia, which he 
gave to the young under-lieutenant whom he had snubbed as a 
school-boy, and whom he now made a king, that he might have 
another crowned prefect under his orders. 

The kingdom of Westphalia was at first composed of the states 
of Hesse-Cassel, which formed its nucleus ; of a part of the prov- 
inces taken from Prussia by the moderation of the emperor, and 
of the states of Paderborn, Fulde, Brunswick, and a part of the 
electorate of Hanover. Napoleon, at the same time, though he 
was not fond of half measures, to avoid touching the Russian and 
Austrian provinces of ancient Poland, planted on the banks of the 
Vistula the grand duchy of Warsaw, which he gave to the King 
of Saxony; reserving to himself the liberty of increasing its terri- 
tory, or destroying it altogether, as he might find most convenient. 
By this policy, he allowed the Poles to look forward with hope 
for the future, and secured to himself partisans in the north, should 
the chances of war call him thither. Alexander, seduced even 

which Jerome Bonaparte, Napoleon's youngest brother, was recognised as king. The 
Elector of Saxony was recognised as another king of Napoleon's creation ; Joseph 
Bonaparte as King of Naples; and Louis, of Holland. Finally, Russia accepted the 
mediation of France for a peace with Turkey, and France that of Russia for a peace 
with England. 

" Such were the public articles of the peace of Tilsit ; but it contained secret articles 
besides, of which the, English government were fortunate enough to ascertain the 
import. — These were, that the Emperor of Russia had agreed not only to lay English 
commerce, in case his mediation for a peace should fail, under the same ban with that 
of the decrees of Berlin, but to place himself at the head of a general confederation 
of the Northern Maritime Powers against the naval supremacy of England — in other 
words, resign his own fleets, with those of Denmark, to the service of Napoleon. In 
requital of this obligation, the French emperor unquestionably agreed to permit the 
Czar to conquer Finland from Sweden — thereby adding immeasurably to the security 
of St. Petersburg." 



344 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

more than his father had been by the pohtical coquetry of Napo- 
leon, consented to all these arrangements, and acknowledged at 
once all the kings who had received their crowns from the hands 
of the emperor; he accepted some provinces which had belonged 
to his despoiled ally, to console himself, no doubt, for not having 
been able to get more restored to him. The two emperors parted 
the best friends in the w'orld; but the continental system con- 
tinued, notwithstanding. 

It was about this time that the Danish consul communicated to 
me an official report from his government. He announced, that 
on Monday, the 3d of August, a squadron, consisting of twelve 
ships of the line and twelve frigates, under the command of Admiral 
Gambler, had passed the Sound, and that the rest of the squadron 
had been seen in the Cattegat. At the same time, the English 
troops, which were in the island of Riigen, had reembarked. We 
could not at tirst conceive wdiat enterprise so considerable a force 
had been sent upon. But our uncertainty did not long continue. 
M. Didelot, the French ambassador at Copenhagen, arrived at 
Hamburg at nine o'clock in the evening of the 12th of August. 
He had had the good fortune to pass through the Great Belt, in 
sight of the English, without being stopped. I forwarded his 
report to Paris by an extraordinary courier. The English had 
sent twenty thousand men, under the command of Lord Cathcart, 
and twenty-seven vessels, into the Baltic. The coasts of Zealand 
were blockaded by ninety vessels. Mr. Jackson, who had been 
sent by England to negotiate with Denmark, which she feared 
would be invaded by the French troops, strengthened the demand 
he was instructed to make by a reference to the powerful arma- 
ment which could enforce it. Mr. Jackson's proposition amounted 
to nothing less than a requisition that the King of Denmark should 
place in the custody of England the whole of his ships and naval 
stores. They w^ere, it is true, to be kept in deposit; but in the 
condition appeared the word "until," which afforded no security 
for their future restoration. They were to be detained until such 
precautions should be no longer necessary. A menace, and its 
execution, followed close upon this insolent demand. After a 
noble, though useless resistance, and a terrific bombardment, 
Copenhagen surrendered, and the Danish fleet w;as destroyed. It 
would be diflicult to discover in history a more flagrant and revolt- 
ing instance of the abuse of power against weakness. I have stated 
what were the principal consequences of the treaty of Tilsit; and 
it is more than probable, that if the bombardment of Copenhagen 
had preceded the treaty, the emperor would have used Prussia 
even worse than he did. He mio-ht have erased her from the list 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 345 

of kingdoms; but he did not do so, from regard to the Emperor 
Alexander. The destruction of Prussia, however, was by no means 
a new project of Napoleon's. I remember an observation of his 
to M. Lemercier upon this very subject, when we first took up 
our residence at Malmaison. M. Lemercier had been reading to 
the first consul some poem in which Frederick the Great was men- 
tioned. " You geem to admire him greatly," said Bonaparte to M. 
Lemercier; "what do you find in him so astonishing? He is not 
equal to Turenne." "General," replied M. Lemercier, "it is not 
merely the warrior I esteem in Frederick, but one cannot refuse 
one's admiration of a man, who, even on the throne, was a phi- 
losopher." To this the first consul replied, in a half-displeased 
tone, " True, true, Lemercier ; but all his philosophy shall not pre- 
vent me from striking out his kingdom from the map of Europe." 
The kingdom of Frederick the Great, however, was not struck out 
of the map, because the Emperor of Russia would not basely aban- 
don a faithful ally, who had incurred with him the chances of 
fortune. Prussia had then ample reason to lament the subterfuge 
which had prevented her from declaring against France during 
the campaign of Austerlitz. 

Napoleon returned to Paris at the end of July, after an absence 
of ten months, the longest he had yet made since he had been at 
the head of the French government, whether as consul or emperor. 
The interview at Tilsit, the friendship of the Emperor Alexander, 
which was every where spoken of in the most exaggerated terms, 
and the establishment of peace on the continent, procured for 
Napoleon a degree of moral influence over public opinion which 
he had not possessed since his coronation. Fixed in his aversion 
towards deliberative assemblies, which I have often heard him term 
a mere collection of babblers, prosers, and pettifoggers. Napoleon, 
on his return to Paris, abolished the Tribunate, which had been 
an annoyance to him from the first day of his elevation. The 
emperor, who, above all men, was skilful in speculating on the 
favourable disposition of opinion, took advantage, on this occasion, 
of the enthusiasm produced by his interview on the Niemen. 
Thus disappeared, from the fundamental institutions of the govern- 
ment, the last shadow which remained of a popular character. 
Bonaparte wished to possess a senate, merely for the purpose of 
voting men; a mute legislative body to vote money — that there 
should be no opposition in the one, and no discussion in the other; 
no control over him whatever; the power of legislating according 
to his own arbitrary will and pleasure; and, lastly, an enslaved 
press : this was what Napoleon desired, and this he obtained ; but 
the month of March, 1814, resolved the question of absolute power. 



346 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Peace being concluded with Russia, it was necessary to make 
choice of an ambassador, not only to maintain the new relations 
of amity between Napoleon and Alexander, but, above all, to urge 
on the promised mediation of Russia with England, Avith a view 
to etfeot reconciliation and peace between the cabinets of Paris 
and London. The emperor entrusted this mission to Caulincourt, 
with respect to whom there existed an unfounded prejudice rela- 
tive to some circumstances which preceded the death of the Duke 
d'Enghien. This opinion, equally unfortunate and unjust, had pre- 
ceded Caulincourt to St. Petersburg; and it was feared his recep- 
tion at that court would not be such as was due to the ambassador 
of France, and his own personal qualities deserved. I learned, 
however, from positive information at the time, that, after a short 
explanation with Alexander, that monarch retained no suspicion 
unfavourable to our ambassador, for whom he conceived and pre- 
served the greatest friendship and esteem. Caulincourt's mission 
was not altogether eixsy of fulfilment, for the invincible repugnance 
and reiterated refusal of England to enter into negotiations with 
France, through the mediation of Russia, was one of the remarkable 
circumstances of the period of which I am speaking. I well knew 
that England was determined to prevent Napoleon from becoming 
master of the entire continent — a project which he pursued with 
so little disguise, that no one could doubt his intention respecting 
it. For two years he had certainly made rapid strides towards it; 
but England was not discouraged. Her calculations were founded 
on the irritation of the sovereigns, and the discontent of the peo- 
ple; and she was well aware that, whenever she desired it, her 
golden lever would again raise up and arm the continent against 
the encroachments of Napoleon. He, on his part, perceiving that 
his attempts were all to no purpose, and that England would listen 
to none of his proposals, set himself to devise fresh schemes for 
raising up new enemies against England. 

It probably is not forgotten that, in 1801, Prance had obliged 
Portugal to make common cause with her against England. In 
1807, the emperor repeated what the first consul had done form- 
erly. By an inexplicable fatality, Junot obtained the command of 
the troops which were marching against Portugal ; I say against 
Portugal, for such was the fact, although France represented her- 
self as a protector to deliver Portugal from the influence of Eng- 
land. Be that as it ma3^ the emperor's choice of a commander 
was the astonishment of every body. Was Junot, a ridiculous 
compound of vanity and ignorance, a fit person to be entrusted 
with the command of an army in a distant country, under circum- 
stances in which great political as well as military talents were 



MKMOIKH OF N AI'<il,i;()N IION A P AttTE. 347 

itidisspensable? For my own pari:, knowiug as I did junol/a iriea-, 
pacity, 1 was, I confess, absolutely astonished at his appointment, 
I i-emember, when I was one day speaking on the subject to JBer^ 
niidotte, he showed me a letter he had just received from Paris, in 
wliicli it was said, that tlie emperor had sent Junot into Portugal, 
that he miglit have a pretext hjr depriving liim of the government 
of Paris. Junot liad hecome oflensive to Napoleon, on account 
of his bad conduct, his folly, and his unlioimded extravagance. 
He was a man utterly devoid of personal dignity, or elevation of 
sentiment. Thus did Portugal twice become the place of exile 
chosen by consular and imperial caprice ; once, when the first 
consul wished to rid himself of the familiarity of Lannes, and after- 
wards, when, as emperor, he had grown disgusted with the extrav- 
agance and misconduct of a favourite. Tlie invasion of Portugal 
presented no difliculty; it was merely a wailike promenade, and 
not a war; but what events were connected with tlie occupation, 
of that country! Not willing to act dislionourably towards Eng- 
land, to wliieh he was liound by treaty, and unable to oppose the 
-whole power of Napoleon, the Prince Regent of Portugal embarked 
for Brazil, declaring that all defence was useless, At the same 
time, he advised that the French troops should be received in a 
i'riendly manner; and referred to the will of Providence the con- 
setjuences of an invasion, which, on his part, he had done nothing 
to provoke. 

It was in the month of Noveioher, 1807, tliut llie French code 
of laws, upon which the most profound legislators had indefatlgably 
laboured since the commencement of the consulate, was estab- 
lished, as the law of the state, under the title of the Code Napoleon, 
This monument of jurisprudence will no doubt be mentioned to 
Napoleon's honour in history ; but could it be supposed that the 
same system of legislation would be equally applicable in the 
vast extent of empire which France then comprised ? How absurd, 
to imagine that the same laws were suitable to the crafty Genoese, 
and to the frank and simple-hearted Hamburger; and yet, as soon 
as the Code Napoleon was promulgated, I received orders to 
establish it in the Hanse Towns! The long and frequent conver- 
sations I had on this subject with the senators and most able law- 
yers of the country, soon convinced me of the difficulties I should 
have to encounter, and the danger of making any wudden alteration 
in habits and usages whicli had been long and firmly establislied. 
The jury system was tolerably well received ; but the inhabitants, 
not accustomed to such severe |junibhmenls as the Code awarded 
to certain offences, were exceedingly unwilling to have any share 
in their infiiction, Hence resulted the frequent and serious abuse 



348 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

of men being acquitted whose guilt was evident enough to the 
jury, but who chose rather to pronounce them not guilty, than con- 
demn them to a punishment they considered too severe. Another 
reason, too, assigned for their leniency, was, that the people, not 
being as yet fully acquainted with the new laws, were not sensible 
of the penalties they incurred for particular offences. I remember 
that a man, who was accused of stealing a cloak, pleaded as his 
excuse, before the Hamburg jury, that the offence was committed 
in a moment of intoxication. ' When the jury consulted together, 
M. Von Einingen, one of them, declared the prisoner not guilty, 
because, as he said, the Syndic Doormann, when dining with him 
one day, having drunk somewhat more than was his custom, took 
away his cloak. This defence, worthy of the court of Bacchus, 
was completely successful. An argument, founded on the simi- 
larity of the case between the syndic and the accused could not 
but triumph; otherwise, the little irregularity of the former must 
have been condemned in the person of the latter. This trial, 
which terminated so ludicrously, nevertheless serves to prove that 
the best and most solemn institutions may become objects of ridi- 
cule, when all at once introduced into a country whose habits are 
not prepared to receive them. Great, indeed, is the folly of sup- 
posing that the affections of a people can be obtained by violently 
breaking through all their preconceived notions and usages. The 
Romans acted far more wisely in their schemes of empire ; they 
reserved a place in the capitol for the gods of the nations they had 
conquered. Their only wish was to annex provinces and king- 
doms to their empire. Napoleon, on the contrary, was desirous 
that his should comprise every other state, and to realize the impos- 
sible Utopia of ten different nations, all having different customs 
and languages, forming but one kingdom. How, for instance, 
could justice, that safeguard of human rights, be properly admin- 
istered in the Hanse Towns, after they had been converted into 
French departments? In these new departments many judges 
had been appointed who knew not a word of German, and were 
perfectly ignorant of law. The presidents of the tribunals of 
Lubeck, Stade, Bremerleke, and Minden, were so totally unac- 
quainted with the German language, that it was necessary to 
explain to them all the pleadings of the council chamber. Was it 
not absurd to establish such a judicial system, and, above all, to 
appoint such individuals in a country of so much importance to 
France as Hamburg and the Hanse Towns? Add to this the 
impertinence of some young favourites who were sent from Paris 
to serve their official or legal apprenticeships in the conquered 
provinces, and it may easily be conceived what affection existed 
on the part of the people towards Napoleon the Great. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 349 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

DistiU'bed State of Spain ; Godoy, Prince of Peace ; Differences between the King of Spain and his 
Son; both appeal to Napoleon; ai'e deceived, and induced to abdicate; Mui'at at Madrid; his 
Ambition ; the Ci'own of Spain destined for Joseph ; Summary of Events ; InsmTection in Spain 
and Portugal ; Landing of the British ; Junot defeated ; Convention of Cintra. 

Towards the close of 1807, commenced the troubles in Spain, 
and the affairs of that country soon presented a most complicated 
aspect. Although at a distance from the theatre of events, I 
obtained the most accurate information, both from private and 
official sources, of all those extraordinary transactions which were 
then taking place in the Peninsula. However, as this point of 
history is one of the best and most generally known, I shall omit 
from my notes and memoranda many things which, to the well- 
informed reader, would be mere useless repetitions. I may men- 
tion, however, one remarkable fact from my own knowledge, 
which is, that Bonaparte, who by turns cast his eyes on all the 
states of Europe, never fixed his attention on Spain, as long as his 
greatness was confined to mere projects. In his conversations 
with me respecting his future destiny, his allusions applied always 
to Italy, Germany, the East, and the destruction of the English 
power, but never to Spain. Consequently, when he heard of the 
first symptoms of disorder in that country, he paid but little atten- 
tion to the matter, and it was not till a considerable time after- 
wards that he took an active share in those events, which, in the 
sequel, had so great an influence on his fortune. Let us take a 
brief survey of the state of things at that period. Godoy reigned 
in Spain, under the name of the weak-minded Charles IV. This 
favourite was an object of execration to all but his own creatures, 
and even those whose fortunes were bound up with his entertained 
for him the most profound contempt. The hatred of the people 
is almost always the just reward of favourites, the very character 
appearing to announce abjectness of sentiment and base servility. 
If this be true, as respects favourites in general, what must have 
been the feeling excited by a man, who, to the knowledge of all 
Spain, owed the favour of the king only to the favours of the 
queen? Godoy 's ascendancy over the royal family was bound- 
less, his power was absolute ; the treasures of America were at his 
disposal, and he applied them to the most infamous purposes. In 
short, he had made the court of INIadrid one of those places to 
which the indignant muse of Juvenal conducts the mother of 
Britannicus. There is no doubt that Godoy was one of the prin- 
cipal causes of all the misfortunes which, under so many different 

30 



350 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

forms, afflicted Spain. The hatred of the Spaniards against the 
Prince of Peace was general. This hatred was shared hy the 
Prince of the Asturias, who openly declared himself the enemy of 
Godoy. The latter entered into an alliance with France, from 
which he hoped to obtain powerfnl assistance against his nnmerous 
enemies. Such an alliance, however, Avas highly displeasing to 
Spain, and occasioned her to look on France with no tavourable 
eye. The Prince of the Asturias was encouraged and supported by 
the complaints of the Spaniards, who were desirous of Godoy's 
overthrow. Charles IV., on his part, considered every attempt 
against the Prince of Peace as directed against himself, and in the 
month of November, 1807, accused his son of wishing to dethrone 
him.* The French ambassador, M. de Beauharnois, a relation 
of .Tosephine's first husband, was a ver}' circumspect man. His 
situation at IMadrid, at that period, was most delicate and difficult; 
and with every disposition to render full justice to his high per- 
sonal qualities, I cannot but confess that he was unequal to the 
situation in which he was placed. Still, however, without being 
gifted with any extraordinary talent, he possessed a tact which 
enabled him to observe very correctly, and it was he who gave 
the first int'ormation to government of the misunderstanding 
which existed between the King of Spain and the Prince of the 
Asturias. I have been assured that he frequently interposed with 
the whole weight of his olHcial authority, before he communi- 
cated the subject to the emperor; but things had now come to 
that pass, that it would have been highly improper to have 
remained silent any longer. He therefore communicated to the 
emperor, that the king, in the excess of his irritation against his 
son. had openly declared his wish to revoke the law which called 
the Prince of the Asturias to the succession of one of the thrones 

* This accusation was conveyed to Napoleon in the following; letter, addressed to 
him hy Charles IV. : " . 

" SiKF., MY Brother: At the moment when I was occupied with the means of 
cooperating tor the destruction of our common enemy, when I believed that al! the 
plots of the late Queen of Naples liad been buried with her daughter, I perceive, with 
a horror that makes me tremble, that the most dreadful spirit of intrigue has penetrated 
even into the heart of my palace. Alas! my heart bleeds at reciting so dreadful an 
outrage. My eldest son, the presumptive heir to my throne, entered info a horrible 
plot to dethrone me ; he even went to the extreme of attempting the life of his mother. 
So dreadful a crime ought to be punished with the nuist exemplary rigour of the laws. 
The law which calls him to the succession ought to be reeoked ; one of his brothers 
jcill br more wort^iij to occupy his place, both in my heart and on the throne. I am 
at this moment in search of his accomplices, in order to sift thoroughly this plan of 
most atrocious wickedness; and I would not lose a moment in informing your imperial 
and royal majesty of it, and to beseech you to assist me with your knowledge and 
counsel. "For which I pray, &c. "Charles. 

'' San Lorenzo, November 29, 1S07." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 351 

of Charles V. The King of Spain did not confine himself to 
verbal complaints; but he, or rather the Prince of Peace, acting 
in his name, caused the warmest partisans of the Prince of the 
Asturias to be arrested. The latter, well acquainted with the 
sentiments of his father, wrote to Napoleon, requesting his sup- 
port. Thus the father and son, at open war, were appealing one 
against the other for the support of him who desired only to get 
rid of both, and to put one of his brothers in their place, that he 
might have one more junior in the college of European kings; 
but, as I have already mentioned, this fresh scheme of ambition 
w^as not premeditated, and if he gave the throne of Spain to his 
brother Joseph, it was only on the refusal of his brother Louis. 

The emperor promised to support Charles IV. against his son, 
and not wishing to commit himself in these family disputes, he 
did not answer the first letters of the Prince of the Asturias. 
But finding that the intrigues of Madrid were assuming a serious 
character, his first step was to send troops into Spain. This gave 
offence to the Spaniards, who, taking no part in the intrigues of 
Godoy, or the misunderstanding between the king and his son, 
were jealous of the interference of France. In the provinces 
through which the French troops passed it was asked, what was 
the pretence for this invasion? Some attributed it to the Prince 
of Peace, and others to the Prince of the Asturias, but the indig- 
nation of all parties was equally excited by it, and troubles broke 
out at Madrid, attended by those violent outrages which are 
peculiar to the Spanish character. Under these alarming circum- 
stances, Godoy proposed that Charles IV. should remove to 
Seville, where he would have it more in his power to punish the 
factious. A proposition from Godoy to his master was less a 
counsel than a command, and the latter accordingly resolved to 
depart; but from that moment the people looked on Godoy as a 
traitor. An insurrection took place; the palace was surrounded; 
and the Prince of Peace would have been killed in an upper 
apartment, in which he had taken refuge, had not one of the 
insurgents invoked in his favour the name of the Prince of the Astu- 
rias, which had the effect of saving him from certain destruction. 

Charles IV. did not preserve his crown ; he was easily intimi- 
dated, and advantage was taken of a moment of alarm to demand 
that abdication, which he had not the spirit to refuse. He made 
a surrender of his rights in favour of his son, and thus terminated 
the insolent power of the Prince of Peace. The latter was made 
prisoner, and the Spaniards, who like all other ignorant people are 
easily excited, manifested their joy on the occasion with a bar- 
barous enthusiasm. The unfortunate king, who owed to his very 



352 MEMOIUS OF N.VrOliKOX UONArARTE, 

weakness his escape from dangers Avhieh. after all, were more 
imaginary than real, and who at tirst appeared satisfied with hav- 
ing exchanged his crown Tor the privilege to live, no sooner saw 
himself in "safety, than he changed his mind. He wrote to the 
emperor, protesting against his abdication, and appealed to him 
as the arbiter of his future fate. 

During these internal dissensions, the French army was pursu- 
ing its march towards the Pyrenees. These mountains were soon 
passed, and Murat entered Madrid in the beginning of April, 1808. 

Before receiving any despatch from government, I learned 
that IMurat's presence in IMadrid. so far from producing a good 
elfect, had only increased the evil. This intbrmation was com- 
municated to me by a merchant o[' Lubeck, who had received it 
from his correspondent at IMadrid. In this letter, Spain was 
represented as a prey which Murat was desirous of seizing for 
hiuiself; and from the information which I afterwards receivedj I 
found that the writer was correct. It is certainly true, that 
Murat imagined he was to conquer Spain for Inmself, and it was 
by no means astonishing that the inhabitants of Madrid should 
have becon\e acquainted with his designs, since he carried his 
indiscretion so far as openly to express his wish to become King 
of Spain. The emperor was soon informed of this, and gave 
him to understand, in very plain terms, that the throne of Spain 
and the Indies was not intended for him, but that he should not 
be forgotten. 

Napoleon's remonstrances, however, had no effect in restrain- 
ing Murat's imprudence; and, although he did not gain the crown 
of Spain lor himselt\ he powerfully contributed to make Charles 
n^. lose it. That monarch, whom long custom had attached to 
the Prince of Peace, solicited the liberation of his favourite from 
the emperor, declaring that he and his tamily would be satisfied 
to live in any place of security, provided Godoy was with them. 
The unhappy Charles appeared to be completely disgusted with 
greatness. 

Both the king and queen were so earnest in their entreaties 
for Godoy 's liberation, that IMurat, whose vanity was highly flat- 
tered by these royal solicitations, took the Prince of Peace under 
liis protection; and declared that, notwithstanding the abdication 
of Charles IV. he would not acknowledge any one but that prince 
as King of Spain, until he should receive contrary orders from 
the emperor. This declaration placed Murat in formal opposition 
to the Spanish people ; who, mortally hating the Prince of Peace, 
embraced the cause of the heir to the throne, in whose favour 
Charles lY. had abdicated. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 353 

It has been said that Napoleon was placed in a difficult situation 
in this dispute between the king and his son. Such was not the 
fact. Although Charles declared that his abdication had been 
extorted from him by violence and threats, he had, nevertheless, 
actually agreed to it. In virtue of this act, Ferdinand was king ; but 
Charles insisted that it was done against his will, and retracted. 
The recognition of the emperor was wanting, who was perfectly 
at liberty either to give or to withhold it. 

In this state of things, Napoleon arrived at Bayonne, and he 
invited Ferdinand to come and meet him there, under the pre- 
tence of arranging the differences which existed between his 
father and himself It was some time before he could come to 
the resolution to do so ; but at length his deluded advisers pre- 
vailed on him, and he set off for Bayonne. On his arrival at Vit- 
toria, he hesitated to proceed, under the impression, that if he 
once entered Bayonne, he would not be allowed to depart from it 
again. But he was induced to continue his journey on receiving 
a letter from the emperor, which was filled with the most deceit- 
ful promises, and the most positive assurances that the crown of 
Spain should be placed on his head, and that every thing had been 
arranged for that purpose at Bayonne. What happened to him 
afterwards, as well as to his father, who came shortly after with 
his inseparable friend the Prince of Peace, is well known. Napo- 
leon, who had engaged to be arbiter between the father and the 
son, settled the matter at once, by giving the disputed throne to 
his brother Joseph. 

The revolution in Madrid, on the 2d of May, hastened the fate 
of Ferdinand, who was accused of being the author of it; at least, 
this suspicion fell on his friends and adherents. It was also said 
that Charles IV. would not return to Spain, but had solicited an 
asylum in France. At any rate, he signed a renunciation of his 
rights to the crown of Spain, which was also signed by the Infants. 

The Prince Royal of Sweden, who was at Hamburg at this 
period, and the ministers of all the European powers, loudly con- 
demned the conduct of Napoleon as regarded Spain. I cannot 
take it upon me to say, whether or not M. de Talleyrand dissuaded 
Napoleon from attempting the overthrow of a branch of the house 
of Bourbon; his good sense and elevated views might probably 
have suggested such advice: but the general opinion was, that 
had he retained the portfolio of foreign affairs, the Spanish revo- 
lution would have terminated with a greater show of decency 
and good faith, and more creditable to the character of Napoleon. 

The following may be given as a summary of the proceedings 
X 21* 



854 MI.M01KS OF \ArOLF.OX BOXAPARTE. 

in Spain and Portugal, which led to the occupation of these 
countries by the Fi-euch, and which preceded the interference of 
England in the aflairs of the Peninsula: 

"The secret history of the intrigues of 180T, between the Fi-ench 
court and the rival parties in Spain, has not yet been clearly exposed. 
Aecordino- to Napoleon, the fn-iit proposal for conquering Portugal by 
the united anus of France and Spain, and dividing that monarchy into 
three separate prizes, of which one should fall to the disposition of 
France, a second to the Spanish king, and a third reward the personal 
exertions of Godoy. came not from him, but fron\ the Spanish minister. 
The suggestion has been attributed, by every Spanish authority, to the 
emperor; and it is dithcult to doubt that such was the fact. The ttvaty, 
in which the unprincipled design took complete form, was ratified at 
Fontaiubleau on the xJOth of October, ISl^T, and accompanied by a con- 
vention, which provided for the iuunediate invasion of Portugal by a 
force of twenty-eight thousand French soldiers, imder the orders of 
Junot, and of twenty-seven thousand Spaniards; wiiile a reserve of 
forty thousand French troops were to be assembled at Bayonne. ready 
to take the field by the end of November, in case England should land 
an army for the defence of Portugal, or the people of that devoted 
country presume to meet Junot by a national insurrection. 

''Junot forthwith commenced his march thivugh Spain, A\here the 
French soldiery were received every where with coldness and suspicion, 
but no where by any hostile movement of the people. He would have 
halted at Salanvanca to organize his army, but, in consequence of a 
peremptory order from Paris, he advanced at once into Portugal, and 
arrived there in the latter part of November. Godoy's contingent of 
Spaniards appeared there also, and placed themselves under Junot's com- 
mand. Their numbers overawed the population, and they advanced, 
unopposed, towards the capital. The feeble government, meantime, 
having made, one by one, every degrading submission which France 
dictated, became convinced at length tliat no nieasures of subserviency 
could avert the doom which Napoleon had fulminated. A ^hMiiteur, 
proclaiming that 'the House of Braganz.a had ceased to reign.' reached 
Lisbon. The Prince Regent i-eopened his comnumication with the 
English admiral otf the Tagus (Sir Sidney Smith) and the lately 
expelled ambassador (Lord Strangford), and being assured of their pro- 
toction, embarked on the -7th of November, and sailed for the Brazils 
on the 29th, only a few hours before Junot made his appearance at the 
gates of Lisbon. 

" Napoleon thus saw Portugal in his grasp : but that he had all along 
considered as a point of minor importance, and he had accordingly 
availed himself of the utmost concessions of the treaty of Fontaiubleau 
without waiting for any insurrection of the Portuguese, or English 
debarkation on" their territoiy. His army of reserve, in number far 
exceeding the forty thousand men named in the treaty, had already 



MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON EONAPAETE. 355 

passed the Pyrenees, in two bodies, under Dupont and Moncey, and 
were advancing slowly, but steadily, into the heart of Spain. Nay, 
without even the pretext of being mentioned in the treaty, another 
French army of twelve thousand, under Duhesme, had penetrated 
through the eastern Pyrenees, and being received as friends among the 
unsuspecting garrisons, obtained possession of Barcelona, Parnpeluna, 
and St. Sebastian, and the other fortified places in the north of Spain, 
by a succession of treacherous artifices, to which the history of civilized 
nations presents no parallel. 

"It seems impossible that such daring movements should not have' 
awakened the darkest suspicions at Madrid ; yet the royal family, over- 
looking the common danger about to overwhelm them and their country, 
continued, during three eventful months, to waste what energies they 
possessed in petty conspiracies, domestic broils, and, incredible as the 
tale will hereafter appear, in the meanest diplomatic intrigues with the 
court of France. A sudden panic at length seized the king or his min- 
ister, and the court, then at Aranjue^, prepared to retire to Seville, and, 
sailing from thence to America, seek safety, after the example of the 
house of Braganza. The servants of the Prince of the Asturias, on per- 
ceiving the preparations for this flight, commenced a tumult, in which 
the populace of Aranjuez readily joined, and which was only pacified 
(for the moment) by a royal declaration that no flight was contemplated. 
On the 18th of March, 1808, the day following, a scene of like violence 
took place in the capital itself. The house of Godoy in Madrid was 
sacked. The favourite himself was assaulted at Aranjuez, on the 19th ; 
with great diflficulty saved his life by the intervention of the royal guards; 
and was placed under arrest. Terrified by what he saw at Aranjuez, 
and heard from Madrid, Charles IV. abdicated the throne; and on the 
20th, Ferdinand, his son, was proclaimed king at Madrid, amidst a 
tumult of popular applausr^. Murat, Grand Duke of Berg, had before 
this assumed the chief command of all the French troops in Spain ; and 
hearing of the extremities to which the court factions had gone, he now 
moved rapidly on Madrid, surrounded that capital with thirty thousand 
men, and took possession of it in person, at the head of ten thousand 
more, on the 23d of March. 

" The emperor heard with much regret of the precipitancy with which 
his lieutenant had occupied Madrid — for his clear mind had foreseen ere 
now the imminent hazard of trampling too rudely on the jealous pride of 
the Spaniards. He, therefore, sent Savary, in whose practised cunning 
and duplicity he hoped to find a remedy for the military rashness of 
Murat, to assume the chief direction of affairs at Madrid; and the 
rumour was actively spread, that the emperor was about to appear there 
in person without delay. 

"Madrid, occupied and begirt by forty thousand armed strangers, his 
title unrecognised by Murat, his weak understanding and tumultuous 
passions worked upon incessantly by the malicious craft of Savary, 
Ferdinand was at length persuaded, that his best chance of securing the 



856 MT.MOirv? OF XArOLBOX boxafahte. 

aid and protection ot" Napoleon lay in inlvanoing to meet him on his 
■vvay to the capital, and striving to gain his ear before tlie emissaries of 
Godoy shonld be able to till it with their reclamations. SaAary eagerly 
ottered to accompany liini on this fatal journey, which began on the 10th 
of April. The intatuated Ferdinand had been taught to believe that he 
should tind Bonaparte at l^urgos; not meeting him there, he Avas tempted 
to pursue his journey as tar as Vittoria : and from thence, in spite of 
the populace, who, more sagacious than their prince, cut the traces of 
his carriage, he Avas, by a repetition of the same treacherous arguments, 
induced to pnu'-eed stage by stage, and at length to pass the frontier, and 
present himself at Bayonne, where tlie arbiter of his fate lay anxiously 
expecting this consunnnation of his almost incredible folly. He arrived 
there on the '20lh of April — was received by Napoleon with courtesy, 
entertained at dinner at the imperial table, and the same evening informed 
by Savary that his doom was sealed — that the Bourbon dynasty had 
ceased to reign in Spain, and that his personal safety must depend on 
the readiness with which he shonld resign all his pretensions into the 
hands of Bonaparte. 

"He, meauAvhile, as soon as he was aware that Ferdinand had actually 
set out from IMadrid, had ordered Murat to find the means of causing 
the old king, the queen, and Godoy, to repair also to Bayonne : nor does 
it appear that his lieutenant had any ditficulty in pei-suading these per- 
sonages that such was the course of conduct most in accordance Avith 
their interests. They reached Bayonne on the 4th of May, and Napo- 
leon, cont'ronting the parents and the son on the 5th. witnessed a scene 
in Avhich the prodigate rancour of their domestic feuds readied extrem- 
ities liardly to have been contemplated by the Avildest imagination. 

" Charles IV. resigned the cix>Avn of Spain for himself and his heirs, 
accepting in return I'rom the hands of Napoleon a safe retreat in Italy 
and a large pension. Godoy, who had entered into the tatal negotiation 
of Fontainbleau, with the hope and the promise of an independent sover- 
eignty carved out of the Portuguese dominions, Avas pensioned otl' in 
like manner, and ordered to partake the Italian exile of his patrons. A 
fcAv days afterwards, Ferdinand TIL , being desired to choose at length 
betAveen compliance and death, folloAved the example of his father, and 
executed a similar act of resignation. 

"Ferdinand, before he left Madrid, had invested a council of regency 
AAith the sovereign power, his uncle. Don Antonio, being prosidem, and 
Murat one of the membei-s. Mui-at's assumption of the authority thus 
conferred, the departure of Fenlinand, the liberation and departure of 
the detested Godoy, the tlight of the old king— these occurrences produced 
their natural etiects on the popular mind. A dark suspicion that France 
medhated the desu'uction of the national independence, began to spread; 
and, on the Cd of May, Avhen it transpired that preparations Avere making 
lor the journey of Don Antonio also, the general rage at last bum out. 
A ciVAvd collected round the carriage meant, as they concluded, to con- 
vey the last of the royal family out of Spain; the traces Avere cut; 



MBMOmS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 357 

the imprecations against the French were furious. Colonel La Grange, 
Murat's aid-de-canrip, happening to appear on the spot, was cruelly mal- 
treated. In a moment the whole capital was in an uproar : the French 
soldiery were assaulted every where — about seven hundred were slain. 
The mob attacked the hospital — the sick and their attendants rushed 
out and defended it. The French cavalry, hearing the tumult, entered 
the city by the gate of Alcala — a column of three thousand infantry 
from the otlier side by the street Ancha de Bernardo. Some Spanish 
officers headed the mob, and fired on the soldiery in the streets of Mara- 
valles: a bloody massacre ensued: many hundreds were made prison, 
ers : the troops, sweeping the streets from end to end, released their 
comrades ; and, to all appearance, tranquillity was restored ere night- 
fall. During the darkness, however, the peasantry flocked in armed 
from the neighbouring country ; and, being met at the gates by the irri- 
tated soldiery, not a few more were killed, wounded, and made prisoners. 
Murat ordered all the prisoners to be tried by a military commission, 
which doomed them to instant death. 

"This commotion had been preceded by a brief insurrection, easily 
suppressed, and not unlikely to be soon forgotten, on the 23d of April, 
at Toledo. The events in the capital were of a more decisive charac- 
ter, and the amount of the bloodshed, in itself great, was much exag- 
gerated in the reports which flew, like wild fire, throughout the Penin- 
sula. In almost every town of Spain, and almost simultaneously, the 
flame of patriotic resentment broke out in the terrible form of assas- 
sination. The French residents were slaughtered without mercy: the 
supposed partisans of Napoleon and Godoy were sacrificed in the first 
tumult of popular rage. At Cadiz, Seville, Carthagena — above all, in 
Valencia — the streets ran red with blood. 

"Napoleon received the intelligence with alarm; but he had already 
gone too far to retract without disturbing the magical influence of his 
reputation. He, moreover, was willing to flatter himself that the lower 
population of Spain alone took an active part in these transactions ; that 
the nobility, whose degradation he could hardly over-estimate, would 
abide by his voice ; in a word, that with eighty thousand troops in Spain, 
besides Junot's army in Portugal, he possessed the means of suppressing 
the tumult after the first effervescence should have escaped. He pro- 
ceeded, therefore, to act precisely as if no insurrection had occurred. 
Tranquillity being reestablished in Madrid, the Council of Castile were 
convoked, and commanded to elect a new sovereign : their choice had 
of course been settled beforehand ; it fell on Joseph Bonaparte, King of 
Naples; and ere it was announced, that personage was already on his 
way to Bayonne ; Ninety-five Notables of Spain nriet him in that town, 
and swore fealty to him and a new constitution. 

"The patriotic feeling, which had been thus exhibited throughout the 
country, was encouraged by the British comnrianders on the coast of 
Spain ; and, without waiting for orders from home, they openly espoused 
the cause of the insurgents. 



358 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

" The King of England on the 4th of July addressed his parliament 
on the subject, and said, 'The Spanish nation, thus nobly struggling 
against the usurpation and tyranny of France, can no longer be con- 
sidered as the enemy of Great Britain, but is recognised by me as a 
natural friend and ally.' The Spanish prisoners of war were forthwith 
released, clothed, equipped, and sent back to their country. Supplies of 
arms and money were liberally transmitted thither ; and, Portugal at the 
same time bursting into general insurrection also, a formal treaty of 
alliance, offensive and defensive, was soon concluded between England 
and the two kingdoms of the Peninsula. 

"This insurrection furnished Great Britain with what she had not 
yet possessed during the war, a favourable theatre whereon to oppose 
the full strength of her empire to the arms of Napoleon ; and the oppor- 
tunity was embraced with zeal, though for some time but little skill 
appeared in the manner of using it. At the moment when the insur- 
rection occurred, twenty thousand Spanish troops were in Portugal under 
the orders of Junot ; fifteen thousand more, under the Marquis de la 
Romana, were serving Napoleon in Holstein. There remained forty 
thousand Spanish regulars, eleven thousand Swiss, and thirty thousand 
militia; but of the best of these, the discipline, when compared with 
French or English armies, was contemptible. The nobility, to whose 
order the chief officers belonged, were divided in their sentiments — per- 
haps the greater number inclined to the interests of Joseph. Above all, 
the troops were scattered, in small sections, over the face of the whole 
country, and there was no probability that any one regular army should 
be able to muster so strong as to withstand the efforts of a mere frag, 
ment of the French force already established within the kingdom. The 
fleets of Spain had been destroyed in the war with England : her com- 
merce and revenues had been mortally wounded by the alliance with 
France and the mal-administration of Godoy. Ferdinand was detained 
a prisoner in France. There was no natural leader or chief, around 
whom the whole energies of the nation might be expected to rally. It 
was amidst such adverse circumstances that the Spanish people rose every 
where, smarting under intolerable wrongs, against a French army, already 
eighty thousand strong, in possession of half the fortresses of the country, 
and in perfect communication with the mighty resources of Napoleon. 

" The Spanish arms were at first exposed to many reverses ; the raw- 
ness of their levies, and the insulated nature of their movements, being 
disadvantages of which it was not difficult for the experienced generals 
and overpowering numbers of the French to reap a full and bloody 
harvest. After various petty skirmishes, in which the insurgents of 
Arragon were worsted by Lefebvre Desnouettes, and those of Navarre 
and Biscay by Bessieres, the latter officer came upon the united armies 
of Castile, Leon, and Gallicia, commanded by the Generals Cuesta 
and Blake, on the 14th of July, at Riosecco, and defeated them in a 
desperate action, in which not less than twenty thousand Spaniards died. 

' But the fortune of war, after the great day of Riosecco, was every 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 359 

where on the side of the patriots. Duhesme, who had so treacherously 
possessed himself of Barcelona and Figueras, found himself surrounded 
by the Catalonian mountaineers, who, after various affairs, in which 
much blood was shed on both sides, compelled him to shut himself up in 
Barcelona. Marshal Moncey conducted another large division of the 
French towards Valencia, and was to have been farther reinforced by 
a detachment from Duhesme. The course of events in Catalonia pre- 
vented Duhesme from affording any such assistance ; and the inhabitants 
of Valencia, male and female, rising en masse, and headed by their 
clergy, manned their walls with such determined resolution, that the 
French marshal was at length compelled to retreat. 

" A far more signal catastrophe had befallen another powerful corps 
d'armee, under General Dupont, which marched from Madrid towards 
the south, with the view of suppressing all symptoms of insurrection in 
that quarter, and, especially, of securing the great naval station of Cadiz, 
where a French squadron lay. Dupont's force was increased as he 
advanced, till it amounted to twenty thousand men ; and with these he 
took possession of Baylen and La Carolina, in Andalusia, and stormed 
Jaen. But before he could make these acquisitions, the citizens of 
Cadiz had universally taken the patriot side; the commander of the 
French vessels had been forced to surrender them ; and the place, hav- 
ing opened a communication with the English fleet, assumed a posture 
of determined defence. General Castanos, the Spanish commander in 
that province, who had held back from battle until his raw troops should 
hav6 had time to be disciplined, began at length to threaten the position 
of the French. Jaen was attacked by him with such vigour, that Dupont 
was fain to evacuate it, and fall back to Baylen, where his troops soon 
suffered severe privations, the peasantry being in arms all around them, 
and the supply of food becoming from day to day more difficult. On 
the 16th of July, Dupont was attacked at Baylen by Castanos, who knew 
from an intercepted despatch the extent of his enemy's distress: the 
French were beaten, and driven as far as Menjibar. They returned 
on the 18th, and attempted to recover Baylen; but, after a long and 
desperate battle, in which three thousand of the French were killed, 
Dupont, perceiving that the Spaniards were gathering all around in 
numbers not to be resisted, proposed to capitulate. In effect, he and 
twenty thousand soldiers laid down their arms at Baylen, on condition 
that they should be transported in safety to France. The Spaniards 
broke this convention, and detained them as prisoners — thus imitating 
the perfidy of Napoleon's own conduct to Spain. The richest part of 
Spain was freed wholly of the invaders : the light troops of Castanos 
pushed on, and swept the country before them ; and within ten days, 
King Joseph perceived the necessity of quitting Madrid, and removed 
his head -quarters to Vittoria. 

"In the mean- time, Lefebvre Desnouettes, whose early success in 
Arragon has been alluded to, was occupied with the siege of Saragossa 
— the inhabitants of which city had risen in the first out-break, and pre- 
oared to defend their walls to the last extremity. Don Jose Palafox, a 



360 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

young nobleman, who had made his escape from Bayonne, was invested 
with the command. The importance of success in this enterprise was 
momentous, especially after the failure of Moncey at Valencia. Napo- 
leon himself early saw, that if the Valencians should be able to form a 
union with the Arragonese at Saragossa, the situation of the Catalonian 
insurgents on the one side would be prodigiously strengthened ; while, 
on the other hand, the armies of Leon and Gallicia (whose coasts offered 
the means of continual communication with England), would conduct 
their operations in the immediate vicinity of the only great road left 
open between Madrid and Bayonne — the route by Burgos. He there- 
fore had instructed Savary to consider Saragossa as an object of the 
very highest importance ; but the corps of Lefebvre was not strength- 
ened as the emperor would have wished it to be, ei'e he sat down before 
Saragossa. The siege was pressed with the utmost vigour; but the 
immortal heroism of the citizens baffled all the valour of the French. 
There were no regular works worthy of notice : but the old Moorish 
walls, not above eight or ten feet in height, and some extensive monas- 
tic buildings in the outskirts of the city, being manned by crowds of 
determined men, whose wives and daughters looked on — nay, mingled 
boldly in their defence — the besiegers were held at bay week after 
week, and saw their ranks thinned in continual assaults without being 
able to secure any adequate advantage. Famine came, and disease in 
its train, to aggravate the sufferings of the towns-people ; but they would 
listen to no suggestions but those of the same proud spirit in which they 
had begun. The French at length gained possession of the great eon- 
vent of St. Engracia, and thus established themselves within the town 
itself: their general then sent to Palafox this brief summons : 'Head- 
quarters, Santa Engracia — Capitulation ;' but he received for answer, 
'Head-quarters, Saragossa — War to the knife.' The battle was main- 
tained literally from street to street, from house to house, and from 
chamber to chamber. Men and women fought side by side, amidst 
flames and carnage ; until Lefebvre received the news of Baylen, and 
having wasted two months in his enterprise, abandoned it abruptly, lest 
he should find himself insulated amidst the general retreat of the French 
armies. Such was the first of the two famous sieges of Saragossa. 

"The English government meanwhile had begun their preparations 
for interfering effectually in the affairs of the Peninsula. They had 
despatched one body of troops to the support of Castanos in Andalusia; 
but these did not reach the south of Spain until their assistance was 
rendered unnecessary by the surrender of Dupont at Baylen. A more 
considerable force, amounting to ten thousand, sailed early in June, 
from Cork, for Corunna, under the command of the Hon. Sir Arthur 
Wellesley. Sir Arthur, being permitted to land at what point of the 
Peninsula he should judge most advantageous for the general cause, 
was soon satisfied that Portugal ought to be the first scene of his opera- 
tions, and accordingly lost no time in opening a communication with 
the patriots, who had taken possession of Oporto. Here the troops which 
had been designed to aid Castanos joined him. Thus strengthened, and 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAHTE. 361 

well informed of the state of the French armies in Spain, Sir Arthur 
resolved to effect a landing, and attack Junot while circumstances seemed 
to indicate no chance of his being reinforced by Bessieres. 

"It was on the 8th of August, 1808 — a day ever memorable in the 
history of Britain — that Sir Arthur Wellesley effected his debarkation 
in the bay of Mondego. He immediately commenced his march towards 
Lisbon, and on the 17th came up with the enemy under General Laborde, 
strongly posted on an eminence near Rorica. The French contested 
their ground gallantly, but were driven from it at the point of the bayo- 
net, and compelled to retreat. The British general, having hardly any 
cavalry, was unable to pursue them so closely as he otherwise would 
have done : and Laborde succeeded in joining his shattered division to 
the rest of the French forces in Portugal. Junot (recently created 
Duke of Abrantes) now took the command in person; and finding 
himself at the head of full twenty-four thousand troops, while the Eng- 
lish army were greatly inferior in numbers, and miserably supplied 
with cavalry and artillery, he did not hesitate to assume the offensive. 
On the 21st of August he attacked Sir Arthur at Vimiero. In the lan- 
guage of the English general's despatch, 'a most desperate contest 
ensued;' and the result was 'a signal defeat.' Junot, having lost thir- 
teen cannon and more than two thousand men, imm.ediately fell back 
upon Lisbon, where his position was protected by the strong defile of 
the Torres Vedras. 

"It is to be regretted that, in the moment of victory, Sir Arthur should 
have been superseded by the arrival of an officer of superior rank, who 
did not consider it prudent to follow up the victoiy. .Junot a few days 
after sent Kellerman to demand a truce, and pi'opose a convention for 
the evacuation of Portugal by the troops under his orders. General 
Sir Hugh Dalrymple, who had succeeded Sir Arthur Wellesley in the 
command, granted the desired armistice. Junot offered to surrender 
his magazines, stores, and armed vessels, provided the British would 
disembark his soldiers, with their arms, at any French port between 
Rochefort and L'Orient, and permit them to take with them their pri- 
vate property ; and Dalrymple did not hesitate to agree to these terms, 
although Sir John Moore arrived off the coast with a reinforcement of 
ten thousand men during the progress of the negotiation. The famous 
' Convention of Cintra' was signed accordingly on the 30th of August ; 
and the French army wholly evacuated Portugal in the manner pro- 
vided for. Thus Portugal was freed from the presence of her enemies ; 
and England obtained a permanent footing within the Peninsula. The 
character of the British army was also raised, not only abroad, but at 
home : and had the two insurgent nations availed themselves, as they 
ought to have done, of the resources which their great ally placed at 
their command, and conducted their own affairs with unity and strength 
of purpose, the deliverance of the whole Peninsula might have been 
achieved years before that consummation actually took place." — Family 
Library. 

31 



362 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON HONAPARTIT. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Arbitrary Conduct of the French Military Governors; General Dupas at Hamburg; the Code of 
Commerce ; Conquests by Senntus Consulta ; Creation of the Imperial Nobility ; Restoration of 
the University ; Italy aggrandized at the Expense of the Pope ; the Interview at Erfui't between 
the Emperors Napoleon and Alexander. 

I HAVE no wish to detail the many disgraceful actions commit- 
ted by intriguers of the second class, who hoped to come in for 
their share in the partition of the continent. It would be a tedious 
matter to give an account of all the tricks and treacheries which 
they practised either to augment their fortunes, or to secure the 
favour of their chief, who wished to have kings for his subjects. 
It is scarcely to be conceived with what eagerness the princes of 
Germany sought to range themselves under the protection of 
Napoleon, by joining the Confederation of the Rhine. I received 
letters from them continually, which served to show both the 
influence which Napoleon exercised in Germany, and the facility 
with which men stoop beneath the yoke of a new power. 

Bernadotte had proceeded to Denmark, to take the command 
of the Spanish and French troops, who had been sent from the 
Hanse Towns to occupy that kingdom, which was then menaced 
by England. His departure was a great loss to me, for we had 
always taken the same views on whatever measures were to be 
adopted, and I became still more sensible of his loss when enabled 
to form a comparison between him and his successor. It is pain- 
ful to me to detail the misconduct of those who compromised the 
French name in unhappy Germany, but, in fulfilling the task I 
have undertaken, I am determined to adhere strictly to the truth. 

In April, 1808, General Dupas arrived as governor of Hamburg 
but only under the orders of Bernadotte, who retained the chief 
command of the French troops in the Hanse Towns. By the 
nomination of General Dupas, the emperor cruelly disappointed 
the wishes and hopes of the inhabitants of Lower Saxony. That 
general, a scourge to the people of Hamburg, was wont to say of 

them, "As long as I see those rolling in their carriages, I will 

have money from them." It is but just, however, to state, that his 
extortions were not for his own advantage; his most unjustifiable 
actions were all committed for the benefit of the man to whom he 
owed his rank, and to whom he had in some measure devoted his 
existence. 

I shall here state the way in which the generals, who com- 
manded the French troops at Hamburg, had been provided for. 
The Senate of Hamburg granted to the marshals thirty friederichs, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 363' 

and to the generals of division twenty friederichs per day, for the 
expenses of their table, exclusive of the hotel in which they were 
lodged by the city. General Dupas wished to be provided for on 
the same footing as the marshals. The senate having, with rea- 
son, rejected such a claim, Dupas was highly offended, and in 
revenge insisted that he should be served daily with a breakfast 
and dinner of thirty covers. This was a most extravagant and 
intolerable expenditure, and Dupas cost the city more than any 
of his predecessors. 

The ill-humour which Dupas had conceived on the resistance 
of the senate, he visited on the inhabitants. Among other vexa- 
tions, there was one to which the people could not easily submit. 
In Hamburg, which had formerly been a fortified town, though 
now laid out more like an English garden, the custom is still pre- 
served of closing the gates at nightfall. On Sundays they were 
shut three-quarters of an hour later, that the amusements of the 
people might not be interrupted. 

An event, which excited great irritation in the public mind, 
and which might have been attended with even more serious 
consequences, was occasioned by the perverse conduct of Dupas. 
From some unaccountable whim or other, the general ordered the 
gates to be shut at seven in the evening, and, consequently, while 
it was broad day-light, the season being the middle of spring. 
From this regulation not even the Sunday was excepted ; and on 
that day a great number of the peaceable inhabitants, on their 
return from the outskirts of the city, presented themselves for 
admittance at the gate of Altona. The first comers were greatly 
surprised to find it closed, as it was a greater thoroughfare than any 
other gate in Hamburg. The number of persons thus excluded 
was continually increasing, and a considerable crowd soon col- 
lected in front of the gate. After useless entreaties addressed to 
the officers of the station, the people determined to send to the 
commandant for the keys. The commandant arrived, accompa- 
nied by the general, and on their appearance, as it was supposed 
they had come to order the gates to be opened, they were saluted 
by a general "hurrah!" which, throughout almost all the north, 
is the popular cry expressive of satisfaction. General Dupas, 
not understanding its intention, conceived this cry to be the sig- 
nal for an insurrection, and instead of opening the gates, com- 
manded the soldiers to fire on the peaceable citizens, who were 
only anxious to return to their homes. Several persons were 
killed, and others more or less seriously wounded. Fortunately, 
after this first discharge, the brutal fury of Dupas was appeased, 
but he persisted in keeping the gates closed till the morning; 



364 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

when an order was posted about the city prohibiting the cry of 
"hurrah!" under the severest penalties. It was also forbidden, 
that more than three persons should collect together in the streets. 
In this manner was the French yoke imposed by certain individ- 
uals upon towns and provinces hitherto contented and happy. 
Dupas was as much execrated in the Hanse Towns as Clarke had 
been at Berlin, of which capital he was governor, during the 
campaign of 1807. Clarke had heaped every species of oppression 
and exaction on the inhabitants of Berlin ; and Heaven knows 
what epithets accompanied his name when uttered from the lips 
of a Prussian ! 

On the day following this outrage, fearful of. the fatal conse- 
quences which might still ensue, I wrote to inform the Prince of 
Ponte-Corvo of what had taken place, soliciting, at the same time, 
the suppression of an extraordinary tribunal which had been cre- 
ated by General Dupas ; his answer was almost immediate, and 
my request complied with. 

When Bernadotte returned to Hamburg, he sent Dupas to 
Lubeck. That city, much less rich than Hamburg, suffered cru- 
elly from such a guest. Dupas levied all his exactions in kind, 
and affected the highest indignation at any offer of a compensa- 
tion in money, the very idea of which he said was offensive to his 
delicacy of feeling. But his demands had become so extravagant, 
that the city of Lubeck was actually unable to satisfy them. 
Besides his table, which he required to be furnished in the same 
style of profusion as at Hamburg, he was supplied with plate, linen, 
wood, and candles — in short, with the most trivial articles of 
household consumption. 

The senate deputed to this disinterested and incorruptible gen- 
eral, M. Notting, a venerable old man, who mildly represented to 
him the abuses which were every where committed in his name, 
and entreated that he would condescend to accept twenty louis 
per day, for the expenses of his table alone. At this proposal, 
General Dupas became enraged. To ofler money to him — to 
him! — it was an insult not to be endured. In the most furious 
manner he drove the terrified senator out of the house, and gave 
immediate orders to his aid-de-camp, Barral, to imprison him. 
M. de Barral, endowed with a greater share of humanity than his 
general, and alarmed at so extraordinary an order, oflered some 
remonstrances, but in vain; and, though much against his inclina- 
tion, was obliged to obey. The aid-de-camp accordingly repaired 
to the house of the aged senator, but, withheld by that feeling of 
respect which gray hairs never fail to inspire in the well-ordered 
minds of youth, instead of arresting him, he requested the old man 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 3G5 

not to leave his house until he could prevail on the general to 
retract his orders. It was not till the following day that M. de 
Barral succeeded in getting these orders revoked, that is to say, 
the release of M. Notting from prison ; for Dupas would not forego 
his revenge, until he heard that the senator had suffered at least 
the commencement of the punishment to which his capricious fury 
had doomed him. 

Notwithstanding these fine professions of disinterestedness, M. 
Dupas yielded so far as to accept the twenty louis per day for the 
expenses of his table, which M. Notting had offered him on the 
part of the senate of Lubeck ; but it was not without murmurings, 
complaints, and menaces, that he made this generous concession, 
exclaiming, on more than one occasion, " Those rascals have lim- 
ited my subsistence!" Lubeck was not freed from the presence 
of this general before the month of March, 1809, when he was 
summoned to take the command of a division in the emperor's 
new campaign against Austria. Strange as it may appear, it is 
nevertheless true, that, however oppressive his presence had been 
at Lubeck, the Hanse Towns soon had reason to regret him. 

The year 1808 was fertile in remarkable events. Occupied as 
I was with my own official duties, I still contrived to amuse a few 
leisure moments in observing the course of those great actions by 
which Bonaparte sought to distinguish every day of his life. At 
the commencement of 1808, I received one of the first copies of 
the Code of Commerce, promulgated on the 1st of January, by 
the emperor's order. This code appeared to me an absolute 
mockery ; at least, it was extraordinary to publish a code respect- 
ing a subject which all the other imperial decrees tended to destroy. 
What trade could possibly be supposed to flourish under the cruel 
continental system, and the ruinous severity of the customs? 
The line was already sufficiently extended, when, by a decree of 
the senate, it was still farther widened. The emperor, who was 
all-powerful on the continent, had recourse to no other formality 
in order to annex to the empire the towns of Kehl, Cassel near 
Mentz, Wessel, and Flushing, with the territories dependent on 
them, than his decrees and senatorial decisions, which at least had 
the advantage of being obtained without blood-shed. Intelligence 
on all these matters was immediately forwarded to me by the min- 
isters with whom I was in correspondence; for my situation at 
Hamburg had acquired such importance, that it was necessary I 
should be informed of every thing. 

My correspondence relative to what was passing in the south 
of France and of Europe afforded me merely an anecdotal interest. 
But not so the news which came from the north. At Hamburg, 

31* 



366 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

I was like the sentinel of an advanced post ; always on the alert. 
More than once I sent information to the government of what was 
about to take place, before the event actually happened. I was 
one of the first that gained intelligence of the plans of Russia rel- 
ative to Sweden. The courier whom I sent to Paris must have 
arrived there at the very moment when Russia declared war 
against that power. About the end of February, the Russian 
troops entered Swedish Finland, and possessed themselves of the 
capital of that province, which had long been coveted by the 
Russian government. It has been since asserted that, at the inter- 
view at Erfurt, Bonaparte consented to the usurpation of that 
province by Alexander, in return for the latter's complaisance in 
acknowledging Joseph as King of Spain and the Indies. Joseph 
was succeeded, at Naples, by Murat; and that accession of the 
brother-in-law of Napoleon to one of the thrones of the house of 
Bourbon, gave Bonaparte another junior in the college of kings, 
of which he would infallibly have become the senior, had fortune 
still sided with him. Bonaparte, when his brow was encircled 
with a double crown, after creating princes, at length realized the 
idea he had so long entertained of being the founder of a new 
nobiUty, endowed with hereditary rights. It was at the com- 
mencement of March, 1808, that he accomplished this notable 
project; and I saw, in the Moniteur, a long catalogue of princes, 
dukes, counts, barons, and knights of the empire. Viscounts and 
marquises were alone wanting to the list. 

At the time that Napoleon was founding a new nobility, he 
determined to build up again the ancient edifice of the university, 
but upon a fresh foundation. The education of youth had always 
been one of his ruling ideas, and I had an opportunity of remark- 
ing how much he was changed by the exercise of sovereign power, 
when I received, at Hamburg, the new statutes of the university, 
and compared them with the ideas which he formerly, when gen- 
eral, and first consul, had often expressed respecting the education 
of youth. Though the natural enemy of every thing like liberty, 
the system of education which Bonaparte had at first conceived 
was upon a vast and extended scale, comprehending the study of 
history, and those positive sciences, such as geology and astronomy, 
which affbrd the utmost scope for development, of which the 
human mind is susceptible. The sovereign, however, shrunk from 
the first ideas of the man of genius, and his university, confided to 
the elegant subserviency of M. de Fontanes, was but a mere 
school, which might indeed send forth well-informed, but scarcely 
high-minded and enlightened, men. 

About this time Rome was occupied by French troops, under 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 367 

the command of General Miollis, which was the commencement 
of a long series of troubles, by which Pius VII. expiated the con- 
descension he had shown in going to Paris to crown Napoleon. 

Rome now became the second city of the empire; but, until this 
time, the boasted moderation of Bonaparte had contented itself 
with dismembering from the Papal states the legations of Ancona, 
Urbino, Macerata, and Camerino, which were divided into three 
departments, and added to the kingdom of Italy. The patience 
and long-suffering of the Holy See could no longer hold out against 
this act of violence, and Cardinal Caprara, who had remained in 
Paris since the coronation, at length quitted that capital. Shortly 
afterwards, the grand duchies of Parma and Placentia were united 
to the French empire, and annexed to the government of the 
Trans- Alpine departments. These transactions took place about the 
same time as the events in Spain and Bayonne, before mentioned. 

After the disgraceful conduct of the emperor at Bayonne, he 
returned to Paris on the 14th of August, the eve of his birth-day. 
Scarcely had he arrived in the capital, when he conceived fi'esh 
subjects for uneasiness, on account of the conduct of Russia, 
which, as I have stated, had declared open war against Sweden, 
and made no secret of the intention of seizing Finland. The 
emperor, however, desirous of prosecuting the war in Spain with 
the utmost vigour, felt the necessity of withdrawing his troops 
from Prussia to the Pyrenees. He then hastened the interview 
at Erfurt, where the two emperors of France and Russia had 
appointed to meet. By this interview he hoped to secure the 
tranquillity of the continent, while he should complete the subju- 
gation of Spain to the sceptre of Joseph. That prince had been 
proclaimed on the 8th of June, and on the 21st of the same month 
he made his entry into Madrid ; but, ten days after, having received 
information of the disaster of Baylen, he was obliged to leave the 
Spanish capital. 

The interview at Erfurt having been determined on, the emperor 
again quitted Paris about the end of September, and arrived at 
Metz without stopping, except for the purpose of reviewing the 
regiments which he met on his route, and which were on their 
march from the grand army to Spain. I had received previous 
intelligence of this intended interview, so memorable in the life 
of Napoleon; and such was the interest it excited in Germany, 
that the roads vt^ere covered wuth the equipages of the princes 
who were going to Erfurt to be present on the occasion. The 
emperor arrived at the place of rendezvous before Alexander, and 
went forward three leagues to meet him. Napoleon was on horse- 
back, and Alexander in his carriage. They embraced, it is said, 



368 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

with evei'y demonstration of the most cordial friendship. I shall 
not dwell on other well-known particulars relating to this inter- 
view, at which most of the sovereign princes of Germany were 
present, with the exception, however, of the King of Prussia and 
the Emperor of Austria. The latter sovereign sent a letter to 
Napoleon, which to me appeared a perfect model of ambiguity, 
though it was scarcely possible that Napoleon could be deceived 
by it. He had not as yet, however, any suspicion of the hostile 
intentions of Austria, which soon afterwards became apparent; 
his grand object, at that time, was the Spanish business ; and, as 
I have before observed, one of the secrets of Napoleon's genius 
was, that he gave his attention to only one thing at a time. 

By the interview at Erfurt, Bonaparte obtained the principal 
object he had in view, namely, Alexander's recognition of his 
brother Joseph in his new character of King of Spain and the 
Indies. It has been said that, as the price of this acknowledg- 
ment. Napoleon consented that Alexander should have Swedish 
Finland; for the truth of this I cannot vouch, having no positive 
proofs of the fact. I remember, however, that when, after the 
interview at Erfurt, Alexander had given orders to his ambassador 
to Charles IV. to continue his functions under King Joseph, the 
Swedish charg6 d'affaires at Hamburg told me that confidential 
letters, which he had received from Erfurt, led him to apprehend 
that the Emperor Alexander had communicated to Napoleon his 
designs on Finland, and that the latter had consented to its occu- 
pation. Be this as it may, Napoleon, after the interview, returned 
to Paris, where he presided with great pomp at the opening of the 
legislative body, and again set out, in the month of November, 
for Spain. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Romana's Defection ; Napoleon's Jom-ney to Italy ; Adoption of Eugene ; Louis, King of Holland ; 
Displeases Napoleon ; Abdicates in favom- of his Son ; Holland united to Fi-ance. 

Previous to the interview at Erfurt, an event took place which 
produced a considerable sensation at Hamburg, and, indeed, 
throughout Europe; an event which was planned and executed 
with inconceivable secresy. I allude to the defection of the 
Marquis de la Romana which I have hitherto forborne to men- 
tion, in order that I might not separate the different facts which 
came to my knowledge relative to that defection, and the circum- 
stances which accompanied it. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 369 

The Marquis de la Romana had come to the Hanse Towns at 
the head of eighteen thousand men, which the emperor, in the 
last campaign, claimed in virtue of treaties previously concluded 
with the Spanish government. This demand for men was the 
result of the disastrous battle of Eylau. The Spanish troops 
were at first well received by the inhabitants of the Hanse Towns, 
but the difference of language was soon productive of discord 
between them. The Marquis de la Romana was a little, dark- 
featured man, somewhat unprepossessing and even vulgar in his 
appearance, but of considerable talent and information. He had 
travelled in almost every part of Europe, and, being a close 
observer, his conversation was both instructive and agreeable. 
During his stay at Hamburg, General Romana spent most of his 
evenings at my house, and, while at the whist-table, constantly 
fell asleep over the game. Madame de Bourrienne was usually 
his partner, and I recollect he continually apologized for his 
involuntary breach of good manners, though sure to be guilty of 
the same offence the next evening. I shall shortly explain the 
cause of this regular siesta. 

On the birth-day of the King of Spain, the Marquis de la 
Romana gave a magnificent entertainment; the ball-room was 
decorated with warlike implements and allusions. The marquis 
did the honours with infinite grace, and was particularly courte- 
ous to the French generals. He spoke of the emperor in the 
most respectful terms, without any affectation of homage, so that 
it was almost impossible for any one to suspect him of any clan- 
destine intention. In short, he played his part to the last with 
the most consummate address. We had already heard at Ham- 
burg of the fatal result of the battle at Sierra Morena, and of the 
capitulation of Dupont, which caused his disgrace at the very 
moment when the whole army had marked him out as the man 
most likely to receive the baton of Marshal of France. 

Meanwhile, the Marquis de la Romana departed for the Danish 
island of Fiinen, agreeably to the orders which had been trans- 
mitted to him by Marshal Bernadotte. There, as at Hamburg, 
the Spaniards were well liked ; for their general obliged them to 
observe the strictest discipline. Great preparations were then 
making at Hamburg on the approach of St. Napoleon's day, 
which at that time was celebrated with much solemnity in every 
town in which France had representatives. The Prince de 
Ponte-Corvo was then taking the baths at Travemunde, a small 
sea-port near Lubeck ; but that did not prevent him from giving 
directions for the festival of the 15th of August. The Marquis 
de la Romana, the better to^'deceive the marshal, had despatched 
Y 



370 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

a courier to him, requesting permission to visit Hamburg on the 
day of the fete, in order to join his prayers to those of the French, 
and to receive on this occasion, from the hands of the prince, 
the grand cordon of the Legion of Honour, which he had soli- 
cited, and which Napoleon had granted him. Three days after, 
the marshal received intelligence of what had taken place. The 
marquis had collected a great number of English vessels on the 
coast, and escaped with all his troops, except a depot of six hun- 
dred men, left at Altona. It was afterwards ascertained, that he 
met with no interruption in his passage, and that he landed with 
his troops at Corunna. I could now account for the drowsiness 
which always overcame the Marquis de la Romana when he sat 
down to take a hand at whist. The fact was, he used to sit 
up all night, making preparations for the escape which he had 
long meditated, and during the day showed himself every where 
as usual, in order to avoid the least suspicion of his intentions. 

On the defection of the Spanish troops, I received letters from 
government, requiring me to augment my vigilance, and to seek 
out those persons who might be supposed to have shared the con- 
fidence of the Marquis de la Romana. I was informed that the 
agents of England, dispersed through Holstein and the Hanseatic 
territories, were endeavouring likewise to spread discord and dis- 
satisfaction among the troops of the King of Holland. 

These manoeuvres were connected with the treason of the 
Spaniards and the arrival of Danican in Denmark. Insubordi- 
nation had already broken out, but it was promptly repressed. 
Two Dutch soldiers were shot for striking their officers ; but not- 
withstanding this severity, desertion among the troops increased 
to an alarming degree. Indefatigable agents, in the pay of the 
English government, laboured incessantly to seduce the soldiers 
of King Louis from their duty. Some of these agents being 
denounced to me, were taken almost in the fact, and positive proof 
being adduced of their guilt, they were condemned to death. 

These indispensable examples of severity did not check the 
manoeuvres of England, though they served to cool the zeal of 
her agents. I used every endeavour to second the Prince of 
Ponte-Corvo in tracing out the persons employed by England. 
It was chiefly from the small island of Heligoland that they found 
their way to the continent. This communication was facilitated 
by the numerous vessels scattered about the small islands which 
lie thick along that coast. Five or six pieces of gold defrayed the 
expense of the passage to or from Heligoland. Thus, the Spanish 
news, which was printed and often fabricated at London, was pro- 
fusely circulated in the north of Germany. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 371 

Napoleon was so well aware of the effect produced by his pres- 
ence, that, after a conquest, he loved to show himself among the 
people whose territories he had annexed to his empire. To Napo- 
leon himself, these were, in some sort, journeys of pleasure, in 
which he enjoyed the fruits of his enterprises ; at the same time 
that his presence imparted the greatest possible activity to every 
proceeding. Duroc, who always accompanied him, unless engaged 
in any mission, gave me an interesting account of the emperor's 
journey, in 1807, to Venice, and the other Italian provinces, which, 
in conformity with the treaty of Presburg, were annexed to the 
kingdom of Italy. 

Napoleon had many very important motives for this journey. 
He was planning great alliances; and he loaded Eugene with 
favours, in order to sound him, and prepare him as much as pos- 
sible for his mother's divorce. 

There can be no doubt that Bonaparte now seriously contem- 
plated his divorce from Josephine. Had there been no other 
proof of this, I, who from constant attention had learned to read' 
Napoleon's thoughts in his actions, found a sufficient one in the 
decree of Milan, by which, in default of lawful male heirs, he 
adopted Eugene as his son, and successor to the crown of Italy. It 
was during this journey that Napoleon united Tuscany to the empire. 

While Bonaparte was the chief of the French republic, he did 
not object to the existence of a Batavian republic, to the north of 
France, and was equally tolerant of the Cisalpine republic in the 
south. But, after his coronation, all the republics, which, like 
satellites, revolved round the grand republic, were converted into 
kingdoms, subject to the empire, if not avowedly, at least in fact. 
In this respect, there was no difference between the Batavian and 
Cisalpine republic. The latter having been metamorphosed into 
the kingdom of Italy, it was necessary to find some pretext for 
transforming the former into the kingdom of Holland. The gov- 
ernment of the Batavian republic had been for some time past 
merely the shadow of a government ; but still it preserved, even 
in its submission to France, those internal forms of freedom which 
console a nation for the loss of its independence. In this state of 
things, the emperor, who maintained a host of agents in Holland, 
found no great difficulty in getting up a deputation, whose object 
should be, to solicit him to choose a king for the Batavian republic. 
This submissive deputation came to Paris in the month of May, 
1806, to solicit the emperor, as a favour, to place Prince Louis on 
the throne of Holland. The address of the deputation, with Napo- 
leon's gracious reply, and the speech of Louis, on the occasion, 
will be found among the official records of the period. 



372 MEMOllv!^ Ol'" NAPOI.KON UONArAKTR, 

Louis thus boonruo King of Holland, tliough greatly against his 
inclination; he ollered all the opposition he dared, alleging, as an 
objection, the state of" his health, to whieh, (HM'tainly the (^lininto 
oflloUnnd was not fuvonrablo; but r»()uapailo sttiruly made this 
unbrotlu^rly reply: "it is l)etter to tlie a king than live a nriiu-e." 
Ilr had lluni no altcniativt^ but to accH>pt the crown, lie went 
to Holland, taking Avith him lb>rtens'\ who, however, did not stay 
long there. The new king wished tt) niakci lnmst>lt" beloved by his 
subjects, and, as they were entirely a conunercial people, there 
was no better means of doing so than by not adopting Napoh>on's 
rigid laws against con»niercial intercourse with (''ngland. Hence 
the ilrst coolness between the two brothers, which, in tlu> scupiel 
led to the abdication of Louis, and his withdrawing l'iH>m his 
br(>ther's threateneil vengeance. 

I know not whether Na[>oleou roeollei-ted the motive assigned 
by Louis ftn' at first refusing tht^ ert>wa of Holland, uiunelv, Ihe 
climate of the country, or whether he reckoned upon greater sub- 
mission in another of his brothers; Init this is certain, that Joseph 
was not called Iron) the throne of Naples to that of Spain, until 
after the refusal o\' Louis. 1 have bl^fore mo a copy of the letter 
written to him by Napol(>oti on tlie subject. It is witlunit date 
eithej- of time or plaee. but its eontents un(iu(>stionably refer to 
the nu>uth of March or April, 1808. It is as follows: 

" Bko'i'uku: TluvKiuji; of Spain, C'lmvlt's IV., Ima just ((bilicatt'it, 'V\w Spanisli (ifoplc 
louilly appt-ul to uic. Conviiun-il that no lasting pcai-e can W ol>taint'd with lOnglaiui, 
unless I caiiso a great luovruu'Ut i>n i\w oontincnt. I l\avt> (It'tcnniufil to place a l'"ifncl» 
king on itie tlirone ot'Spain. 'I'lic cliniatf of lUillaml iUk'h not agvoe witli you ; bosidt'ti, 
litilhuni cannot rise IVoni her rnius. In tlic vvliirlwinil (>l pi)lilicHl cvontti, whctlicr wo 
Inivc pcai't- ov not, tlicrc in ni> pi>ssibiliiy oi' n\aintaiuing it. In this state of things, I 
luivf tlu>ught i)f tl>e ihront^ iifiSpuin tor you. 'I'ell uie ilei-iileiUy what is yi>nr iniinion 
of tliis i\ieasure. 1ft were to name yon l\ing o( Spain, winilil yoa accept the (itfer? 
May 1 eenut on yon't Answer inc simply on tlit-se two points. Say. ' 1 have rec<nveil 
your letter of such a ilny : 1 answer X'tm' anil then I shall count on your iloing what I 
wish ; or say, No, if yon itcdine my proposition. Ailniit no third person into your con- 
tutcnce, anil mention to no ont^ the oliject of tliis letter. The thing nuist he iloue before 
we conli-ss having thought ubont it. Navoi-kon." 

ndore taking final possession of Holland, Napoleon formed the 
]nt>jeet oi' separating tV(>m it l>rab:int tmd Zealand, in e\.ch;uige tor 
other provinces, the possession of which was doubtful; but t^ouis 
made a firm and successful stand against this tirst act of usurpa- 
tion. Bonaparte was too intent on the great business in Spain, to 
risk any commotion in the nt^vth, whtn-e, as I have said, the declar- 
ation of Ixnssia agtiinst Sweden already suthciently occupied him. 
He consequently did not insist on the nu>asure, and even atlected 
indilfereuce to the pro}'osed augmentation oi' territory to the 
empire. * 



MKIWOIUH OF NAI'Ol,f';ON HON AI'Alt'lMO. 373 

On tho 20f.h o^ December, I)owover, N;ij)oleon wrote l.o T.oui,s 
a very rermirkablc letter, in which appears the unflisjfuised expres- 
sion of that tyranny which h(i wished to exercise over all his Hmiily, 
in onleT to niak(; them the instruments of his own ambition. In 
this letter he r(5piv);u;l)(f(| Tiouis for acting in of)pr)sition to his system 
of policy, t(!llin<i; him that 1h; had forgottcin lie was a Frenchman, 
and wished to Ijecomc; in all respects a I)utchm;i,ri. 

About the end of 1809, the emperor sumr/ioned to I*;iris the 
sovereigns who might properly be styled the vassals of his empire. 
Among the number was Louis, who, however, showed no great 
willingn(iss to (\\ui, his states, lie calhid a council of his ministers, 
who were of opinion tliat^ for the intenjst of IIoll;i,nrl, it was neces- 
sary he should m:d<e this fresh sacrifice. IT(; sid>mitted to it with 
resignatif)n ; indeed, (;very d:iy jKissed on tlui tln'oru; w;i,s a sacri- 
fice to Louis. 

lie lived at Paris very retiret], under the constant observation 
of the police ; for it was supr)Osed that, as he had come against his 
will, he would not prolong his stay so long as Napoleon desired. 
In this respect they were not much deceived ; but any such attempt 
on his j)art was useless. Tliis surveilhuice and constraint, how- 
ever, harl the effect of dis[)l;iying in him a strength of character 
which he was not j)reviously suj)pos(;d to possess. Amidst the 
gen(iral silence of the high servants of the empire, ;i,nd even of the 
kings and princes asscfnbled in the c;i,pital, he ventured to say, "J, 
have been deceived by promises which were never intended to be 
kept. JTolhmd is weary of being the pl;iy thing of France." The 
emp(;ror, little accustomed to such huigunge as this, was terribly 
incensed :d it. From th:i,t moment l>ouis had no alternative — he 
must either yield to the incessant exactions of Najjfjleon, or see 
Holland unitf;d to France. He chos(i the latter, but not till he had 
cx(;rted all his feehh; {>ower in })ehalf of th(; subjects whom Napo- 
leon ha,d consigned to him; Ijut he would not be the accomplice 
r)f the n)an who had resolved to make those subjects the victims 
of his hatred against England. 

liOuis, however, was yiermitted to return to his states to con- 
template the misery arising from the continental }>lockade, which 
pressed with an iron hand on every brancfi of trade anr] influstry, 
iiitherto so flourishing in the provinces of Holland. At length, his 
feeling heart being no longer able to sujjport the sight of evils 
which it was no longer in his power to relieve, he endeavoured, 
})y cautious and resfjectful remonstrances, to avert the utter ruin 
with which Holland was threatened. On tho 23d of March, 1810, 
he wrote the following letter to Napoleon : 

32 



374 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

"If you wish to consoliJate the present stnte of France, to obtain maritime peace, or 
to attack England with success, it is not by measures hke the blockading system that 
these objects can be obtained ; it is not by the destruction of a kingdom of your own 
creation, by the enfeebhng of your allies, and setting at defiance their most sacred 
rights, and the first principles of the law of nations. On the contrary, you should ren- 
der them the friends of France, and consolidate and strengthen your allies, till, like your 
own brothers, you might depend upon them. The destruction of Holland, far from 
being a means of assailing England, will but add the more to her strength, by all the 
industry and riches which will take refuge with her. In reality, there are but three 
methods of assailing England; namely, by detaching Ireland from her, getting pos- 
session of the East Indies, or by actual invasion. These two latter modes, which would 
be the most efTectual, cannot be executed without a naval force. But I am astonished 
that the first should have been so easily relinquished. It would be a surer mode of 
obtaining peace on good conditions, than the system of injuring one's self and friends, 
in the attempt to inflict a greater injury upon the enemy. Louis." 

Written remonstrances were not more to Napoleon's taste than 
verbal ones, at a time when, as I was informed by my friends 
whom fortune had enchained to his destiny, no one ever ventured 
to address a word to him, except to answer his questions. Cam- 
baceres, who, as his old colleague in the consulate, had alone 
retained that privilege in public, lost it after Napoleon's marriage 
with the descendant of the Austrian emperors. His brother's letter 
excited his highest displeasure. Two months after its reception, 
being on a journey in the north, he addressed to him from Ostend 
a letter, a very model of haughty insolence, which cannot be read 
without a painful feeling, proving as it does how weak are the 
most sacred ties of blood, in comparison with the interests of an 
insatiable ambition. This letter was as follows : 

"Bkothek: In our situation, frankness is the best course. I know your secret sen- 
tunents, and all that you can say to Uie contrary will avail nothing. Holland, unques- 
tionably, is in a melancholy situation. I believe you are anxious to extricate her from 
her difliculties, and it is you, and you alone, who can do so. When you conduct your- 
self in such a way as to induce the people of Holland to believe that you act under my 
influence — that all your measures and all your sentiments are conformable to mine — 
then you will be loved, you will be esteemed, and you will acquire the power necessary 
for reestablishing Holland. When to be known as my friend, and the friend of France, 
shall be a title of recommendation to your court, Holland will be in her natural situ- 
ation. Since your return from Paris, you have done notliing to effect this object. 
What will be the result of your conduct? Your subjects, bandied about between 
France and England, will throw themselves into the arms of France, and will demand 
to be united to her, rather than remain in a state of such uncertainty. If your knowl- 
edge of my character — which is to go straight forward to my object, unimpeded by any 
consideration — is not sufficient for you, say, what would you have me do ? I can dis- 
pense with Holland, but Holland cannot dispense with my protection. If under the 
dominion of one of my brothers, but looking to me alone for her welfare, she does not 
find in her sovereign my image, all confidence in your government is at an end ; by 
your own hand your sceptre is broken. Love France — love my glory ; that is the only 
way so serve Holland. If you had acted as you ought to have done, that country, 
having become a part of my empire, would have been the more dear to me, seeing I 
had given her a sovereign whom Hooked upon almost as my son. In placing you on 
the throne of Holland, I thought I had placed a French citizen there : you have fol- 
lowed a course diametrically opposite to what I had expected. I have been forced to 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 375 

prohibit you from coming to France, and to take possession of a part of your territory. 
In proving yourself a bad Frenchman, you are less to the Dutch than a Prince of 
Orange, to which dynasty they owe their rank as a nation, and a long succession of 
prosperity and glory. It is evident to the Dutch, that, by your banishment from France, 
they have lost what they would not have done, under a Schimmelpennick, or a Prince 
of Orange. Show yourself a Frenchman and the brother of the emperor, and be 
assured that you will thereby advance the interests of Holland. But your fate seems 
fixed ; you are incorrigible ; you would drive away the few Frenchmen who remain 
with you. Affection and advice are lost upon you; you must be dealt with by threats 
and compulsion. What mean the prayers and mysterious fasts you have ordered? 
Louis, you will not reign long. Your actions disclose better than your confidential 
letters the sentiments of your soul. Return from your wilful course. Be a Frenchman 
in heart, or your people will banish you; and you will leave Holland an object of their 
ridicule. States must be governed by reason and policy, and not by visionary schemes, 
the offspring of acrid and vitiated humours. Napoleon." 

This letter had scarcely reached Louis, when Napoleon was 
informed of a petty affray that had taken place at Amsterdam, and 
to which Count de la Rochefoucauld, knowing he could not better 
please his master than by affording him a pretext for being angry, 
contrived to give a sort of diplomatic importance. It appeared 
that the honour of the count's coachman had been compromised 
by the insult of a citizen of Amsterdam. The sensitive feelings 
of the gentleman in livery had been so deeply wounded, that a 
quarrel ensued, which, but for the interference of the guard of the 
palace, might have led to very serious consequences, since it 
assumed the character of a national affair between the French 
and the Dutch. M. de la Rochefoucauld sent off a report of his 
coachman's quarrel to the emperor, who was then at Lille. The 
illustrious author of the " Maxims " related the affair with as much 
warmth and earnestness as in his literary crusade against royalty. 
Napoleon, in consequence, instantly despatched a most violent 
letter to Louis, declaring, at the same time, it should be the last 
he would ever write to him. 

Thus, reduced to the cruel alternative of crushing Holland with 
his own hands, or leaving that task to the emperor, Louis did not 
hesitate to lay down a sceptre which he was not suffered to wield 
for the happiness of his people. His resolution being made, he 
addressed a message to the legislative body of the kingdom of 
Holland, explaining the motives of his abdication. What, indeed, 
could be more reasonable than such a step, when he found an 
armed force in possession of his dominions, which had been united 
to the empire by what was formerly called a family alliance ? But, 
at that time, no consideration seemed capable of arresting the 
course of Napoleon's arbitrary proceedings. The French troops 
entered Holland under the command of the Duke de Reggio; and 
that marshal, who was more king than the king himself, threat- 
ened to occupy Amsterdam. Louis then descended from the- 



376 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

throne ; and, four years after, Napoleon, in his turn, was forced to 
descend from his. 

After his message to the legislative body, Louis published his 
act of abdication, in which he dwelt on the unhappy state of his 
kingdom, attributing it to his brother's unfavourable feeling 
towards himself He declared that he had shrunk from no effort 
or sacrifice, useless as they had proved, to put an end to so painful 
a state of things ; and that, finally, he considered himself as the 
unhappy cause of the continual misunderstanding between the 
French empire and Holland. It is worthy of remark, that Louis 
imagined he could abdicate the crown of Holland in favour of his 
son, as Napoleon wished, four years after, to abdicate his crown 
in favour of the King of Rome. How often do these coinci- 
dences occur in the history of Napoleon! in the depth of his 
reverses, how often was he assailed with precisely the same blows 
which, in the height of his fortune, he relentlessly aimed at others! 

Louis bade farewell to the people of Holland in a proclamation, 
after the publication of which he retired to the waters of Toplitz. 
He was living there in tranquil retirement, when he learned that 
his brother, so far from respecting the terms of his abdication, 
had united Holland to the empire. Against this arbitrary pro- 
ceeding Louis published a protest, the circulation of which was 
strictly forbidden by the police. 

Thus there seemed to be an end of all intercourse between 
these two brothers, who were so opposite in character and dis- 
position. But Napoleon, who was enraged that Louis should 
have presumed to protest, and that too in energetic terms, against 
the union of his kingdom with the empire, ordered him to return 
to France, to which he was summoned in his character of con- 
stable and French prince. Louis, however, did not think proper 
to obey this summons; and Napoleon, in the excess of his pas- 
sion, though faithful to his promise of never writing to him again, 
ordered the following letter to be addressed to him by M. Otto, 
who had been ambassador from France to Vienna, since the still 
recent marriage of the emperor with Maria Louisa: 

" Sire: The emperor directs me to write to your majesty as follows: 
"'It is the duty of every French prince, and every member of the imperial family, to 
reside in France ; whence they cannot absent themselves without the permission of the 
emperor. Before the union of Holland to the empire, the emperor permitted the king 
to reside at Toplitz in Bohemia. His health appeared to require the use of the waters ; 
but now the emperor requires that Prince Louis shall return, at the latest by the 1st of 
December next, under pain of being considered disobedient to the constitutions of the 
empire, and the head of his family, and being treated accordingly.' 

" I fulfil, Sire, word for word, the mission with which I am entrusted, and I send 
the chief secretary of the embassy, to be assured that this letter is carefully delivered. 
•I beg your majesty to accept the homage of my profound respect, &c. &c. 

" Otto." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 377 

What a letter was this to be addressed by a subject to a prince, 
who had scarcely yet ceased to be a king! When on a subsequent 
occasion I saw M. Otto at Paris, knowing the esteem which I had 
ever felt for Louis, he spoke to me on the subject, telling me how 
much he had been distressed at the necessity of writing such a 
letter to the brother of the emperor. He stated, however, that 
he had employed the very expressions dictated by Napoleon, in 
that irritation which he could never restrain whenever his will 
was in the slightest degree opposed. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

Napoleou an-ives in Spain ; the Frencli successful eveiy where ; Sir Jolin Moore's Retreat ; Napo- 
leon leaves Spain; Austria declares War; Napoleon heads his Army in Germany; Austrian 
Disasters; Vienna taken. 

The emperor, enraged at the first positive disgraces which had 
ever befallen his arms, and foreseeing that unless the Spanish 
insurrection were crushed ere the Patriots had time to form a 
regular government and to organize their armies, the succours of 
England, and the growing discontents of Germany, might invest 
the task with insurmountable difficulties, determined to cross the 
Pyrenees in person, at the head of a force capable of sweeping 
the whole Peninsula clear before him. Hitherto no mention of 
the unfortunate occurrences in Spain had been made in any pub- 
lic act of his government, or suffered to transpire in any of the 
French journals. It was now necessary to break this haughty 
silence. The emperor announced, accordingly, that the peasants 
of Spain had rebelled against their king; that treachery had 
caused the ruin of one corps of his army ; and that another had 
been forced, by the English, to evacuate Portugal: demanding 
two new conscriptions, each of eighty thousand men — which 
were of course granted without hesitation. Recruiting his camps 
on the German side, and in Italy, with these new levies, he now 
ordered his veteran troops, to the number of two hundred thou- 
sand, including a vast and brilliant cavalry, and a large body of 
the Imperial Guards, to be drafted from those frontiers, and 
marched through France towards Spain. 

On his return from the conference at Erfurt, which had ter- 
minated on the 14th of October, Napoleon opened in person, on 
the 24th, the sittings of the legislative session in Paris ; and two 
days after he left that capital to take the command of the armies 
in Spain, and reached Bayonne on the 3d of November. He 

32* 



378 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

remained there for a few days, directing the movements of the 
last columns of his advancing armies, and on the 8th arrived at 
Vittoria. He immediately obtained a detailed report of the posi- 
tion of the French and Spanish armies, and instantly drew up 
a plan for the prosecution of the war ; and in a few hours the whole 
machinery of his intended operations was put in motion. The 
presence of Napoleon every where restored victory to the French 
standards, and in less than two months he had cleared the Penin- 
sula of any opposing force, and obliged the English army, under 
Sir John Moore, to make a precipitate retreat upon Corunna. 
Napoleon, after enjoying the sight of an English army in full retreat, 
no longer considered it worthy of his own attention, but entrusted 
the consummation of its ruin to Soult ; and immediately proceeded 
to Paris with his utmost speed. The cause of this sudden change 
of purpose and extraordinary haste was a sufficient one ; and ere 
long it transpired. 

It was in the midst of the operations of the Spanish war that 
Napoleon learned that Austria had, for the first time, raised the 
landwehre. I obtained the most certain information that Austria 
was preparing for war, and that orders had been issued, in all 
directions, to collect and put in motion all the resources of that 
powerful monarchy. I communicated these particulars to the 
French government, and strongly suggested the necessity of 
increased vigilance and precautionary measures. Preceding 
aggressions, particularly that of 1805, were not to be forgotten. 
It is probable that similar information was furnished from other 
quarters. Be that as it may, the emperor committed the military 
operations in Spain to his generals, and set out for Paris, where 
he arrived at the end of January, 1809. He had been in Spain 
only since the beginning of November, and though the insurgent 
troops were defeated, the inhabitants, still unsubdued, show^ed 
themselves more and more uniavourable to Joseph's cause, and it 
did not appear A'^ery probable that he would ever seat himself 
tranquilly on the throne of Madrid. 

Before commencing a relation of what came to my knowledge 
respecting the German campaign which was about to begin, I 
must be permitted to refer back to one of the most important 
events preceding it. When speaking of the interview at Erfurt, 
it will be remembered that I alluded to a somewhat ambiguous 
letter transmitted from the Emperor Francis to Napoleon. The 
answer to this letter, which I purposely omitted in its proper 
place, that it might serve as an introduction to the events of 
1809, seemed to be written in the spirit of prophecy, clearly 
pointing out what actually took place in that year. It was in 
the following terms : 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 379 

"Sire, MY Brother: I thank your royal and imperial majesty for the letter you 
have been so good as to write me, transmitted by Baron Vincent. I have never 
doubted the upright intentions of your majesty, but I was not the less fearful, for the 
moment, that hostilities would be renewed between us. There ia, at Vienna, a fac- 
tion which affects alarm in order to drive your cabinet to violent measures, which 
would entail misfortunes greater than those which are past. I had it in my power to 
dismember your majesty's monarchy, or at least to diminish its power. I did not do 
80. It exists, as it is, by my consent. This is the best proof that our accounts are 
settled, and that I have no wish to injure you. I am always ready lo guarantee the 
integrity of your monarchy ; I will never do any thing adverse to the important inter- 
ests of your state. But your majesty ought not to bring again under discussion, what 
a war of fifteen years had settled. You ought to avoid every proclamation or act 
calculated to provoke hostility. The last levy in mass might have had this effect, if 
I had apprehended that the levy and preparations were made in conjunction with 
Russia. I have just disbanded the camp of the confederation. I have sent one hun- 
dred thousand men to Boulogne, to renew my projects against England. I had rea- 
son to believe, when I had the happiness of seeing your majesty, and had concluded 
the treaty of Presburg, that our disputes were terminated for ever, and that I might 
undertake the maritime war without interruption. I beseech your majesty to distrust 
those who, by speaking of the dangers of the monarchy, disturb your happiness, and 
that of your family and people. Those persons alone are dangerous: they create the 
dangers they pretend to fear. By a straightforward, plain, and ingenuous line of con- 
duct, your majesty will render your people happy; will yourself enjoy that tranquillity 
which, after so many troubles, you must doubtless require ; and will be sure of ever 
finding me disposed to abstain from whatever might be injurious to your best interests. 
Let your conduct bespeak confidence, and you will inspire it. The best policy at the 
present time Is simplicity and truth. Confide to me whatever troubles may distress 
you, and J will instantly banish them. Will your majesty allow me to make one 
observation more? Listen to your own judgment — your own feelings; they are much 
more correct than those of your advisers. I beseech your majesty to read my letter in 
the same spirit in which it is written, and to see nothing in it which has not for its 
object the welfare and tranquillity of Europe and your majesty." 

From this letter of Napoleon, I had no doubt that a new war 
would soon ensue between France and Austria. The tone of 
superiority assumed by Napoleon, as if he had been writing to 
one of the princes subject to his Confederation of the Rhine, 
was, indeed, of a nature to irritate the wounded pride of the heir 
of the Cassars. The cabinet of Vienna was also attacked in a 
manner calculated to irritate all its members against Napoleon. 
Illusion, however, that last resource of misfortune, appeared in a 
seducing form before the eyes of Austria. True, she had been 
conquered once, but it did not therefore follow that she should be 
conquered again. She might recover what she had lost, and the 
war which Napoleon was obliged to maintain, at an immense 
expense of men and money, in the Peninsula, gave her chances 
of success which she had not possessed on the former occasion, 
when England alone was at war with France; and when, above 
all, England had not, as she had at that moment, a part of Europe 
where she could employ her land forces against the power of 
Napoleon. Whether undesignedly, or from a wish that, in the 



380 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

new war about to take place, it might evidently appear that he 
was not the aggressoi', Napoleon suffered himself to be anticipated. 
The Emperor Francis, however, notwithstanding the instiga- 
tions of his counsellors, hesitated about taking the first step; but 
at length, yielding to the open solicitations of England, and the 
secret insinuations of Russia, and, above all, seduced by the sub- 
sidies of Great Britain, he declared hostilities, not at first against 
France, but against her allies of the Confederation of the Rhine. 
On the 9th of April, Prince Charles, who was appointed com- 
mander-in-chief of the Austrian troops, addressed the following 
note to the commander-in-chief of the French army in Bavaria: 

"In conformity with a declaration made by his majesty the Emperor of Austria to 
the Emperor Napoleon, I hereby apprise the general-in-chief of the French army that 
I have orders to advance with my troops, and to treat as enemies all who oppose me." 

A courier carried a copy of this declaration to Strasburg with 
the utmost expedition, from which place it was transmitted by 
telegraph to Paris. The emperor, surprised, but not disconcerted 
by this intelligence, received it at St. Cloud on the 11th of April, 
and two hours after he was on his road to Germany. The com- 
plexity of affairs in which he was then engaged seemed to give a 
fresh impulse to his activity. When he reached the army (neither 
the troops nor his guard having been able to keep up with him), 
he placed himself at the head of the Bavarian regiments, thus 
adopting, as it were, the soldiers of Maximilian. Six days after 
his departure from Paris, the army of Prince Charles, which had 
passed the Inn, was threatened. The emperor's head-quarters 
were at Donawerth, and from thence he addressed to his soldiers 
one of those energetic and concise proclamations, which made 
them perform so many prodigies. This complication of events 
could not but be fatal to Europe and to France, whatever might 
be the results, but it afforded an opportunity favourable to the 
development of the emperor's genius. As his favourite poet, Ossian, 
loved best to tune his lyre to the noise of the roaring tempest. 
Napoleon, in like manner, required political tempests and opposing 
elements to display his wonderful abilities. 

During the campaign of 1809, and more especially at its com- 
mencement, Napoleon's course was even more rapid than it had 
been in the campaign of 1805. Every courier who arrived at 
Hamburg, brought us news, or rather prodigies. As soon as the 
emperor was informed of the attack made by the Austrians upon 
Bavaria, orders were despatched to all the generals having troops 
under their command to proceed with the utmost expedition to the 
theatre of war. The Prince of Ponte-Corvo was summoned to 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 381 

the grand army with the Saxon troops under his command, and 
temporarily resigned the government of the Hanse Towns. 

I shall not enter into any longer details respecting the second 
campaign of Vienna than I did of the first, and the campaign of 
Tilsit. I shall confine myself, as before, to relating such informa- 
tion ,as I obtained at Hamburg, where my functions always became 
more difficult whenever any fresh movement took place in Ger- 
many. I can declare, that in 1809 it required all the promptitude 
of the emperor's march upon Vienna, to defeat the conspiracies 
which were formed against his government; for, in the event of 
his arms being unsuccessful, the blow was ready to be struck. 
England had entertained the project of an expedition in the north 
of Germany, and her forces there already amounted to about ten 
thousand men. The Archduke Charles had formed the plan of 
concentrating in the middle of Germany a large body of troops, 
consisting of the corps of General Am Eude, of General Radiz- 
wowitz, and of the English, with whom were to be joined the 
people who were expected to rise on their approach. But all the 
attempts and contrivances of England on the continent were 
fruitless ; for with the emperor's new system of war, w hich con- 
sisted in making a push on the capital, he soon obtained negotia- 
tions for peace. He was master of Vienna before England had 
even organized the expedition to which I have just alluded. He 
left Paris on the 11th of April, was at Donawerth on the 17th, 
and on the 23d he was master of Ratisbonne. In the engagement 
which preceded his entrance into that town. Napoleon was 
wounded in the heel. The injury, however, was too shght to 
cause him to leave the field of battle for a moment. Between 
Donawerth and Ratisbonne also was affected that bold and skil- 
ful manoeuvre by which Davoust gained and merited the title of 
Prince of Eckmuhl. 

At this period, it seemed as if fortune was so allied to Napoleon's 
arms, that she took pleasure even in realizing his boasting predic- 
tions; for, within a month after his proclamation to that effect, 
the French troops did really make their entry into the Austrian 
capital. 

Rapp, who, during the campaign of Vienna, had resumed his 
duties as aid-de-camp, related to me one of those striking remarks 
of Napoleon, which, when his words are compared with the 
events that followed them, would almost appear to indicate a 
foresight of his future destiny. The emperor, when within a few 
days' march of Vienna, procured a guide to explain to him the 
names of every village, or ruin, however insignificant, that pre- 
sented itself on his road. The guide pointed to an eminence, on 



383 - MEMOtllS OF N.ArOLKON BONArARTE. 

^vhioll were still Ansible a few remaining vestiges of an old for- 
tified castle. " Those," said the guide, " are the ruins of the castle 
of Dievustein." Napoleon suddenly stopped, and remained for 
some time silently contemplating the ruins, then turning to Mar- 
shal Lannes, who was with him, he said, "See! yonder is the 
prison of Richard Cann* de Lion. He, too, like us, went to Syria 
and Valestine. But Canu" de Lion, my brave Lannes, was not 
more brave than you. He was more fortunate than I at St. Jean 
d'Acre. A Duke of Austria sold him to an emperor of Germany, 
who shut him up in yonder castle. Those were the days of bar- 
barism. How diflerent the civilization of our own times! The 
world has seen how I treated the Emperor of Austria, whom I 
might have imprisoned — and I would treat him so again. 1 take 
no credit to myself for this. In the present an;e, crowned heads 
must be respected. A conqueror imprisoned!" 

A few days after, the emperor was at the gates of Vienna, but 
on this occasion his access to that capital was not so easy as it 
had been rendered in 1805, by the ingenious bravado of Lannes. 
The Archduke IMaximilian, who was shut up in the capital, wished 
to defend it. although the French army already occupied the prin- 
cipal suburbs. In vain were Hags of truce sent one alter the 
other to the archduke. They were not only sent back unheard, 
but were even ill-treated, and one of them was almost killed by 
the populace. The city Avas then bombarded, and was fast 
becoming a prey to the flames, when the emperor, hearing that 
one of the archduchesses remained in Vienna, on account of ill- 
health, ordered the flring to cease. Singularly capricious were 
the events of Napoleon's destiny — this archduchess was no other 
than Maria Louisa! Vienna at length opened her gates to 
Napoleon, who. for some days, took up his residence at Schoen- 
brunn. He lost no time in addressing the following proclamalion 
to his troops: 

" SoLinEKs ! One month after the eneiny passed the Inn, on the same day, and at 
the sanie hour, we have entered Vienna ! Her landwehres, her levies in mass, her 
ramparts, created by the impotent fury of the princes of the house of Lorraine, have 
vanislied at your approacli. The princes of thai house have abandoned their capital, 
not like honourable warriors, yieldinsi; to the circumstances of war. but like perjurers, 
pursued by their own remorse. In tlyini; iVom Vienna, their farewell to its inhabitants 
were murder and contlagration. Like Medea, they have, with their own hands, mas- 
sacred their children." 

Who would have believed that, after the manner in which 
Napoleon had spoken of the Emperor of Austria in this proclama- 
tion, he would finish the campaign with a proposal to marry his 
daughter? I had always been of opinion, that this propensity of 
Bonaparte, to abuse his enemies in these public addresses, was, to 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 383 

say the least of it, impolitic, and by no means added to his rep- 
utation. And if it be remarked, that I am at pains to present 
Napoleon's proclamations to the reader, and say nothing with 
regard to his bulletins, the reason is this — his proclamations were 
founded on truth, almost to their prophecies, which, however, 
were not always realized like that of his entrance into Vienna. 
Their groundwork was the great historical events which had 
taken place before the eyes of the army to which they were 
addressed; while his bulletins, which were intended to impose on 
the people of the interior of France, and foreign countries, too 
fully justified the proverb, "to lie like a bulletin." 

As Bourrienne has given none of the military details of this rapid 
and decisive campaign, we supply the following short abstract: 

"On the 6th of April, Austi'ia declared war; and on the 9th, the 
Archduke Charles, generalissimo of armies which are said to have been 
recruited, at this period, to the amount of nearly five hundred thousand 
men, crossed the Inn at the head of six corps, each consisting of thirty 
thousand ; Napoleon, having so great an army in Spain, could not hope 
to oppose numbers such as these to the Austrians ; but he trusted to the 
rapid combinations which had so often enabled him to baffle the same 
enemy ; and the instant he ascertained that Bavaria was invaded by the 
Archduke Charles, he assumed the command on the 13th, and immedi- 
ately formed the plan of his campaign. 

" He found the two wings of his army, the one under Massena, the 
other under Davoust, at such a distance from the centre, that, if the 
Austrians had seized the opportunity, the consequences might have been 
fatal. On the 17th of April, he commanded Davoust and Massena to 
march simultaneously towards a position in front, and then pushed for- 
ward the centre, in person, to the same point. The Archduke Lewis, 
who commanded two Austrian divisions in advance, was thus hemmed 
in unexpectedly by three armies, moving at once from three different 
points ; defeated and driven back, at Abensberg, on the 20th ; and utterly 
routed, at Landshut, on the 21st. Here the archduke lost nine thou- 
sand men, thirty guns, and all his stores. 

"Next day Bonaparte executed a variety of movements, by means of 
which he brought his whole force, by different routes, at one and the 
same moment upon the position of the Archduke Charles. That prince 
was strongly posted at Eckmuhl, with full one hundred thousand men. 
Napoleon charged him at two in the afternoon ; the battle was stern, and 
lasted till nightfall, but it ended in a complete overthrow. The Aus- 
trians, besides their loss in the field, left in Napoleon's hands twenty 
thousand prisoners, fifteen colours, and the greater part of their artillery ; 
and retreated in utter disorder upon Ratisbonne. 

" Thus, in five days, in spite of inferiority of numbers, did the emperor 
triumph over the main force of his opponent. 



3S4 MEMOIRS OF NAVOLKOX liOXAl'AUTE, 

" He reviewed his army on the 24th, distributing rewards of all sorts 
with a lavish hand, and, among others, bestowing the title of Duke of 
Eckmuhl on Davoust ; forthwith eomnieneed his march upon Vieima; 
and on the 9th of IVlay appeared before the walls of the capital. On 
the 10th a capitulation was signed, the French troops took possession of 
the city, and Napoleon once more established his head-qua rtcr.s hi jhe 
imperial palace of Schoenbrunu. 

"Napoleon knew that unless lie concluded the main contest soon, 
the national spirit of dermany would kindle a general ilame from the 
Rhine to the Elbe: and he, theretore, desired fervently that the Austrian 
generalissimo might be tempted to quh the fastnesses of Boiiemia, and 
try once more the fortune of a battle. 

"The Arcluluke Charles, having rt^established the order and recruited 
the numbers of his army, had anticijnited these wishes of his enemy, 
and was already posted on the opposite bank of the Danube, whicli 
river, being greatly swollen, and all the bridges destroyed, seemed to 
divide the two camps, as by an impassable barrier. 

"Napoleon determined to pass it ; and on the '2(Mh of JMay made good 
his passage, by means of a bridge oi' boats, to the left bank of the Dan- 
ube ; where he took possession of the villages of Asperne and Essling. 

''On the Olst. at day-break, the archduke appeared on a rising ground, 
separated fixan the French position by an extensive plain ; his whole 
force divided into live heavy columns, and protected by not les*; than 
two hundred pieces of artillery. The battle began at tour P. jM. with a 
furious assault on the village of Asperne : which was taken and retaken 
several times, and remained at nightfall in the occupation, partly of the 
Fi-ench. and partly of the assailants. 

"Next morning the battle recommenced with equal fury: the Fi'ench 
recovered the church of Asperne; but the Axistrian right wing renewed 
their assaults on that point with more and more vigour, and in such 
numbers, that Napoleon guessed the centre and letl had been weakened 
for the purpose of strengthening the right. Upon this he instantly moved 
such masses, ai echenon, on the Austrian centre, that the archduke's 
line was shaken ; and for a moment it seemed as if victory was secure. 

"At this critical moment, by means of Austrian tire-ships suddenly 
sent down tlie swollen and rapid river, the bridge connecting the island 
of Lobau with the right bank was wholly swept away. Bonaparte per- 
ceived that if he wished to preserve his communications with the right 
of the Danube, where his reserve still lay, he must instantly tall back 
on Lobau ; and no sooner did his troops connnence their backward 
nioveujent, than the Austrians recovered their order and zeal, charged in 
turn, and tinally made themselves masters of Asperne. Essling, where 
Massena commanded, held firm, and under the protection of that village 
and numerous batteries erected near it, Napoleon succeeded in with- 
drawing his whole tbrce during the night. On the morning of the CSd 
ihe French were cooped up in Lobau and the adjacent islands — Asperne, 
Essling, the >vhole left bank of the rivei', remaining in the possession of 



MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. /J85 

tho AusUians. On f;it.}ic;r .side o, great victory was claimed; and with 
equal injufitico. 

"On tlio -Ith of July Napoloon had at last rrjostahlishod thoroughly 
his communication with the right hank, and arranged the means of pass- 
ing to the left at a point where the archduke had made hardly any 
preparation for receiving him. The Austrians having rashly calculated 
that Asperne and l^^ssling must needs he the objects of the next contest, 
as of the preceding, were taken almost unawares hy his appearance in 
another fjuart,er. They changed their line on the instant; and occupied 
a position, the centre and key of which was the little town of Wagram. 

" Mere, on the 0th, the final and decisive hattle was fought. The 
archduke had extended his line over too wide a space; and this old 
error enabled Napoleon to ruin him by his old device of pouring the 
full shock of his strength on the centre. The action was long and 
bloody: at its close their remained twenty thousand prisoners, besides 
all the artillery and baggage, in the hands of Napoleon. The archduke 
fled in great confusion as far as Znairn, in Moravia. The Imperial 
Council perceived that ftirther resistance was vain : an armistice was 
agreed to at Znaim ; and Napoleon, returning to Schoenbrunn, continued 
occupied with negotiations until October. 

"In this fierce campaign, none more distinguished himself than 
Lannes, Duke of Montebello. At ilatisbonne he headed in person the 
storming party, exclaiming, 'Soldiers, your general has not forgotten 
that he was onV^e a grenadier!' At the battle of Asperne his exertions 
were extraordinary. He was struck, towards the close of the day, by 
a cannon-shot, which carried off both his legs. The surgeons, on 
examining the wound, declared it mortal. He answered them with 
angry imprecations, and called with frantic vehemence for the emperor. 
Napoleon came up, and witnessed the agonies of the dying marshal, 
who deeply regretted that he should be denied to see the end of the 
campaign. Thus fell Lannes, whom, for his romantic valour, the 
French soldiery delighted to call the Roland of the camp." — Family 
Library. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 



The Papal BtatcH iinitel to Franw; Ojo liafUc ofTalavcra; Hir Arlliur Wdlftsley ; Stapn' Attempt to 
a«HaRBimit<! Uk; Krnporor at Hcho<;nbruni) ; IiIh I<;xamination and Death; Inf1u(;n(;c of this Attempt 
on the Coiiclu«iori of l'ejw;e; Treaty of fichoe/iljruri/i ; NapoJeon returria to Paris. 

Five days after the bombardment of Vienna, namely, on the 
17th May, the emperor published a decree, by virtue of which the 
states of the pope were united to the French empire, and Rome 
was declared an imperial city. The states of the church had 
already been dismembered for the sake of enlarging the three 
Italian departments; but the Holy See was now entirely erased 
Z 33 



386 MEMOIRS OF \ArOLEON EONAT.ARTE. 

from the list of temporal powers. I shall not now stop to inquire 
how far such a measure was politic, or otherwise : but it certainly 
was a mean usurpation on the part of Napoleon, for tlie time had 
long passed when a Julius the Second laid down the keys of St. 
Peter, to take up the sword of St. Paul. It was, besides, an 
injustice, and after the condescension of the pope towards Napo- 
leon, an act of the blackest ingratitude. The decree of union 
did not deprive the pope of his residence ; but he was now nothing 
more than the first Bishop of Christendom, with arcA-enue of two 
millions. The virtues of this persecuted old man, however, 
inspired universal respect, and CA'cn Protestants were loud in theii* 
condemnation of Napoleon's scandalous behaviour to Pius TIL 

Napoleon, while at Vienna, heard of the atlair of Talavera de 
la Reyna. I was informed by a letter from head-quarters, that 
he was very much atlected by the news, and did not conceal the 
chagrin it caused him. I verily believe, that he had determined 
on the conquest of Spain, precisely on account of the dithculties 
it presented. At Talavera commenced the European reputation 
of a man, who, perhaps, would not have been without some glory, 
even had less pains been taken to build him up a fabric of renown. 
In that battle commenced the career of Sir Arthur Wellesley, 
whose victories have since been attended with such important 
consequences. While we experienced this check in Spain, the 
English were attempting an expedition against Holland, where 
they had already made themselves masters of the island of Wal- 
cherin. It is true, they were obliged to evacuate it shortly after- 
wards, but as, at that time, the French and Austrian armies were 
in a state of inaction, in consequence of an armistice concluded 
at Znaim in Moravia, the news unfavourable to Napoleon raised 
the hopes of the Austrian negotiators, who held back in the 
expectation that fresh defeats would atford them better chances. 
These delays were borne with much impatience by the emperor, 
who longed for the opportunity of directing his whole strength 
against Spain and England, the only two enemies that would 
remain after peace had been concluded with Austria. 

It was during the course of these negotiations, the termination 
of which seemed every day to be farther distant, that Napoleon 
was exposed to a more real danger than the wound he had 
received at Ratisbonne. Germany was in a state of distress, dif- 
ficult to describe; her suflerings were aggravated by the presence 
of numerous French troops, whose support, whatever discipline 
might be enforced by their chiefs, was not the less burdensome 
and oppressive. Illumiuism. too. was making great progress, and 
had filled some youthful minds with an entliusiasm equal to that 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 387 

religious fanaticism to which Henry IV. fell a victim. A young 
man, named Staps, formed the design of assassinating Napoleon, 
in order to rid Germany of one whom he considered her scourge. 
Rapp and Berthier were with the emperor when the assassin was 
arrested; and I feel assured that, in repeating exactly their state- 
ment to myself, I am giving the most faithful account of all the 
circumstances connected with that event: " We were at Schoen- 
brunn," said Rapp, "when the emperor had just reviewed the 
troops. I had before observed a young man at the extremity of 
one of the columns, when, just as the troops were about to defile, 
I perceived him advancing towards the emperor, who was then 
between Berthier and myself The Prince de Neufchatel, sup- 
posing he had a petition to present, went forward to tell him that 
I was the person to receive it, being the aid-de-camp for the day. 
The young man replied, that he wished to speak to Napoleon 
himself, and Berthier again told him he must apply to me. He 
then withdrew a little, still repeating that he wished to speak 
to Napoleon. He again advanced, and came very near the 
emperor. I ordered him to fall back, telling him, in German, to 
wait till after the parade, when, if he had any petition to make, 
he would be attended to. I surveyed him attentively, for the 
importunity of his behaviour began to make me suspect him. I 
remarked that he kept his right hand in the breast-pocket of his 
coat, out of which appeared one end of a roll of paper. I know 
not how it was, but, at that moment, our eyes meeting, I was 
struck with a certain expression in his look and air, which seemed 
to imply some fixed and unalterable determination. Perceiving 
an officer of gendarmerie on the spot, I desired him to seize the 
young man, and, without any unnecessary severity, to convey him 
to the castle until the parade was over. All this passed in less 
time than I have taken in relating it, and at this moment the 
attention of every one being fixed on the parade, the scene passed 
unnoticed. Shortly after, I w-as told that a large carving-knife 
had been found concealed about the person of the young man ; 
and, going immediately to find Duroc, I proceeded with him to 
the apartment to which Staps had been taken. We found him 
sitting on a bed, seemingly in deep thought, but exhibiting not the 
least appearance of alarm. Near him was the portrait of a young 
female, his pocket-book and purse, in which were two gold pieces, 
if I remember right, old French louis d'ors. I asked him his name 
but he replied he would tell it to no one but Napoleon. I next 
inquired, what he intended to do with the knife found upon him. 
His answer was the same as before: 'I shall tell no one but 
Napoleon.' — ' Did you intend to attempt his life ?— ' Yes.' — ' Why ?' 
'I cannot tell any one but Na,poleon,' 



388 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

"This circumstance altogether appeared so strange to me, that 
I thought it right the emperor should be informed of it. When I 
told him ^vhat had taken place, he appeared some^Yhat discon- 
certed, for you know," said Rapp, "how much he was haunted by 
the idea of assassination. He desired that the young man should 
be taken into his cabinet; but this order was given to me in a tone 
that neither you nor myself ever heard before; he passed his right 
hand several times along his forehead, and fixed a scrutinizing look 
on all present. Two gens-d'armes conducted Staps into the 
presence of Napoleon. In spite of his criminal intention, there 
Avas something so prepossessing in the countenance of tlie unhappy 
youth, that it was impossible not to feel interested in his fate. I 
wished that he would deny the intention. But how was it possible 
to save a man who was determined to sacrifice himself? The 
emperor asked the prisoner if he could speak French? to which he 
replied, he had but a slight knowledge of it ; and, as you know," 
continued R-ipp, "that, next to yourself, I am the best German 
scholar in Napoleon's court, I was ordered to act as interpreter on 
the occasion. I may add, that such was Napoleon's anxiety to be 
made acquainted with the prisoner's answers, that I took no part 
in the following dialogue, except as the mouth-piece of the emperor, 
in translating his questions and their several replies. 

"The emperor began: 'Where do you come from?' — 'From 
Narremburg.' — 'What is your father?' — 'A Protestant minister.' 
— -How old are you?" — 'Eighteen.' — 'What did you intend to do 
with your knife? — 'To kill you.' — 'You are mad, young man; 
you are one of the illuminati.' — 'I am not mad. nor do I know what 
IS meant by the illuminati.' — 'You are ill, then?' — 'I am not ill; I 
am very well.' — 'Why did you wish to kill me?' — 'Because you 
have ruined my country.' — 'Have I done you any harm?' — 'The 
same harm as all other Germans.' — ' Is this the first time yovi have 
seen me?' — 'I saw vou at Erfurt, at the time of your interview 
with the Emperor of Russia.' — 'Did you intend to kill me then?' — 
'No, I thought you would not again wage war against Germany. 
I was one of your gi-eatest admirers. I came to Schoenbrunn, a 
week ago, with the intention of killing you, but the parade was 
just over on my arrival. I therefore deferred the execution of my 
design till to-day.' — 'I tell you, young man, you are either mad or 
in ill-health.' 

" At this point of the examination, the emperor ordered Corvisart 
to be sent for. Staps asked who Corvisart was? I told him he 
was a phvsician ; upon which he replied. ' I have no need of him.' 
No farther conversation ensued until the arrival of the doctor; and, 
during this interval, Staps evinced the utmost indifterence. As 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 389 

soon as Corvisart arrived, Napoleon (]irec1:efl him to feel the young 
man's pulse, which he immediately did ; and Sta{)s then very coolly 
said, 'Is it not true, sir, that I am quite well?' — 'The gentleman is 
in perfect health,' said Corvisart to the emperor. — 'I told you so/ 
exclaimed Staps, pronouncing the words with a sort of exultation. 

"I was really astonished at the coolness and stoicism of Staps, 
and the emperor himself seemed for a moment utterly confounded 
by the young man's behaviour. He, at length, ordered the prisoner 
to be removed, and, when he was gone, observed, ' This is tlie effect 
of fine principles; they convert young n)en into assassins.' 

"Tfiis event, in spite of all endeavours to keep it secret, became 
the subject of conversation in the castle of Schoenbrunn. One 
evening the emperor sent for me, and said, 'Rapp, I cannot get 
this wretched Staps out of my head. The more I think of the 
subject, the more I am perplexed. I can never believe that a 
young man of his age — a German, one who has received a good 
education, a Protestant too — could have conceived and attempted 
such a crime. The Italians are said to be a nation of assassins, 
but no Italian ever attempted my life. The thing is really beyond 
my comprehension. Inquire in what manner he met his fate, and 
let me know.' 

"I obtained from General Lauer the information which the 
emperor desired. I learned that Staps, whose rash attempt was 
made on the 23d of October, was executed at seven o'clock in the 
morning of the 27th, having refused to take any sustenance since 
the 24th. Whenever food was offered to him, he rejected it, 
saying, 'I am quite strong enough to walk to the scaffold.' On 
being told that peace was concluded, he evinced the utmost sor- 
row, and was seized with a universal tremor. When at the place 
of execution, he exclaimed, with a loud voice, 'Liberty for ever! 
Germany forever! Death to the tyrant!' and these were his last 
words." 

It is well known that, after the battle of Wagram, conferences 
were opened at Raab. Although peace was almost absolutely 
necessary for both powers, and the two emperors appeared equally 
anxious for it, still the treaty was not concluded. The Austrian 
commissioner had consented to all the most important conditions; 
but, what is worthy of remark, delays were still occasioned by 
Bonaparte. In fact, he was not sincerely desirous for the con- 
clusion of a treaty which should affix any limit to his conquests, 
or the aggrandizement of his power. Negotiations were, there- 
fore, suspended ; and M. de Champagny had ceased for several 
days to see the Prince of Lichtenstein, when the affair of Staps 
took place. Immediately after Napoleon's examination of the young 

33* 



390 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

fanatic, he sent for M. de Champagny. " How are the negotiations 
going on?" he inquired. The minister having informed him, the 
emperor added, "I wish them to be resumed immediately; I wish 
for peace ; do not hesitate about a few milhons more or less in the 
indemnity demanded from Austria. Yield on that point. I wish 
to come to a conclusion. I leave it all to you." The promptness 
with which the emperor's orders were executed on this occasion, 
gave him no opportunity to recall them. The minister wrote 
immediately to the Prince of Lichtenstein ; and' on the same night, 
the two negotiators having met at Raab, the clauses of the treaty 
which had been suspended wei^e at once discussed, agreed upon, 
and signed. The next morning M. de Champagny attended the 
emperor's levee with the treaty of peace as it had been agreed on. 
Napoleon, after hastily glancing over it, expressed his approbation 
of every particular, and highly complimented his minister on the 
quickness with which his wishes had been attended to, and the 
treaty concluded. By this act, known by the name of the treaty 
of Schoenbrunn, the ancient edifice of the empire of Germany was 
overthrown, and Francis II. became Francis I., Emperor of Austria. 
He, however, could not say, like his namesake of France, " Tout 
est perdu hors Vhonneur" " All is lost but honour," for honour had 
been somewhat compromised to avoid losing all. Still, however, 
Austi'ia was compelled to make very heavy sacrifices. The terri- 
tories ceded to France were immediately united into a new gen- 
eral government, under the collective denomination of the Illyrian 
provinces. Napoleon thus became master of both shores of the 
Adriatic, under his two-fold title of Emperor of France and King 
of Italy. Austria, thus crippled in her external commerce, had no 
longer any direct communication with the sea. The loss of 
Fiume, Trieste, and the sea-coast, appeared so great a sacrifice, 
that I had no confidence in the duration of a peace so dearly pur- 
chased. The idea that Staps might have imitators, among his 
countrymen, probably induced Napoleon to hurry away from 
Schoenbrunn, for he set off before he had ratified the preliminaries 
of the peace, announcing that he would ratify them at Munich. 
He proceeded in great haste to Nymphehburg, where the court of 
Bavaria was awaiting his arrival. He next visited the King of 
Wirtemberg, whom he declared to be the cleverest sovereign in 
Europe ; and, at the end of October, he arrived at Fontainbleau. 
From thence he proceeded on horseback to Paris, riding with such 
rapidity, that only a single chasseur of his escort could keep up 
with him, and, attended by this one guard, he entered the court of 
the Tuileries. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 391 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Napoleon divorces Josephine, and marries Maria-Louisa ; the Hanse Towns refuse to pay new French 
Troops ; Decree for burning English IMerchandise ; my Recall to Pai-is ; Union of the Hanse Towns 
with France; Visit to Malmaison ; Grief of Josephine. 

It was during Napoleon's stay at Fontainbleau, before his return 
to Paris, that Josephine for the first time heard any mention of her 
divorce, the idea of which had occurred to the emperor's' mind 
while he was at Schoenbrunn. At Fontainbleau, likewise. Napo- 
leon appointed M. de Montalivet minister of the interior; a choice 
which gave universal satisfaction. The letters which we received 
from Paris, at this period, were continually dwelling on the bril- 
liant state of the capital during the winter of 1809, and especially 
of the splendour of the imperial court, where the emperor's levees 
were attended by the Kings of Saxony, Bavaria, and Wirtemberg; 
all eager to evince their gratitude to the hero who had raised them 
to the rank of sovereigns. 

I was the first person in Hamburg that received intelligence of 
Napoleon's projected marriage with the Archduchess Maria- 
Louisa. The news was brought to me, from Vienna, by two esta- 
fettes. How wonderful were the fortunes of this man! Who 
could have supposed, on that day when I accompanied Bonaparte 
to my brother's, with whom he left his watch as a deposit for a 
little silver, that he was destined to marry an Austrian arch- 
duchess ? It is impossible to give any idea of the effect produced 
by the anticipation of this event in the north of Germany. From 
all parts the merchants received orders to buy Austrian stock, 
which immediately experienced an extraordinary rise. The mar- 
riage was hailed with the most enthusiastic joy ; it was looked 
upon as the guarantee of a lasting peace, and the hope was enter- 
tained that the repose of the continent would no more be disturbed 
by the rivalry of France and Austria. My extensive correspond- 
ence led me to believe that these sentiments were shared by the 
people of the interior of France, and the different countries of 
Europe. For my own part, in spite of the presentiment I had 
always had of the return of the Bourbons to France, I confess I 
now began to think that event problematical, or at least very remote. 

About the beginning of the year 1810 commenced the differ- 
ences between Napoleon and his brother Louis, which, as the 
reader has already seen, terminated in a complete rupture. Hol- 
land could not exist without commerce, and this Napoleon inter- 
dicted. His object was to make himself master of the navigation 
of the Scheldt, which Louis wished should remain free, and hence 



392 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

ensued the union of Holland with the French empire. Holland 
was the first province of the grand empire which Napoleon took 
the new empress to visit. Their journey took place almost imme- 
diately after the marriage ceremonies were completed. Napoleon 
first proceeded to Compeigne, where he remained a week. He 
next set out for Saint Quentin, and inspected the canal. The 
Empress Maria- Louisa then joined him, and they revisited Bel- 
gium in company. At Antwerp, the emperor inspected all the 
works which he had ordered, for the execution of which he testi- 
fied much anxiety. Throughout their whole progress they were 
received with public rejoicings, fetes, and other popular manifest- 
ations of joy. Having visited several places in Holland, the 
emperor returned by way of Ostend, Lille, and Normandy, to Saint 
Cloud, where he arrived on the 1st of June, 1810. 

He then learned, from my correspondence, that the Hanse 
Towns had refused to advance money for the pay of the French 
troops, who w-ere left absolutely destitute, without money and 
without resources. I represented the urgent necessity for putting 
an end to this state of things. The Hanse Towns, once so opu- 
lent, had been reduced by taxations and extortions to absolute 
misery, and were wholly unable to satisfy the unjust demand 
which was now made upon them. 

Towards the end of this year, Napoleon, in a fit of madness, 
issued a decree, an infernal one, for I can find no milder epithet 
with which to characterize it. It ordained the burning of all 
English merchandise in France, Holland, the Grand Duchy of 
Berg, the Hanse Towns; in short, in all those places subject to 
the disastrous dominion of Napoleon. I did not conceal the 
discontent which this ruinous measure excited, and the emperor 
himself was at length convinced of its folly, by the following cir- 
cumstance : In spite of the sinceritj' with which the Danish gov- 
ernment endeavoured to enforce the continental system, Holstein 
contained a great quantity of colonial produce, and, notwithstand- 
ing the severest measures, it w^as necessarj^ to find a market 
somewhere for such commodities. The smugglers often succeeded 
in introducing them into Germany, and within a few months the 
whole would, no doubt, have passed the custom-house limits. 
After much consideration on this state of things, I thought it most 
advisable to turn to some account an evil which could not be 
avoided. I proposed, therefore, that the colonial produce then in 
Holstein, and which had been imported before the date of the edict 
for its prohibition, should be allowed to enter Hamburg, on the 
payment of thirty, or, on some articles, of forty per cent. This 
duty was to be collected at the custom-house, and to be confined 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 393 

entirely to articles consumed in Germany. The colonial produce 
in Altona, Gluckstadt, Husum, and other towns of Holstein, had 
been estimated at about thirty millions of francs, and the duty 
would amount to ten or twelve millions. By the adoption of this 
plan, the smuggler's trade would at once be at an end ; as, of 
course, the merchants would prefer to give thirty, or three-and- 
thirty per cent., for the right of carrying on a lawful trade, rather 
than forty per cent, to the smugglers, with the chance of seizure 
besides. 

The emperor was not slow in adopting my idea, for I transmit- 
ted my observations on the subject to the minister for foreign 
affairs on the 18th of September, and, on the 4th of October, a 
decree was issued conformable to the plan I proposed. Within 
six weeks after the decree had been made public, the custom- 
house director received thirteen hundred notices from persons 
holding colonial produce in Holstein. The estimate of the duties 
was now about forty millions of francs; that is to say, twenty- 
eight or thirty millions more than I had calculated them at. In 
fact, several commercial houses paid (each) four millions; but this 
surplus of revenue did not surprise me, knowing that I had made 
no exaggerated statements in my representations on the subject. 

At the beginning of December, I received a letter from M. de 
Champagny, stating that the emperor wished to see me, in order 
to consult with me upon different matters connected with Ham- 
burg. On my arrival at Paris, however, I did not see the emperor; 
but the first Moniteur I read contained the official report of a 
senatus consultum, which united the Hanse Towns, Lauenburg, 
&c., to the French empire, by the right which the strong possess 
over the weak. In one of my interviews with M. de Champagny, 
after my return to Paris, he informed me that the emperor did not 
wish to receive me. My situation in Paris was now extremely 
delicate. 

The emperor's refusal to see me was an embarrassing circum- 
stance, and I was at first in doubt whether I might seek an inter- 
view with Josephine. Duroc, however, having assured me that 
Napoleon would not object to it, I wrote, requesting permission to 
wait upon her. I received an answer the same day, and, on the 
morrow, I went to Malmaison. I was ushered into a small drawing- 
room, in the form of a tent, where I found Josephine and Hortense. 
On my entrance, Josephine stretched out her hand to me, exclaim- 
ing, " Ah ! my friend — " These words she pronounced with deep 
emotion, and tears prevented her from continuing. She threw 
herself on the ottoman, on the left of the fire-place, and beckoned 
me to be seated near her, Hortense was standing by the fire- 



394 _ MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

place, endeavouring to conceal her tears. Josephine took my 
hand, which she pressed in both her own. It was some time before 
she could sufficiently command her feelings, and her tears still 
flowed as she said, "My dear Bourrienne, I have drained my cup 
of misfortune. He has cast me off! forsaken me. He conferred 
upon me the vain title of empress, only to render my fall the more 
marked. Ah! we judged him rightly. I did not deceive myself 
as to the destiny that awaited me; for what would he not sacri- 
fice to his ambition?" At this moment, one of the ladies of 
Queen Hortense entered with a message to her mistress, who 
remained a minute or two, apparently to recover herself from her 
emotion, and then withdrew. I was thus left alone with Josephine, 
an opportunity not displeasing to us. She seemed to wish for the 
relief of disclosing her sorrows, which I was equally desirous to 
hear from her own lips ; women have such a charming way of 
relating their troubles. 

Josephine told me much of what I had previously learned from 
my friend Duroc ; then, coming to the period when Bonaparte had 
declared to her the necessity of a separation, "My dear Bourrienne," 
she said, "during all the years you were with us, you know you 
possessed my entire confidence ; to you I often expressed my sad 
forebodings. Cruelly, indeed, are they now fulfilled ; I have finished 
my character of wife — I have suffered all — I am resigned !" After 
a short pause, she continued, "What fortitude did it require lat- 
terly, when, though no longer his wife, I was obliged to appear so 
in the eyes of the world. What looks do courtiers bend upon a 
repudiated wife! I was in a state of vague uncertainty, worse 
than death, until the fatal day, when he at length avowed to me 
what I had long before read in his looks. It was the 30th of 
November, 1809: well do I remember the sinister expression of 
his countenance on that day: we were dining together as usual, 
and during that sorrowful repast I had not uttered a word, and he 
had only broken silence to ask one of the servants what it was 
o'clock. As soon as Bonaparte had taken his coffee, he dismissed 
all his attendants, and I remained alone with him. His features 
sufficiently marked what was passing in his mind, and I knew that 
my hour was come. Coming close to me, he took my hand, 
pressed it to his heart, and, after gazing at me for a few moments 
in silence, he uttered these fatal words: 'Josephine, my dear 
Josephine! you know I have loved you; to you alone do I owe 
the only moments of happiness I have tasted in this world. But, 
Josephine, my destiny is superior to my will ; my dearest affec- 
tions must give way to the interests of France.' " " Say no more !" 
I exclaimed, "I understand you; I expected this, but the blow is 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 395 

not the less severe." I had not power to say more," continued 
Josephme; "I know not what took place after; strength and rea- 
son at once forsook me, and, when I recovered, I found myself in 
my chamber. Your friend, Corvisart, and my poor daughter, 
were with me. Bonaparte came to see me in the evening, and, 
oh! Bourrienne, how can I give you an idea of what I then felt! 
Even the interest he appeared to feel for my situation seemed an 
additional cruelty. Alas ! I had good reason to fear ever becoming 
an empress." 

I was at a loss what consolation to offer to Josephine ; and, 
knowing as I did, the natural gayety of her character, I should 
have been surprised to find her grief so acute, after the lapse of a 
year, did I not also know that there are certain chords in a woman's 
heart, which, when struck, are long ere they cease to vibrate. A 
divorce may be submitted to, but scarcely pardoned ; and wounded 
self-love is a lasting passion. I sincerely pitied Josephine, and 
among other things which I said to assuage her sorrow, the one 
which appeared to afford her the most sensible consolation was, 
that public opinion was decidedly opposed to Bonaparte's divorce. 
On this point I said nothing but the truth, for Josephine was gen- 
erally beloved. I reminded her of a prediction I had made, under 
happier circumstances, viz : on the day when she came to visit us 
in our little house at Ruel, as I was accompanying her back to the 
high road. "I remember it, my friend," she replied, "and I have 
often thought of all you then said. For my own part, I knew that 
all was lost from the day he made himself emperor. Adieu, Bour- 
rienne ; come and see me soon again, come often ; we have a great 
deal to talk about, and you know how happy I always am to see 
you." Such, as nearly as I can recollect, was what passed at my 
first interview with Josephine after my return from Hamburg. 

During the period of my stay in Paris, the war with Spain and 
Portugal occupied much of the public attention ; proving, in the 
sequel, an enterprise upon which Josephine's clear perception had 
not deceived her. In general, she intermeddled but little with 
politics : in the first place, because her doing so would not have 
been agreeable to Napoleon; and, secondly, because the levity of 
her disposition led her to prefer more pleasurable pursuits. I can- 
not but observe, however, that she was endowed with an instinct 
so perfect, that she was seldom deceived as to the good or evil 
tendency of any measure bearing on her husband's fortune ; and I 
remember she told me that, on being informed of the emperor's 
intention to bestow the throne of Spain on Joseph, she was seized 
with an indescribable feeling of alarm. I know not how to define 
that instinctive feeling which seems a presentiment of the future; 



396 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

but it is certain that Josephine was endowed with this faculty 
beyond any other person I ever knew. To her, indeed, it was a 
fatal gift, since to the unhappiness of the present was superadded 
a sad foreboding of the future. 

Though more than a twelvemonth had elapsed since the divorce, 
it was still a new theme of grief in the heart of Josephine. " You 
cannot conceive," my friend," she often said to me, "all the tor- 
ments I have endured since that fatal day; I cannot think how I 
survived it. You can form no conception of the misery it is to 
me to see every where descriptions of fetes. And the first time 
he came to me after his marriage, oh! what a meeting was that! 
what tears I shed! The days on which he comes are days of 
torture to me, for he has no delicacy. How cruel of him to speak 
to me about his expected heir! you may suppose, Bourrienne, how 
distressing all this is to me. Better far to be exiled a thousand 
leagues from hence! However," added Josephine, "some few 
friends still continue faithful to me, and that is now my only con- 
solation in the few moments I am able to admit of it." The truth 
is, she was really very unhappy; and the only consolation her 
friends could offer, was to mingle their sympathetic tears with 
hers. And yet such was the passion which Josephine still retained 
for dress, that, after having wept for a quarter of an hour, she 
would forget her tears to give audience to milliners and jewellers. 
At the sight of a new hat, she was still a very woman. I remem- 
ber that one day, taking the opportunity of a momentary calm, 
the effect of an ample display of some glittering baubles, I con- 
gratulated her on the happy influence they exercised over her 
spirits, when she replied, " Why, my dear friend, it is true all these 
things should now be indifferent to me, but it is a habit." Josephine 
might have added, that it was an occupation, too ; for it would be 
no exaggeration to say, that if the time she spent in tears, and at 
her toilet, had been subtracted from her life, its term would have 
been very considerably shortened. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

The French imsuccessful in Spain ; Hostility of the People ; State of France ; Bli-th of the King of 
Rome ; Certainty of War with Russia ; War in Spain neglected ; Prepai-ations for War ; Removal 
of the Pope to Fontainbleau. 

The commencement of the year 1811 was sufficiently favour- 
able to the French arms in Spain ; but towards the beginning of 
March, fortune changed sides. The Duke of Belluno, notwith- 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 397 

standing the valour of his troops, was defeated at Chiclana; and 
from that day the French army was unable to stand its ground 
against the combined forces of England and Portugal. Even 
Massena, notwithstanding the title of Prince of Eslingen, which 
he had won under the walls of Vienna in the last battle, was no 
longer the favoured child of fortune, as he had been at Zurich. 
Having mentioned Massena — what could he do against the Eng- 
lish in Portugal? The combined English and Portuguese forces 
were daily augmenting, while ours still decreased. England con- 
sidered no sacrifice too great to secure success in the important 
struggle in which she was engaged; and as her money was lav- 
ished profusely, her troops were paid well wherever they went, 
and abundantly supplied with ammunition and provisions. The 
French, on the other hand, were far from possessing the same 
ample means; and yet, in order to prevent the natives taking 
part with the English, we were constrained to imitate their lavish 
expenditure. But even this did not prevent numerous partial 
insurrections in many places, which rendered all communication 
with France extremely difficult. Armed bands continually car- 
ried off our dispersed soldiers, and the presence of the British 
troops, supported by the money they spent, excited the inhabitants 
against us; for it cannot be supposed that, unaided by the English, 
Portugal could have held out for a moment against France. But 
battles, bad weather, and privations of every kind, had so weak- 
ened the French army, that it absolutely stood in need of repose ; 
at the same time its enterprises could lead to no results. In this 
state of things Massena was recalled, because his health was so 
materially injured, that it was impossible he could exert sufficient 
activity to restore the army to a respectable footing. 

Under these circumstances. Napoleon sent Bertrand into Illyria 
to supersede Marmont, who was ordered in his turn to relieve 
Massena in Portugal. Marmont, on succeeding to the command, 
found the troops in a deplorable state. The difficulty of procuring 
provisions was extreme, and the means he was compelled to 
employ for that purpose only aggravated the evil; at the same 
time insubordination and want of discipline had arrived at such 
a pitch, that it would be as difficult as painful to depict the situa- 
tion of our army at this period. Marmont, by his firmness and 
conduct, happily succeeded in bringing about a better state of 
things, and soon found himself at the head of a well-organized 
army, amounting to thirty thousand infantry, with forty pieces of 
artillery; but he could only collect a very small body of cavalry, 
and even those ill-mounted. 

The aspect of affairs in Spain at the commencement of 1811, 

34 



39S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

was very similar to what was taking place in Portugal. At first 
a continued series of victories, but those very victories so dearly 
purchased, that the ultimate issue of the struggle might easily 
have been foreseen; because, when a people are fighting for their 
liberties and their homes, their assailants must gradually diminish; 
while, at the same time, the armed population, emboldened by 
success, increases in a still more perceptible progression. A regi- 
ment cut off" cannot immediately be supplied, while the burning of 
a single village among a spirited people sets a whole province in 
arms. Besides, insurrection was now considered by the Spaniards 
a holy and sacred duty, to which the recent meetings of the Cortes 
in the Isle of Leon had given, as it were, a legitimate character, 
since Spain found again, in the remembrance of her ancient priv- 
ileges, at least the shadow of a government — a centre around 
which the defenders of the soil of the Peninsula might rally. 

When, at the commencement of 1811, 1 left Paris, I had ceased 
to delude myself respecting the brilliant career which seemed 
opening upon me during the consulate. I clearly perceived, that 
since Bonaparte, instead of receiving me as I expected, refused 
to see me, the calumnies of my enemies had succeeded, and that 
I had nothing to hope from a despotic master, whose past injustice 
did but render him the more unjust. He now possessed what he 
had so long and ardently desired — a son of his own, the heir to 
his name, his power, and his throne. Truth requires me here to 
notice, that the foul and malevolent reports which were circulated 
respecting the birth of the King of Rome were entirely without 
foundation. My friend Corvisart, who did not for a single instant 
leave Maria-Louisa during her protracted and dangerous labour, 
removed every doubt from my mind on this subject. It is as true 
that the young prince, for whom the Emperor of Austria answered 
at the font, was the son of Napoleon and the Archduchess Maria- 
Louisa, as it is false that Napoleon was the father of the eldest 
child of Hortense. The birth of the son of Napoleon was hailed 
with universal enthusiasm ; never did a child come into the 
world, encircled with such a diadem of glory. The emperor's 
power, indeed, was at its height from the period of the birth of 
his son until his first reverse at Moscow. The empire, including 
the states possessed by the imperial family, comprised nearly fifty- 
seven millions of inhabitants; but the moment was now fast 
approaching, when this power, unequalled in modern times, was to 
crumble and fall under its own weight. 

During the summer of the year 1811, no important engagement 
took place in Spain; victory and defeat succeeded each other, 
blood flowed in torrents, but nothing decisive was effected. Some 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 399 

' brilliant events, it is true, attested the courage of our troops and 
the skill of our generals : the battle of Albufera, for instance, and 
the taking of Tarragona by Suchet, while Wellington was obliged 
to raise the siege of Badajoz. These advantages, productive of 
nothing but glory, still served however to keep up Napoleon's hope 
of triumphing in the Peninsula, and permitted him to enjoy the 
brilliant f^tes which took place in Paris in celebration of the birth 
of the King of Rome. 

On his return from a tour in Holland, at the end of October, 
Napoleon clearly perceived that a speedy rupture with Russia, 
was inevitable. In vain he sent Lauriston as ambassador to St. 
Petersburg in place of Caulincourt, who would no longer remain 
there; the most skilful diplomatist that ever existed could effect 
nothing with a powerful government whose determination was 
already fixed. All the cabinets of Europe were now unanimous 
in wishing for the overthrow of Napoleon's power, and the people 
were no less anxious for an order of things less destructive to their 
trade and industry. In the state to which Europe was reduced, no 
one could effectually counteract the wish of Russia and her allies 
to go to war with France — Lauriston no more than Caulincourt. 

The impending war, for which Napoleon was.now obliged to pre- 
pare, compelled him to neglect Spain, and to leave affairs in that 
country in a state of real danger. In fact, Napoleon's occupation 
of Spain, and his well-known wish to maintain himself there, were 
additional motives for inducing the powers of Europe to enter upon 
a war which would necessarily cause a diversion of his forces. All 
at once, the troops which were in Italy and the north of Germany 
moved towards the frontiers of the Russian empire. In March, 
1811, the emperor had nearly all the military forces of Europe at 
his command. One now reflects with astonishment at this union 
of nations, differing in manners, language, religion, and interests; 
but all ready to fight for one man, against a power that had never 
injured them. Prussia herself, although she could never pardon 
the wrongs he had inflicted upon her, joined his alliance, with the 
obvious intention of breaking it on the first opportunity. When 
the war with Russia was first spoken of, I had frequent conver- 
sations with the Duke de Rovigo on the subject. I communicated 
to him whatever intelligence I received from abroad respecting 
thajt vast enterprise. The Duke shared all my forebodings, and 
if he and those who thought like him had been listened to, that 
war, in all probability, would never have taken place. Through 
him I learned who the individuals were that urged the invasion. 
Their ambitious views could be realized only by war ; while 
dreaming of vice-royalties, duchies, and endowments, they over- 
looked the possibility of seeing the Cossacks in Paris. 



400 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON RONArAUTK, 

The oloniilic onlorpriso boinir now resolved on. iirepniations 
Mere UKule as if lor ihe ooiujuest of a world. Before his departure, 
Napoleon, intending to lake with l\ini the whole of his disposable 
troo}>s, caused a senatus consultuni to be issued for levying the 
national giuu'ds, who were divided into three corps. He also 
arranged his di}iloniatic atlairs, by concludinjr, in Feburary, 1812, 
a treaty oi' alliance. olVeusive and defensive, with Prussia, by virtue 
of which the two contracting powers niutnally guaranteed the 
integrity of their respective jiossessions, and the I'auojiean posses- 
sions o\ the C>tlonian l\nMe. because that prince was then at war 
with Russia. A similar treaty was conchuled about the beginning 
o\' IMarch with Austria, aiul about the end of the same month 
Napoleon renewed the capitulation of France and Switzerland. 

Determined at length to extend the bounds of his empire, or 
rather to avenge the mjuries which Russia had committed against 
his continental system. Napoleon, as was his custom, put all his 
allairs in order; his despatch and foresight on these occasions 
were little less than miraculous. Yet. before his departure for 
Cermany. the inllexible determination o( the jx^pe not to come to 
anv arrangement, occasioned him considerable anxiety. Savona 
did not apiHvir to him a residence sulliciently secure for such a 
prisoner. He was fearful lest, when all his forces were removed 
towards the Niemen, the English should attempt to carry otV the 
pope, or that the Italians, excited by the clergy, whose dissatisfac- 
tion was general in Italy, should stir up those religious commotions 
which are always fatal and dillicult to appease. With ihe view 
therefore oi' keeping the pope still under his control, he appointed 
hini his residence at Fontainbleau. and even at one time thought 
oi' bringing him to Paris. 

The emperor gave directions to M. Denon to reside at Fontain- 
bleau with the holy father; and in this respect evinced a degree 
of delicacy and attention, in allbrding his illustrious prisoner the 
socielv of a man whose n\anners and accomplishments were so 
suitable to his situation. Pius \U. soon conceived a great degree 
of friendship for JM. Denon, and the latter, when speaking to me 
of his residence with the pope, related the following anecdote: 
"The pope," said he, "conversed with me in the most familiar 
manner. He always addressed me by the appellation "my son." 
and seemed to take pleasure in conversing with me, especially on 
the subject of our Egvptian expedition, respecting which he made 
frequent inquiries. One dav he asked me for niy work on the 
"Antiquities of Egypt," anil as you are aware it is not quite 
orthodox on some points, and does not perfectly agree with the 
creation of the world according to Genesis, I at first hesitated; 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 401 

but the pope inf3isted, and at length I complied with his desire. The 
holy father told me he had felt much interested in its perusal ; and 
upon my alluding to certain delicate points, he said, 'No matter, 
no matter, my son; all that is exceedingly curious, and certainly 
quite new to me.' I then," continued M. Denon, "explained to 
his holiness why I had hesitated to lend him the work, which, I 
observed, he had excommunicated, together with its author. 
'Excommunicate you, my son!' exclaimed the pope, in a tone of 
the most aflectionate concern, 'I am very sorry for it, and I assure 
you I was not at all aware of it.' " M. Denon, on relating to me 
this anecdote, observed, that he had constant reason to admire the 
virtues and resignation of the holy father, but he added, that it 
would nevertheless have been easier to make him a martyr, than 
to have induced him to yield on a single point, until he should be 
restored to the temporal sovereignty of Rome, of which he con- 
sidered himself the depositary, and of which he would not endure 
the reproach of having willingly sacrificed. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 



Departui'e of Napoleon and Maria-Louisa for Dresden; Napoleon and Alexander desire War; 
Attempt to detach Sweden from her Alliance with Russia. 

Having provided for the pope's residence. Napoleon set off for 
Dresden, accompanied by Maria-Louisa, who had expressed a 
wish to see her father. 

The expected war with Russia, the most gigantic enterprise, 
perhaps, that the mind of man ever conceived since the conquest 
of India by Alexander the Great, now absorbed universal attention, 
and set at naught the calculations of reason. The Manzanares 
was forgotten, and nothing was thought of but the Niemen, already 
so celebrated by the raft of Tilsit. Thither, as towards a common 
centre, were moving men and horses, carriages and provisions, 
and baggage of every description, f The ambitious hopes of the 
generals, and the fears of the wise, were all now directed towards 
Russia. The war in Spain, which was becoming more and more 
unfortunate, excited but feeble interest, and our most distinguished 
officers considered it almost a disgrace to be employed in the 
Peninsula. In short, it required no great foresight to tell that the 
period was at hand, when the French would be obliged to recross 
the Pyrenees. No general plan of operation was laid down for 
the troops, who were scattered into many separate divisions, and ' 
although Joseph had returned to Madrid, he had scarcely a single 
A A 3'4* 



402 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAI'ARTB. 

general under his orders. Thoui:;h tlie truth was concealed from 
the enijvror on many subjects, he certainly was not deceived as 
to the situation ot' Spain in the sprint- ot' 181'J. In February, the 
Duke of Ivagusa had frankly infornieil him that, witliout consider- 
able reinforcements of men and money, no important advantages 
could be hoped for, since Ciudad Rodri^o and Badajoz had fallen 
into the hands of the English. The French were shortly after 
defeated at Salamanca, and Wellington entered Madrid. 

Tlie negotiations which Napoleon carried on with Alexander, 
when he yet wished to appear averse to hostilities, resembled those 
oratorical circumlocutions which do not, however, prevent us from 
coming to the conclusion we desire. The two emperors equally 
wished for war; the one with the view of consolidating his power, 
and the other in the hope of freeing himself from a yoke which 
had become a species of vassalage; for it was little short oi' it to 
require a power like Russia to close her ports against England, 
merely to favour the interests of France. At this period tiiere 
were but two European powers not tied to Napoleon's fate — 
Sweden and Turkey. AVith these powers, such near neighbours of 
Russia, Napoleon was anxious to form an alliance. With respect 
to Sweden, his efforts were vain; and though, in tact, Turkey was 
then at war with Russia, yet the Grand Seignior was uot now, as 
at the time of Sebastiani's embassy, under the influence of France. 

The peace which was soon concluded at Bucharest, between 
Russia and Turkey, increased Napoleon's embarrassment, who 
was far from expecting such a result. The left of the Russian 
army, secured by the neutrality of Turkey, was reint'orced by 
Bagrafion's cOrps from Moldavia. This corps subsequently occu- 
pied ti\e right of the Beresina, and thus destroyed the last hope of 
saving the Avrecks oi' the French army, reduced as it then was 
one-half'. It is difficult to conceive how Turkey could have 
allowed the consideration of past injuries on the part of France to 
induce her to terminate the war with Russia, when France was 
attacking that power with immense forces. The Turks never had 
a more favourable opportuni^y for taking revenge on Russia, and, 
unfortunately for Napoleon, they suffered it to escape. 

With the' northern power Napoleon was not more successful. 
In vain were his overtures addressed to the prince whose fortune 
he liad made — who was allied to his family — but with whom he 
had never been on terms of good imderstanding. The Emperor 
Alexander had a considerable" body of troops in Finland, destined 
to protect that country against the Swedes — Napoleon having con- 
sented to that occupation, in order to gain the provisional consent 
of Alexander to the invasion of Spain." What was the course pm-- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 403 

sued by Napoleon, when, being at war with Russia, he wished to 
detach Sweden from her alliance with Alexander? He intimated 
to Bernadotte, that he had a sure opportunity of retaking Finland; 
a conquest which would be glorious to himself, gratifying to his sub- 
jects, and the certain means of winning their attachment to him. 
By this alliance, Napoleon wished to force Alexander to maintain 
his troops in the northern part of his empire, and even to augment 
their numbers, in order to cover Finland and St. Petersburgh. It 
was thus that Napoleon endeavoured to draw the prince royal into 
his coalition. Napoleon cared little whether Bernadotte should 
succeed or not. The Emperor Alexander would have been obliged 
to increase his force in Finland, and that was all Napoleon desired. 
In the gigantic struggle in which France and Russia were about 
to engage, the most trivial alliance was not to be neglected. But 
in the month of January, 1812, Davoust had invaded Swedish 
Poraerania, without any declaration of war, and without any appa- 
rent motive. Was this inconceivable violation of territory likely 
to dispose the Prince Royal of Sweden to the proffered alliance, 
even had that alliance not been adverse to the interests of his 
country? That was impossible, and Bernadotte took the part that 
was expected of him. He rejected the offers of Napoleon, and 
prepared for coming events. 

Alexander, on his side, was desirous of withdrawing his forces 
from Finland, in order to make a more effectual resistance to the 
immense army which threatened his states. Unwilling to expose 
Finland to an attack on the part of Sweden, he had an interview 
on the 28th of August, 1812, at Abo, with the prince royal, for 
the purpose of effecting an arrangement and a union of interests. 
I know that the Emperor of Russia promised Bernadotte that, 
happen what might, he should not be involved in the fate of the 
new dynasties; that he would guarantee the possession of his 
throne, and that he should have Norway as a compensation for 
Finland. He even went so far as to hint that he might eventually 
supersede Napoleon. Such promises had the desired effect. Ber- 
nadotte adopted all the propositions of Alexander, and from that 
naoment Sweden made common cause against Napoleon. 



404 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 



CHAPTER XL. 

Reflections on Polimd; Disasters in Russia; jraTlet's Conspiracy; Motives of Napoleon's Return to 
Paris; his Exertions to repair his Losses ; War still resolved on. 

It has been a question frequently and warmly discussed, whether 
Bonaparte, previous to undertaking his last campaign, had resolved 
on restoring her independence to Poland. Facts will but prove 
that Bonaparte, as emperor, never formed the decided intention of 
reestablishing the old kingdom of Poland, although at a previous 
period he was fully convinced of its necessity. He may have said 
that he would do so. but I must beg leave to say that this atibrds 
no reason for believing that such was his real intention. 

On Xapoleon's arrival in Poland, the Diet of Warsaw, convinced, 
as it had reason to be, of the emperor's sentiments, declared the 
kingdom free and independent. The difierent treaties of dismem- 
berment were pronounced to be null, and unquestionably the Diet, 
relying upon Napoleon's support, had a right so to act. But the 
address it sent up to the emperor, in which these principles were 
declared, was but ill-received. His answer was ambiguous and inde- 
cisive, nor could his motive be blamed. To secure the alliance of 
Austria against Russia, he had just guaranteed to his lather-in-law 
the integrity of his dominions. Napoleon, therefore, declared that 
he could take no part in any movement or resolution tending to dis- 
turb Austria in the possession of the Polish provinces forming part 
of her empire. To act otherwise, he said, would be to sepai'ate 
himself from his alliance with Austria, and to tlu'ow her into the 
arms of Russia. But. with regard to the Polish-Russian provinces. 
Napoleon declared that he would see what could be done, should 
Providence prosper their good cause. 

The character of Bonaparte presents many most unaccountable 
inconsistencies. Although the most positive man that, perhaps, 
ever existed, yet there never was one who more readily yielded to 
the chanii of illusion. In many circumstances, the wish and the 
reality were to him one and the same thing. But never did he 
indulge in greater illusions than at the beginning of the campaign 
of ]Moscow. The burning of then- towns and villages seemed a 
suiiicient proof that the Russians wished to allure us into the heart 
of their empne. It was the opinion of all sensible people, even 
before the commencement of those disasters which accompanied 
the most fatal retreat recorded in history, that the emperor ought 
to have passed the winter of lSl'2-13 in Poland, and have resumed 
his vast enterprises in the spring. But his natui-al impatience 
ur2;ed him forward as it were unconsciouslv. and he seemed to be 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. '40'5 

under the influence of an invisible demon, stronger even than his own 
will : this demon was ambition. He, who knew so well the value 
of time, never sufficiently understood its power, and how much is 
often-times gained by delay. And yet he might have learned from 
Caesar's Commentaries, which were his favourite study, that Ceesar 
did not conquer Gaul in one campaign. Another delusion by 
which Napoleon was misled, during the campaign of Moscow, and 
which past experience might render in some degree excusable, was 
the belief that the Emperor Alexander would propose peace, when 
he saw him at the head of his army on the Russian territory. But 
the burnjng of Moscow soon convinced him that it w^as a war of 
extermination ; and the conqueror, so long accustomed to receive 
overtures from his vanquished enemies, had now the deep mortifi- 
cation to see his own, for the first time, rejected. The prolonged 
stay of Bonaparte at Moscow cannot otherwise be accounted for, 
than by supposing that the Russian cabinet would change its opin- 
ion, and consent to treat for peace. However that may be, Napo- 
leon, after his long and useless stay at Moscow, left that ruined 
city, with the design of taking up his winter-quarters in Poland; 
but Fate now declared against him, and, in that dreadful retreat, 
the very elements seemed leagued with the Russians to destroy the 
most formidable army ever commanded by one chief. To find a 
catastrophe in history comparable to that of the Beresina, we must 
go back to the destruction of the legions of Varres. 

Notwithstanding the general gloom which hung over Paris, the 
distresses of some, and the forebodings of others, that capital con- 
tinued tranquil, when, by a singular chance, on the very day on 
which Napoleon evacuated the burning city of Moscow, Mallet 
attempted his extraordinary enterprise. This general, who had 
always professed republican principles, and was a man of much 
energy of character, after having been imprisoned for some time, 
obtained permission from government to live in Paris, in a hospital- 
house, situated near the Barriere du Trone. This hair-brained 
adventurer conceived the idea of overthrowing Napoleon's empire, 
and establishing a popular form of government. But what power 
had Mallet ? what could he do to effect this ? Absolutely nothing ; 
and had his government continued three days, chance must have 
been more favourable to him than he could reasonably have 
expected. He affirmed that the emperor had been killed in Russia, 
but the first post that arrived from that country would at once con- 
found both Mallet and his proclamations. In short, his enterprise 
was quite that of a madman. The nation was much too weary of 
agitation to throw itself into the arms of Mallet and his associate, 
Lahorie, who had figured so disgracefully on the trial of Moreau. 



■ion Mr.MoiUi? or naimit.eon bonapahtb. 

Yot. in spite of the ovidont impossibility of" success, it must lie cou- 
tesseil, that considerable ingenuity ai\d address were en\ployed in 
the commencement o( this silly conspiracy. 

On the '2'2d of October, IMallet escaped from the hospital-house, 
and sent for Colonel Soulier, who conu\ianded the tenth cohort of 
the natitnial guard, whose barracks were situated immediately 
behind the hospital. So far all went well. Mallet was provided 
with a bundle of forged orders, drawn up and signed by himself. 
Tie announced himself to Soulier under the name of General La 
IMotle. auil saitl that he came from General IMallet. 

Colonel Soulier, on being informed o\' the empenVs death, 
burst into tears, and gave innnediate directions to the adjutant to 
assemble the cohort, and obey the orders of General La IMotte; 
to whom he apologized for being obliged, on account of his health, 
to remain in bed. It was then two o'clock in the morning, and 
the I'orged documents, respecting the emperor's death, and the 
new form of government, were read to the troops bv the light of 
the lan\ps. ]\L\llet then hastily set ofl' with twelve lunulred men 
to the prison of La Fiirce. and liberated the Sieurs Guidal and 
Tiahorie. who were confmed there. IMallet informed them of the 
emperor's death and the change of government ; gave them some 
instructions, and appointed then\ to meet him at the Hotel de 
"N'^ille. In consequence of his directions, the minister and prefect 
of police wei-e arrested in their hotel. 

1 was then at Courbevoie. and on that very morning went to 
Paris, as I t'requently did. to breakfast with the minister of police. 
IMy surprise may be imagined, when 1 learned trom the porter 
that the Puke ot l\ovigi-> had been arrested, and conveyed to the 
prison of La Force. 1 made my way. however, into the house, 
and was int'ormed. to my great astonishment, that the ephemeral 
minister was being measured for his new suit of oilice — an act so 
completely characteristic of the conspirator, that I saw at once 
how matters really stood. 

The minister of war was also arrestctl. and IMallet himself 
repaired to General ITulin. who had the command of Paris. He 
told him that he was commissioned bv the minister of police to 
arrest him. and seal his papers, itulin demanded to see the 
orders, and then entered his cabinet, into which IMallet followed 
him; and just as Hulin was turning round to speak to him. lie 
fired a pistol in his face. Hulin tell. The ball entered his cheek, 
but the wound was not mortal. It is not a little remarkable, that 
the captain whom IMallet had ordered to follow him. and who 
accompanied him to Hulin's. took no part in these proceedings, 
which he seemed to consider quite as a n\atter of course; and 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 407 

Mallet proceeded with the utmost composure to the Adjutant- 
general Doucet's. It happened that one of the inspectors of the 
police was there. He recognised Mallet as being a man under 
his own surveillance; and, telling him he had no right to leave 
the hospital without his knowledge, ordered his immediate arrest. 
Mallet, perceiving that all was lost, endeavoured to draw a pistol 
from his pocket; but the act being observed, he was seized and 
disarmed, together with his three attendants. Thus terminated 
this extraordinary conspiracy, for which fourteen individuals suf- 
fered death, though, with the exception of Mallet, Guidal, and 
Lahorie, the rest were but passive machines or dupes. 

This event produced but little sensation in Paris, for the enter- 
prise and its result were made known almost at the same instant. 
But the wits amused themselves greatly at the idea of the minister 
and prefect of police being imprisoned by the men who, only the 
day before, were their prisoners. The next day I went to see 
Savary, whom I found scarcely yet recovered from the stupefac- 
tion caused by his extraordinary adventure. He was aware that 
his imprisonment, though it had lasted only half an hour, afforded 
a topic for the jests of the Parisians. 

The emperor, as I have already mentioned, left Moscow on the 
very day of Mallet's audacious enterprise, and was at Smolensko 
when he heard the news. Rapp was present when Napoleon 
received the despatches containing an account of what had hap- 
pened in Paris. He informed me that Napoleon was greatly 
agitated on perusing them, and vented his anger against the 
inefficiency and negligence of the police. "Is it come to this, 
then!" said he; "is my power so insecure as to be endangered by 
a single individual, and he a prisoner? It would seem that my 
crown sits but loosely on my head, if, in my own capital, the bold 
stroke of three adventurers can shake it. Rapp, misfortune never 
comes alone: this is an appropriate finish to what is passing here. 
I cannot be every where, but I must go back to Paris ; my pres- 
ence there is indispensable to reanimate public opinion. I must 
have men and money: — great successes and great victories will 
repair all : I must set off." Such were the motives which induced 
the emperor to leave his army so precipitately. It is not without 
indignation that I have heard that departure attributed, by some, 
to cowardice and fear. Napoleon a coward! they know nothing 
of his character who say so. Tranquil in the midst of danger, he 
was never more happy than on the field of battle. On leaving 
Moscow, Napoleon consigned the wreck of his army to the care 
of his experienced generals : to Murat, who had so nobly com- 
manded the cavalry, but who abandoned the army to return to 



408 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Naples; and to 'Nej, the Hero, rather than the Prince, of the 
Moskowa, whose name will be immortal in the annals of glor}^, 
as his death will be eternal in the annals of party revenge. Amid 
the general disorder, Eugene, more than any other chief, main- 
tained a sort of discipline among the Italians ; and it was remarked 
that the troops of the south, engaged in the fatal campaign of 
Moscow, endured the rigour of the cold better even than the men 
who were natives of less sunnj^ climes. 

The return of Napoleon from Moscow was not like his return 
from the campaigns of ^'"ienna and Tilsit, when he came back 
crowned with laurels, and bringing peace as the reward of his 
triumphs. From this period, he threw off even the semblance of 
legality in tlie measures of his government : he assumed arbitrary 
power, imagining that the critical circumstances in which he was 
placed would be a sufficient excuse. But, however inexplicable 
were the means to which the emperor had recourse to procure 
resources, it is but just to acknowledge that they were the natural 
consequence of his system of government, and that he evinced 
almost inconceivable activity in repairing his losses, so as to place 
himself in a situation to resist his enemies, and restore victory to 
his banners. Obedience followed his mandates; but who shall 
describe the distresses they occasioned throughout his vast empire? 
Conscriptions were enforced even after substitutes had been pro- 
cured at enormous sacrifices. In one instance, no less a sum than 
fifteen thousand francs was given for a discharge from the guard 
of honour, which was raised about this period for the protection 
of Napoleon's person. 

But, in spite of all Napoleon's strenuous efforts, the disasters of 
the Russian campaign were every day more and more sensibly 
felt. The King of Prussia, in joining France, had played a part 
which betrayed his weakness, instead of openly declaring himself 
for the cause of Russia, which w^as also his own. Then took 
place the defection of General Yorck, who commanded the Prus- 
sian contingent to Napoleon's army in Marshal IMacdonald's divi- 
sion. The King of Prussia, though no doubt secretly pleased 
w'ith the conduct of General Yorck, had him formally tried and 
condemned; and yet a short time after that sovereign commanded 
in person the troops which had turned against us. The defection 
of the Prussians produced a very ill effect. It w^as a signal which 
could leave no doubt as to the disposition of our German allies, 
and it w'as easy to perceive that this defection would be followed 
by others. Napoleon quickly foresaw that this event was indica- 
tive of fatal chances for the future, and in consequence assembled 
a privy council, consisting of the ministers of state and some of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 409 

the grand officers of his household. M. de Talleyrand, Camba- 
ceres, and the president of the senate were present. Napoleon 
asked whether, in the complicated difficulties of our situation, it 
would be most advisable to negotiate for peace, or to prepare for 
a new war? Cambaceres and Talleyrand gave their opinion in 
favour of peace, which, however, Napoleon would never hear of 
after a defeat ; but the Duke de Feltre, knowing how to touch the 
susceptible chord of Bonaparte's heart, said that he should con- 
sider the emperor dishonoured if he consented to give up the 
smallest village which had been united to the empire by a decree 
of the senate. This opinion was adopted, and the war continued. 

The powers with whom Bonaparte was most intimately allied 
separated from him, as he might have expected, and Austria was 
not the last to imitate the example set by Prussia. 

In these difficult circumstances, the emperor, who for some time 
past had noticed the talent and address of the Count Louis de 
Narbonne, sent him to Vienna to replace M. Otto; but the pacific 
propositions of M. de Narbonne were not listened to. Austria 
would not let slip so fair an opportunity of taking a safe revenge. 

Napoleon now saw clearly, that since Austria had abandoned 
him, and refused her contingent, he should soon have all Europe 
in arms against him. But even this did not intimidate him. 
Some of the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine still 
remained faithful to him; and his preparations being completed, 
he proposed to resume in person the command of the army, 
which had been reproduced as it were by miracle. Before his 
departure, Napoleon appointed the Empress Maria- Louisa as 
regent, with a council of regency to assist her. 



CHAPTER XL L 

Discontent in France and the Provinces ; Hambui'g evacuated ; is occupied by the Cossacks ; Napo- 
leon's new Ai-my ; Reoccupation of Hamburg ; Coiigi'ess at Prague. 

A LONG time before Napoleon left Paris to join his army, the 
bulk of which was in Saxony, partial insurrections had occurred 
in many places. Although he had built a new city in La Vendue, 
to which he gave the name of Napoleon-town, the troubles in La 
Vendee were still spoken of It is true, these related to obscure 
rumours that excited no great attention, and the interior of old 
France was still in a state of tranquillity. Far otherwise was it 
in the provinces annexed by force to the extremities of the 
empire, particularly in the north, and in the unfortunate Hanse 

35 



410 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Towns, for which, since mv residence at Hamburg, I have always 
felt the greatest interest. The intelligence of the march of the 
Russian and Prussian troops, who were descending the Elbe, 
increased the agitation which prevailed in Westphalia, Hanover, 
Mecklenburg, and Pomerania. Advantage was every where 
taken of our reverses, and, in consequence, all the French troops 
cantoned between Berlin and Hamburg, including those who 
occupied the shores of the Baltic, fell back upon Hamburg. 
Reports of the most exaggerated nature now announced the 
approach of a Russian corps. A retreat was immediately ordered, 
which was executed on the 1 2th of March. General Cara Saint- 
Cyr having no money for the troops, helped himself out of the 
municipal chest. He left Hamburg at the head of the troops and 
men whom he had taken from the custom-house service. He 
was escorted by the town-guard, which protected him from the 
insults of the populace, and heartily glad were the Hamburgers 
to be well rid of their guests. This sudden retreat excited the 
indignation of Napoleon, and he accused General Saint- Cyr of 
pusillanimity, in an article inserted in the Moniteur, and afterwards 
copied by his order into all the journals. It would, indeed, be 
difficult to exculpate Saint-Cyr in the eyes of impartial observers, 
for had he been better informed, and less easily alarmed, he might 
have kept Hamburg, and prevented its temporary occupation by 
the enemy; to dislodge whom, it was necessary two months after- 
wards to lay siege to the city. The whole blame of this transac- 
tion was cast upon General Saint-Cyr, who, in fact, was betrayed 
by his perfidious and cowardly advisers. 

In the month of x\ugust all negotiation was broken oif with 
Austria, though that power, with its usual fallacious policy, still 
continued to protest fidelity to the cause of Napoleon, until the 
moment that her preparations were completed, and her resolution 
made. But if there were duplicity at Vienna, were there not 
folly and blindness in the cabinet of the Tuileries? Could we 
reasonably rely upon Austria? Without a single remonstrance, 
she had seen the Russian army pass the Vistula, and advance as 
far as the Saale. At that moment, a single movement of her 
troops, a word of declaration, would have prevented every thing. 
But as she would not interfere when she might have done so with 
certainty and safety, was there not, I repeat, a most extraordinary 
degree of folly and blindness in the cabinet which witnessed this 
conduct, and did not understand it? 

I again turn to the relation of those misfortunes which still 
afflicted the north of Germany, and Hamburg especially. Fifteen 
leagues east of Hamburg, but included within its territory, is a 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 411 

village called BergdorfF. It was in that village that the Cossacks 
were first seen. Twelve, or fifteen hundred of them arrived 
under the command of Colonel Tettenborn, who was detached 
from the main body of the Russian army, then about thirty leagues 
distant. Had it not been for the retreat of the French troops, 
amounting to three thousand, exclusive of men in the custom- 
house service, no attempt would have been made upon Hamburg; 
but the very name of the Cossacks inspired a degree of terror 
which every body must well remember. 

At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 17th of March,_ a picket 
of Cossacks, consisting of only forty men, took possession of a 
town recently flourishing, with a population of one hundred and 
twenty thousand, but now ruined and reduced to eighty thousand 
inhabitants, by the blessing of its union with the French empire. 
On the following day, the 18th, Colonel Tettenborn entered Ham- 
burg at the head of one thousand Cossack regulars. 

It was not until the expiration of three or four days that the 
small number of the allied troops was noticed, and even that 
number gradually diminished. On the day after the arrival of 
the Cossacks, a detachment was directed upon Lubeck, where 
they were received with the same honours as at Hamburg. Other 
detachments were sent to various places, and after four days' 
occupation, there remained in Hamburg only seventy out of 
twelve hundred Cossacks, two hundred irregulars included, who 
had entered on the 18th of March. The first care of their com- 
mander was to take possession of the post-office, and the treasuries 
of the different public offices. All the moveable effects of the 
French government and its agents were seized and sold ; and the 
officers laid their hands on whatever private property they could 
reach, after the true Cossack fashion. 

The restored Senate of Hamburg was but of short duration. 
It was soon discovered that the popular manifestation of hatred 
to the French government was somewhat premature, and the 
people of the Hanse Towns learned, with no small alarm, that 
the emperor was making immense preparations to fall upon Ger- 
many, where his lieutenants would not fail to take cruel revenge 
on such as had disavowed his authority. Before he quitted 
Paris, on the 15th of April, Napoleon had enrolled under his ban- 
ners one hundred and eighty thousand men, exclusive of the 
guard of honour ; and with such forces, and such ability to direct 
them, it was certain that he might venture on a great game — and 
possibly win it too. 

The French having advanced as far as Haarburg, took up their 
position on the Schwartzenberg, which commands that little town, 



412 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

as well as the river itself, and the considerable islands situated in 
that part of it between Haarburg and Hamburg. Being masters 
of this elevated point, they began to threaten Hamburg, and to 
attack Haarburg. These attacks were directed by Vandamme; 
of all our generals the most dreaded in conquered countries. He 
was a native of Cassel, in Flanders, and had acquired a reputation 
by his inflexible severity. At the very time he was attacking 
Hamburg, Napoleon said of him at Dresden, "If I were to lose 
"\^andamme, I know not what I would not give to have him back 
again ; but if I had two Vandammes, I should be obliged to shoot 
one of them." It is certainly true that one was quite enough. 

Davoust was at Haarburg with forty thousand men, when it 
was agreed that the town should -be surrendered; and the French, 
consequently, made their entrance on the evening of the 30th of 
IMay, occupying the posts as quietly as if they had been merely 
changing guard. 

On the 18th of June was published an imperial decree, dated 
the 8th of the same month. To expiate the crime of rebellion, 
an extraordinary contribution of forty-eight millions of francs was 
imposed upon Hamburg, and Lubeck was required to contribute 
six millions. This enormous sum, levied on the already ruined 
city of Hamburg, was to be paid in the short space of a month, 
by six equal instalments, either in money, or bills on respectable 
houses in Paris. In case of default, or delay of payment, the 
whole moveable and immoveable eflects of the inhabitants were 
to be sold. In addition to this, the new prefect of Hamburg made 
a requisition of grain and provisions of every kind — wines, sail- 
cloth, masts, pitch, hemp, iron, copper, steel — in short, every thing 
that could be useful for the supply of the army and navy. But 
while these exactions were made on the property of individuals 
in Hamburg, at Dresden their liberties, and even their lives, were 
invaded. On the 15th of June, Napoleon, no doubt Winded by 
the false reports that were laid before him, gave orders that a list 
should be made of all the inhabitants of Hamburg who were 
absent from the city. He allowed them only a fortnight to return 
home, as if this short interval would be sufficient for them to come 
from the places where they had taken refuge. The consequence 
was, that many of them remained absent beyond the given time. 
But victims were wanting, and this measure was calculated to 
produce them, while it also carried terror into the bosom of every 
family. It was not Bonaparte, how'ever, who conceived the ini- 
quitous idea of seizing hostages to answer for the men whom 
prudence obliged to be absent. Of this I entirely clear his mern- 
orv. Tiie hostages were, nevertheless, taken, and were declared 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 413 

to be also responsible for the payment of the contribution of the 
forty-eight millions. They were selected from the most respect- 
able and wealthy men in the city of Hamburg; some of them 
even eighty years of age. They were conveyed to the old castle 
of Haarburg, on the left bank of the Elbe; and there these men, 
who had been accustomed to all the comforts of life, were deprived 
even of necessaries, and had only straw to lie on. O, for the pen 
of a Juvenal to lash these enormities as they deserve! The hos- 
tages from Lubeck were taken to Hamburg, where they were 
thrown, between decks, on board of an old ship that was anchored 
in the port — a worthy imitation of the prison-ships of England. 
On the 24th of July a decree was issued, which was published in 
the Hamburg Correspondent on the 27th of the same month. 
This decree consisted merely of a proscription-list, comprising 
the names of some of the wealthiest men in the Hanse Towns, 
Hanover, and Westphalia, — convicted, it was said, of treason 
against France. 

On the 2d of May Napoleon won the battle of Lutzen. A week 
afterwards he was at Dresden, where he stayed only ten days, and 
then went in pursuit of the Russian army, which he came up with 
on the 19th at Bautzen. This battle, which was followed on the 
two succeeding days by those of Wurtchen and Ochkirchen, may 
thus be said to have lasted three days — a sufficient proof that it 
was obstinately disputed. It terminated at length in favour of 
Napoleon, though the advantage was dearly purchased both by 
him and France. General Kirschner, while speaking to Duroc, 
was killed by a cannon-ball, which also mortally wounded the 
latter in the abdomen. 

The moment had now arrived for Austria to prove whether or 
not she intended altogether to betray the cause of Napoleon. All 
her amicable demonstrations were limited to an offer of her inter- 
vention in opening negotiations with Russia. Accordingly, on the 
4th of June, an armistice was concluded at Plesswitz, which was 
to last till the 8th of July, and was finally prolonged to the 10th 
of August. 

The first overtures, after the conclusion of the armistice of 
Plesswitz, determined the assembling of a congress at Prague. It 
was reported at the time that the allies demanded the restoration 
of all they had lost since 1805; that is to say, since the campaign 
of Ulm. In this demand were comprehended Holland and the 
Hanse Towns, which had become French provinces. But even 
then, we should have retained the Rhine, Belgium, Piedmont, 
Nice, and vSavoy. This proposition, reasonable as it appeared, 
was nevertheless impracticable ; for it depended on a man who 

35* 



414 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

would never consent to go back to such a state of things. The 
battle of Vittoria, which placed the whole of Spain at the disposal 
of the English, the retreat of Suchet upon the Ebro, and the fear 
of seeing the army of Spain annihilated, were enough to alter the 
opinions of those counsellors who, never hazarding their own per- 
sons on the field of battle, still advised a continuance of the war. 
At this juncture General Moreau arrived, and, it has been said, at 
Bernadotte's solicitation. But this is neither true nor probable. 
Moreau was influenced by the desire of being revenged on Napo- 
leon, and he found death where he could not find glory. 



CHAPTER XLIL 



Rupture of the Conferences at Prague; Defection of Jomini; Battles of Dresden and Leipsic; 
Prince Poniatowski killed ; Defection of Austria and Bavaria ; fresh Levy of Men ; Siege of Ham* 
bui'g : is defended by Davoust ; Distress of the Inhabitants. 

At the enji of July, the proceedings of the congress at Prague 
were no farther advanced than on its first assembling. Far from 
holding out a prospect of peace to the French nation, the emperor 
made a journey to Mentz ; the empress went there to see him, and 
returned to Paris immediately after the emperor's departure. The 
armistice not being renewed, it died a natural death on the 17th 
of August, the day appointed for its expiration. A fatal event 
immediately followed the rupture of the conferences. On the 
same day, Austria, willing to gain by war, as she had before gained 
by alKances, declared that she would join her forces to those of 
the allies. On the ' very opening of this disastrous campaign, 
Jomini went over to the enemy. Jomini belonged to the staff of 
the unfortunate Marshal Ney, who was beginning to execute 
with his accustomed ability the orders he had received. Public 
opinion has pronounce'd upon the conduct of Jomini, who deserted 
from our ranks at so critical a moment, the better as it would 
seem to advance his own interests. 

The first actions were the battle of Dresden, which took place 
seven days after the rupture of the armistice, and ' the battle in 
which Vandamme was defeated, and which rendered the victory 
of Dresden unavailing. It was at Dresden that Moreau perished. 
The signal once given, and Bavaria freed from the presence of 
the French troops, she, too, soon raised the mask, and ranged her- 
self among our enemies. In October was fought the battle of 
Leipsic, and its loss decided the fate of France. The Saxon 
army, which had alone remained faithful to us, went over to the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 415 

enemies' ranks during the engagement. In this battle, the fore- 
runner of our misfortunes, perished Prince Poniatowski, in an 
attempt to pass the Elster. 

I will take this opportunity of relating what came to my knowl- 
edge respecting the death of two men who were deeply and de- 
servedly regretted — Duroc and Poniatowski. Napoleon lamented 
Duroc, less from real feeling, than because he was sensible of his 
great utility to him. The admirable order which prevailed in 
the emperor's household, and in the other imperial establishments, 
was entirely due to him. Next to the death of Duroc, that of 
Poniatowski excited the greatest public sympathy during the 
campaign of 1813. Joseph Poniatowski, nephew of Stanislaus 
Augustus, King of Poland, was born at Warsaw on the 7th of 
May, 1763, and was present at the battle of Leipsic. He had 
previously been raised to the rank of marshal of France. 

After that battle, where five hundred thousand mei,i were 
engaged on the surface of^ three square leagues, retreat became 
indispensable. Napoleon, therefore, took leave at Leipsic of the 
King of Saxony and his family, whom he had brought with him 
from Dresden. The emperor then exclaimed, in a loud voice, 
"Adieu, Saxons!" to the people who filled the market-place, where 
the King of Saxony resided. With some difficulty, "and after 
threading many circuitous passages, he reached the suburb of 
Runstadt, leaving Leipsic by the outer gate of that suburb which 
leads to the bridge of the Elster, and Lindenau. The bridge 
blew up soon after he had passed it, thus completely cutting off 
the retreat of that part of the army which was on the left bank 
of the Elster, and which fell into the power of the enemy. Napo- 
leon was, at the time, accused of having ordered the destruction 
of the bridge immediately after he had himself passed it, in order 
to secure his own personal retreat, as he was threatened by the 
active pursuit of the enemy. This was not the fact. Before 
passing the bridge of the Elster, Napoleon had directed Ponia- 
towski, in concert with Marshal Macdonald, to cover and protect 
the retreat, and defend that part of the suburb of Leipsic which 
is nearest the Borna road. For the execution of these orders he 
had only two thousand Polish infantry. He was in this desperate 
situation when he saw the French columns in full retreat, and the 
bridge so choked up with their artillery and wagons, that there 
was no possibility of passing it. Then, drawing his sv.^ord, and 
turning to the officers who were near him, he exclaimed, "Here, 
my friends, we must fall with honour!" At the head of a small 
party of Cuirassiers and Polish officers, he rushed on the columns 
of the allies. In this action he received a ball in his left arm ; he 



416 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

had already been wounded on the 14th and 16th, He, neverthe- 
less, pushed forward, but found the suburb filled with allied troops ; 
he cut his way through them, and received another wound. He 
then 'threw himself into the Pleisse, which is before the Elster. 
Aided by his officers he gained the opposite bank, leaving his 
horse in the Pleisse. Though greatly exhausted, he mounted 
another, and gained the Elster by passing through M. Reichen- 
bach's garden, which was situated on the side of that river. The 
moment was urgent — the greater part of his troops were drowned 
in the Pleisse and the Elster. Disregarding the steepness of the 
banks of the latter at that spot, the prince, wounded as he was, 
plunged into it, and both horse and rider were swallowed up in 
the stream, together with several officers who followed his exam- 
ple; Marshal Macdonald happily escaped. Five days after, a 
fisherman drew the body of the prince out of the water. On 
the 26th of October, it was temporarily deposited in the cemetery 
of Leipsic, with all the honours due to the rank of the deceased. 
A modest stone marks the spot where the body of the prince was 
taken out of the river. The body of the prince, after being 
embalmed, was sent iii the following year to Warsaw; and in 
1816, by permission of the Emperor Alexander, it was deposited 
in the cathedral, among the kings and great men of Poland. The 
celebrated Thorwaldsen was commissioned to execute a monument 
for his tomb. Prince Poniatowski left no isssue but a natural son, 
born in 1790. That royal race, therefore, exists only in a collat- 
eral branch of King Stanislaus, born in 1754. 

When the war resumed its course, after the disaster of Leipsic, 
the allies determined to treat with Napoleon only in his own cap- 
ital, as he, two years before, had refused to treat with the Empe- 
ror of Austria except at Vienna. That monarch now completely 
threw off the mask, and declared to the emperor that he would 
make common cause with Russia and Prussia against him. The 
reason he assigned for this in his manifesto was curious enough, 
viz : that the more enemies there were against him, the greater 
would be the chance of speedily obliging him to accede to condi- 
tions, which would at length restore the tranquillity of which 
Europe stood so much in need. This declaration on the part of 
Austria was a matter of no trifling importance, since she had by 
this time raised an army of two hundred and fifty thousand men; 
the Confederation of the Rhine, one hundred and fifty thousand; 
in short, including the Swedes and the Dutch — English troops in 
Spain and in the Netherlands — the Danes, who had abandoned 
us — the Spaniards and Portuguese, whose courage and hopes 
were revived by our reverses — Napoleon had arrayed against 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 417 

him upwards of a million of enemies. Among them, too, were 
the Neapolitans, with Mm'at at their head! 

The month of November, 1813, was fatal to the fortune of 
Napoleon. In all parts, the French armies were repulsed and 
driven back upon the Rhine, while in every direction the allied 
forces advanced towards that river. I had long looked upon the 
fall of the empire as certain, not because the foreign sovereigns 
had resolved on its destruction, but because I saw the impossibility 
of Napoleon defending himself against all Europe; and because 
I knew that, however desperate might be his fortune, nothing 
would induce him to consent to conditions which he considered 
disgraceful. At this period every day witnessed some new defec- 
tion. Even the Bavarians, the natural allies of France — they 
whom the emperor had led to victory at the commencement of 
the second campaign of Vienna — the}^ whom he had, as it were, 
adopted on the field of battle, were now against us, and distin- 
guished themselves as the most inveterate of our enemies. 

Even before the battle of Leipsic, the loss of which was followed 
by such ruinous consequences to Napoleon, he had felt the neces- 
sity of applying to France for a fresh levy of troops — as if France 
had been inexhaustible. He directed the empress-regent to make 
this demand, who accordingly proceeded to the senate, for the first 
time, in great state ; but the glories of the empire were now on the 
decline. Maria-Louisa obtained a levy of two hundred and eighty 
thousand men, w^ho were no sooner enrolled than sacrificed to the 
exigencies of the war. The defection of the Bavarians considera- 
bly augmented the difficulties experienced by the wreck of the 
army, w^hich had been all but annihilated at Leipsic. They had 
preceded us to Hanau, a town four leagues distant from Frankfort ; 
there they established themselves with the view of cutting off our 
retreat ; but French valour was roused, the little town was soon 
carried, and the Bavarians repulsed with considerable loss. The 
French armj^ then arrived at Mentz, if, indeed, the name of army 
can be applied to a few masses of men, destitute, dispirited, and 
exhausted by fatigue and privations — in a word, brutalized, as it 
were, by excess of misery. On their arrival at Mentz, no prepara- 
tions had been made for their reception, there were no provisions 
or supplies of any description, and, as the climax of liiisfortune, 
contagious diseases broke out among the soldiers. I received sev- 
eral letters from their commanders, and all concurred in represent- 
ing their situation as most dreadful. 

However, without reckoning the shattered remains which escaped 
the disasters of Leipsic, and the ravages of disease — without 
including the two hundred and eightv thousand men which, on the 
Bb 



418 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

application of ]\Iana-Louisa, the senate had granted in October — 
the emperor still possessed one hundred and twenty thousand good 
troops ; but they were in the rear, scattered along the Elbe, or shut 
up in fortresses, such as Dantzic, Hamburg, Torgau, and Spandau. 
Such, therefore, was the horror of our situation, that if, on the one 
hand, we could not resolve to abandon them, it was, on the other, 
impossible to assist them. In France, the universal cry was for 
peace — peace — at whatever price it was to be purchased. The 
levy of October was followed, within a month, by another of three 
hundred thousand men, and it was then only that France fully 
understood how deep and deadly were the wounds she had received. 
In this state of things, it, may even be afhrmed that the year 1813 
was more fatal to Napoleon than the year 1812. His own activity 
and the sacrifices of France succeeded in repairing the disasters of 
Moscow ; those of Leipsic were irreparable. 

After the battle of Leipsic, in which France lost for the second 
time a formidable army, all the powers allied against Napoleon 
declared, at Frankfort, on the 9th of November, that they would 
never break the bonds which united them; that henceforth it was 
not merely a continental peace, but a general peace, that would be 
insisted oi\ and that any negotiation not having a general peace 
for its object would be rejected. The allied powers declared, that 
France ought to be satisfied with her natural boundaries — the 
Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. 

According to these proposals, Germany, Italy, and Spain, were 
to be entirely withdrawn from the dominion of France. England 
recognised the freedom of trade and navigation, and there appeared 
no reason to doubt her sincerity, when she professed her willing- 
ness to make very considerable sacrifices for the promotion of the 
object proposed by the allies. But to these offers a fatal condition 
was added, namely, that the congress should meet in a town to be 
declared neutral, on the right bank of the Rhine, where the pleni- 
potentiaries of all the belligerent powers were to assemble ; but " the 
course of the war was not to be impeded by these negotiations." 

The Duke de Bassano, who was still minister for foreign affairs, 
replied, by order of Napoleon, to the overtures made by the allies 
for a general congress, and stated that the emperor acceded to 
them, and wished Manheim to be chosen as the neutral town. We 
shall now see the reason why these first negotiations were attended 
with no result. In the month of October, the allies overthrew the 
colossal edifice, denominated the French empire. When led by 
victory to the banks of the Rhine, they declared their wish to 
abstain from conquests, explained their intentions, and manifested 
an unalterable resolution not to depart from them. This deter- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 419 

mination of the allies induced the French government ' to evince 
pacific intentions. Napoleon wished, by an apparent desire for 
peace, to justify, if I may so express myself, in the eyes of his sub- 
jects, the necessity for new sacrifices, which, according to his pro- 
clamations, he demanded only to enable him to obtain peace on as 
honourable conditions as possible. But the truth is, he was resolved 
not even to listen to the offers made at Frankfort. He always 
represented the limits of the Rhine as merely a compensation for 
the partition of Poland, and the immense aggrandizement of the 
English possessions in Asia. But his grand object was to gain 
time, and, if ijossible, to keep the allied armies on the right bank of 
the Rhine. 

The nation was weary of its sacrifices ; the immense levies 
raised, one after the other, had converted the conscription into a 
sort of press. The labourers of the country, and the artisans of 
the town, were alike dragged from their employment, and the dis- 
satisfaction of the people at the measures of government was loudly 
and boldly expressed. Still, however, they were willing to make 
one last effort, could they have believed that the emperor would 
henceforth confine his views to France alone. Napoleon sent 
Caulincourt to the head-quarters of the allies, but that was merely 
to gain time, and to induce a belief that he was favourably dis- 
posed to peace. 

The allies having learned the immense levies of troops which 
Napoleon was raising, and being well acquainted with the state of 
feeling in France, published their famous manifesto, addressed to 
the French people, which was profusely circulated, and which may 
be referred to as an important lesson to subjects who trust to the 
promises of governments. 

The good faith with which those promises were kept, may be 
judged of from the treaty of Paris. In the meantime, the manifesto 
did not a little contribute to alienate from Napoleon those who 
were yet faithful to his cause; for, believing in the declarations of 
the allies, they saw in him the sole obstacle to that peace which 
France so ardently desired. It was in vain, too, to levy troops — 
every thing essential to an army was wanting. To meet the most 
pressing demands, the emperor drew out thirty millions from the 
immense treasure which he had accumulated in the cellars and 
galleries of the Pavilion Marsan at the Tuileries. These thirty 
millions — a generous sacrifice on the part of Napoleon— were soon 
swallowed up. 

I am now arrived at the most critical period in Napoleon's 
career. What reflections must he have made, if he had had leisure 
to reflect ; if he had compared the recollections of his rising glory 



420 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

with the melancholy picture of his falling fortune! How forcible 
the contrast, when we compare the famous flag of the army of 
Italy^ carried to the Directory by Bonaparte, when flushed with 
youth and victory, with those drooping eagles, who were now com- 
pelled to defend their eyrie, whence they had so often taken flight 
to spread their triumphant wings over Europe! How strikingly 
does this display the difference between liberty and absolute power ! 
Napoleon, the child of Liberty, to whom he owed every thing, had 
disowned his mother, and was now about to fall. For ever past 
were those glorious triumphs, when the people of Italy consoled 
themselves for defeat, and submitted to the magical power of that 
liberty, which heralded the armies of the republic. Now, on the 
contrary, it was to free themselves from a despot's yoke, that the 
nations of Europe had taken up arms, and were preparing to invade 
the sacred soil of France. 

I have already made frequent mention of the sufferings of the 
unhappy city of Hamburg, but these were merely the prelude to 
what it had still to undergo. During the campaign of 1813, the 
allies, after driving the French out of Saxony, and obliging them 
to retreat towards the Rhine, besieged Hamburg, where Davoust 
was shut up with a garrison of thirty thousand men, resolutely 
determined to make it a second Saragossa. From the month of 
September, every day augmented the number of the allied troops, 
who were already making rapid progress on the left bank of the 
Elbe. Davoust endeavoured to fortify Hambiu'g on so extended 
a scale, that, in the opinion of the most experienced military men, 
it would have required a garrison of sixty thousand men to defend 
it in a regular and protracted siege. At the commencement of the 
siege, Davoust lost Vandamme, who was killed in a sortie at the 
head of a numerous corps, which was rashly sacrificed, the greater 
part being made prisoners. It is but fair, however, to state, that 
Davoust displayed great activity in his erroneous and useless plan 
of defence ; he began b}^ laying in large supplies, and employed 
upwards of fifteen thousand men in the works of the fortification. 
General Bertrand Avas ordered to construct a bridge which might 
form a communication between Hamburg and Haarburg, by join- 
ing the islands of the Elbe to the continent, along a total distance 
of about two leagues. This bridge was to be built of wood, and 
Davoust seized upon all the timber-yards to supply materials for its 
construction. In the space of eighty-three days the bridge was 
finished. It was a very magnificent structure; its length being 
two thousand five hundred and twenty-nine fathoms, exclusive of 
the lines of junction formed on the two islands. 

The inhabitants underwent every species of oppression, but all 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 421 

the ciniel and tyrannical measures of the French to preserve the 
place were ineffectual. The allies advanced in great force, and 
occupied Westphalia, which obliged Davoust to recall to the town 
the different detachments dispersed around the neighbourhood of 
Hamburg. In the month of December, provisions began to dimin- 
ish, and there was no possibility of renewing the supply. The poor 
were, first of all, compelled to leave the town, and afterwards all 
persons who were not usefully employed. It is no exaggeration to 
estimate at fifty thousand the number of persons who were thus 
exiled. At the end of December, people, without distinction of sex 
or age, were dragged from their beds, and conveyed out of the town 
on a cold night, when the thermometer stood between sixteen and 
eighteen degrees, and, by a refinement of cruelty, their fellow- 
townsmen were obliged to form their escort. It was affirmed that 
several aged men perished in this removal. Those who survived 
were left on the outside of the gates of Altona ; at which town, 
however, they all found refuge and assistance. Such is a brief 
statement of the vexations and cruelties which long oppressed this 
unfortunate city. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

Prince Eugene and the Affairs of Italy ; Mm-at's Pei-fldy : declares War against France ; the National 
Guai-d of Paris enrolled ; the Emperor's Addi-ess. 

The affairs of Italy, and the principal events of the vice-royalty 
of Eugene, now demand some share of attention; I shall, there- 
fore, somewhat anticipate the order of time in laying before the 
reader those particulars relative to Eugene, which I obtained from 
authentic sources. 

After the campaign of 1812, when Eugene revisited Italy, he 
was promptly informed of the more than doubtful dispositions of 
Austria towards France. He, therefore, lost no time in organizing 
a force capable of defending the country which the emperor had 
committed to his safeguard. Napoleon was well aware of the 
advantage he would derive from the presence, on the northern 
frontiers of Italy, of an army sufficiently strong to harass Austria, 
in case she should draw aside the transparent veil which still cov- 
ered her policy. Eugene did all that depended on him to further 
the emperor's intentions ; but, in spite of all his efforts, the army of 
Italy was, after all, only an imaginary army to those who could 
compare the number of men actually present with the number 

36 



422 ME:\iOIRS OF napoleon BONAPARTE. 

stated in the lists. When, in July, 1813, the viceroy was informed 
of the turn taken by the negotiations at the shadow of a congress 
assembled at Prague, he had no longer any doubt of the renewal 
of hostilities, and, foreseeing an attack on Italy, he resolved, as 
speedily as possible, to approach the frontiers of Austria. By his 
utmost endeavours, he could only assemble an army of about forty- 
. five thousand infantry, and five thousand cavalry, consisting both 
of French and Italians. On the renewal of hostilities, the viceroy's 
head-quarters were at Udina. Down to the month of April, 1814, 
he succeeded in maintaining a formidable attitude, and in defend- 
ing the entrance of his kingdom Avith that military talent which 
was to be expected in a man educated in the great school of Napo- 
leon, and whom the army looked up to as one of its most skilful 
generals. 

During the great and unfortunate events of 1813, public attention 
had been so much engrossed with Germany and the Rhine, that 
the affairs of Italy seemed to possess an inferior interest, until the 
defection of Murat, for a time, diverted attention to that country. 
At first, this fact was thought incredible by every one, and Napo- 
leon's indignation was extreme. Another defection, about the 
same period, deepl}^ distressed Eugene; for, though raised to the 
rank of a prince, and almost a sovereign, he was still a man, and 
an excellent man. United to the Princess Amelia of Bavaria, who 
was as amiable and as much beloved as himself, he had the deep 
regret of counting the subjects of his father-in-law among the 
enemies whom he would probably have to combat. Fearing lest 
he should be harassed by the Bavarians on the side of the Tyrol, 
Eugene commenced his retrograde movement in the autumn of 
1813. He at first fell back on the Taghamento, and successively 
on the Adige. On reaching that river, the army of Italy was con- 
siderably diminished, in spite of all Eugene's care of his troops. 
About the end of November, Eugene learned that a Neapolitan 
corps was advancing upon Upper Italy, part taking the direction 
of Rome, and part that of Ancona. The oBject of the King of 
Naples was to take advantage of the situation of Europe, while, in 
fact, he was the dupe of the promises held out to him as the reward 
of his treason. Murat seemed to have adopted the deceitful policy 
of Austria, for not only had he determined to join the coalition, but 
was actually in communication with England and Austria at the very 
moment that he was making protestations of fidelity to Napoleon. 

When first informed of Murat's treason by the viceroy, the 
emperor refused to believe it; "No," he exclaimed to those about 
him, "it cannot be. Murat — to whom I have given my sister? 
Murat — to whom I have given a throne! Eugene must be mis- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 423 

informed. It is impossible that Murat has declared himself against 
me." It was, however, not only possible, but true. Gradually- 
throwing aside the dissimulation beneath which he had concealed 
his designs, Murat seemed inclined to renew the pohcy of Italj^^ 
during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the art of 
deceiving was deemed by the Italian governments the most sublime 
effort of genius. Without any declaration of war, he directed one 
of his generals, who occupied Rome with five thousand men, to 
assume the supreme command in the Roman states, and to take 
possession of the country. General Miollis, who commanded the 
French troops in Rome, could only throw himself, with his hand- 
ful of men, into the castle of Saint Angelo, the famous mole of 
Adrian, in which was long preserved the treasure of Sixtus V. ; 
the French general soon found himself blockaded by the Neapolitan 
troops, who also blockaded Civita Vecchia and Ancona. 

The treaty concluded between Murat and Austria, was defini- 
tively signed on the 11th of January, 1814. As soon as he was 
informed of it, the viceroy, certain that he would soon have to engage 
with the Neapolitans, was obliged to renounce the preservation of 
the line of the Adige, the Neapolitan army being in the rear of his 
right wing. He accordingly ordered a retrograde movement on the 
other side of the Mincio, where his army was cantoned. In this 
position, Prince Eugene, on the 8th of February, had to engage 
with the Austrians who had come up with him ; and the victory 
of the Mincio arrested for some time the invasion of the Austrian 
army, and its junction with the Neapolitan troops. It was not 
until eight days after, that Murat officially declared war against 
the emperor, and immediately several general and superior officers, 
and a great many French troops, abandoned his service, and 
repaired to the head-quarters of the viceroy. Murat did every 
thing he could to detain them; but they signified to him that, as 
he had declared war against France, no Frenchman who loved 
his country could continue in his service. The viceroy received 
an official communication from Napoleon's war minister, accom- 
panied by an imperial decree, recalling all the French who were 
in the service of Joachim, and declaring that all who were taken 
with arms in their hands, should be tried by a court-martial as 
traitors to their country. On the 1st of February Eugene pub- 
lished a proclamation, calling on all true Frenchmen to quit the 
service of Murat, which, indeed, most of them had already done. 
Murat commenced by gaining advantages which it was impossible 
to dispute with him. His troops almost immediately took posses- 
sion of Leghorn, and the citadel of Ancona, and the French were 
obliged to evacuate Tuscany. 



424 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

I again turn to the affairs of France at the close of 1813, where 
the prospect was scarcely more cheering than on the other side 
of the Alps. The defection of Murat had destroyed one of Bona- 
parte's gigantic projects. This was, that Murat and Eugene, 
with their combined forces, should march on the rear of the allies, 
while he, disputing the soil of France with the invaders, should 
multiply the obstacles to their advance. The King of Naples 
and the Viceroy of Italy were to march upon Vienna, and make 
Austria tremble in the heart of her capital, before the timid mil- 
lion of her allies, who measured their steps as they approached 
Paris, should pollute by their presence the capital of France. 
When informed of the vast project, which, however, was but the 
dream of a moment, I recognised that eagle glance, that power 
of discovering great resources in great calamities, which is the 
true mark of superior genius, and which was so eminently con- 
spicuous in Napoleon. 

But all his resources were now exhausted — even victory, if 
dearly purchased, must have proved fatal to him ; while in France 
new hopes and wishes had succeeded to those bright illusions 
which had attended his advance to the consular power. Now 
was he able fully to appreciate the wisdom of that advice which 
Josephine gave him — "Bonaparte, I entreat you, do not make 
yourself a king!" Napoleon, it is true, was still emperor; but he 
who had imposed on all Europe treaties of peace, scarce less dis- 
astrous than the wars which had preceded them, could not now 
obtain an armistice, and Caulincourt, who vv^as sent to treat for 
one at the camp of the alHes, spent uselessly twenty days at 
Luneville, before he could obtain permission to pass the advanced 
posts of the invading army. 

In the first fortnight of January, 1814, one-third of France was 
invaded, and it was proposed to form a new congress, to be held 
at Chatillon-sur-Seine. Napoleon's situation became daily worse 
and worse. He was advised to seek extraordinary resources in 
the interior of the empire, and was reminded of the fourteen 
armies which rose, as if by enchantment, to defend France at the 
commencement of the revolution. 

At this time, the Jacobins were disposed to exei^t every effort 
to save him ; but they required to have their own way, and to be 
allowed uninterruptedly to excite a revolutionary feeling. The 
press, which groaned under a most odious and intolerable censor- 
ship, was to be wholly at their command. I do not state these 
facts from hearsay; I happened, by chance, to be present at two 
conferences, in which were set forward projects, infected with 
the odour of the clubs ; and these projects were supported with 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 425 

the more assurance, because their success was regarded as certain. 
And yet the ill-omened counsellors of the emperor were well 
aware of his hatred of a free press, and his contempt for the pop- 
ular authority! Though I had not seen Napoleon since my 
departure for Hamburg, yet I was sufficiently assured of his feeling 
towards the Jacobins, to be convinced that he would quickly turn 
from them with loathing and disgust. I was not wrong. Indig- 
nant at the price they demanded for their services, he exclaimed, 
"This is too much! In battle, I shall have a chance of deliver- 
ance; but I shall have none with these furious blockheads: there 
can he nothing in common between the demagogic principles 
of ninety- three and the monarchy; between clubs of madmen 
and a regular ministry ; between revolutionary tribunals and estab- 
lished laws. If my fall is decreed, I will not at least bequeath 
France to the revolutionists from whom I have delivered her." 

These were golden words ; and Napoleon thought of a more 
noble and truly national mode of warding oft' the danger which 
threatened him. He ordered the enrolment of the national guard 
of Paris, which was intrusted to the command of Marshal Mon- 
cey. The emperor could not have made a better choice ; but the 
staff of the national guard was a focus of hidden intrigues, in 
which the defence of Paris was less thought about than the means 
of taking advantage of Napoleon's overthrow. I was made a 
captain in this guard, and with the rest of the officers was sum- 
moned to the Tuileries on the 21st of January, when the emperor 
took leave of them, previous to his departure on the following 
day, to combat the invaders of his kingdom. We were introduced 
into the noble hall which I had so often trod while an inmate of 
the palace. Napoleon entered with the empress ; he advanced 
with a dignified air, leading by the hand his son, not yet three 
years old. It was long since I had had so near a view of him. 
He had grown very corpulent, and I remarked on his pale coun- 
tenance an expression of melancholy and irritability. The habit- 
ual movement of the muscles of his neck was more observable 
and frequent than formerly. Were I to attempt it, I should but 
ill describe what were my feelings during the ceremony, when I 
again saw, under such circumstances, the friend of my youth, 
who had become master of Europe, and who was now on the 
point of sinking beneath the efforts of his enemies. There was 
something melancholy in this solemn and impressive ceremony. 
Seldom indeed have I witnessed such profound silence in so 
numerous an assembly. At length, Napoleon, in a voice as firm 
and sonorous, as when he used to harangue his troops in Italy or 
in Egypt, but without that air of confidence which then lighted 

36* 



426 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

up his features, delivered to us an address, of which the following 
is apart: — "Gentlemen, and Officers of the National Guard! I 
am happy to see you around me. This night, I set out to take 
the command of the army. On quitting the capital, I confidently 
leave behind me my wife, and my son, in whom so many hopes 
are centred. Under your faithful guard I leave all, that, next to 
France, I hold dear. To your care they are intrusted." I listened 
attentively to Napoleon's address, and though he delivered it 
firmly, he either felt or feigned emotion. Whether or not the 
emotion was sincere on his part, it was shared by many present : 
and for my own part, I confess I was deeply alFected when he 
uttered the words, "I leave behind me my wife and my son." At 
that moment my eyes were fixed on the child, and the interest 
with which he inspired me was equally unconnected with the 
splendour which surrounded, and the misfortunes which seemed 
ready to overwhelm him. I beheld in the interesting infant, not 
the King of Rome, but the son of my old friend ; I could not but 
contrast my feelings on the occasion with those which I experi- 
enced when, fourteen years ago, we came to take possession of 
the Tuileries. O, what ages had passed in the interval! It may 
be considered curious, by those who are in the habit of compar- 
ing dates, that Napoleon, the successor of Louis XVI., and who 
had become the nephew of that monarch by his marriage with 
the niece of Marie Antoinette, took leave of the national guard 
of Paris on the anniversary of the fatal 21st of January, after 
twenty-five years of successive terror, disgrace, hope, glory, and 
misfortune. 



CHAPTER XL IV. 

The Congress of Chatillon ; Ruptui'e of the Conferences ; the Prussians repulsed ; Battles of Briejme 
and Craonne ; Capture of a Convoy ; the Council of Regency ; Departui'e of the Empress ; Maa<- 
mont's Defence of Paris ; Capitulation of Pai'is ; Populai' Expression in Favom- of the Boui'bans ; 
Deputation to the Emperor Alexander. 

Meanwhile, a congress was opened at Chatillon-sur- Seine, at 
which were assembled the Duke de Vicenza on the part of France; 
Lords Aberdeen, Cathcart, and Stewart, as the representatives 
of England; Count Razumowsky on the part of Russia; Count 
Stadion for Austria; and Count Humboldt for Prussia. Before 
the opening of the congress, the Duke de Vicenza, in conformity 
with the emperor's orders, demanded an armistice, which is almost 
invariably granted during negotiations for peace; but it was now 
too late : the allies had long since determined not to listen to any 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 427 

such demand. Instructed by the past, they resolved to continue 
their miUtary operations during the time negotiations were going 
on, and required, on their part, that the propositions for peace 
should be immediately signed. But these were not the proposi- 
tions of Frankfort. The allies established as their basis the limits 
of the old French monarchy. They conceived themselves author- 
ized in doing so by their success and by their situation. 

In order to form a just estimate of Napoleon's conduct during 
the course of these negotiations, it is especially necessary to bear 
in mind the organization he received from nature, and the ideas 
which that organization produced at a very early period of life. 
If the last negotiations of his expiring reign be examined with 
due attention and impartiality, it will appear evident, that the 
causes of his fall arose out of his character. I cannot range 
myself among those flatterers, who have accused the persjms 
about him with having constantly dissuaded him from peace. A 
victim to his own duplicity and unbounded love of fame, he had 
no one at this period, at least, to blame but himself 

The plenipotentiaries of the allies, convinced that these renewed 
difficulties and demands on the part of Napoleon had no other 
object than to gain time, declared, that the allied powers, faithful 
to their principles, and in conformity with their previous declara- 
tions, regarded the negotiations at Chatillon as terminated by the 
French government. This rupture of the conferences took place 
on the 19th of March, six days after the presentation of the ulti- 
matum of the allied powers, for the signing of which only twenty- 
four hours were at first allowed. The issue of these long discus- 
sions was thus left to be decided by the chances of war, not very 
favourable to the man who had Europe arrayed in arms against 
him. The successes of the allies during the conferences at Cha- 
tillon, had opened to their view the road to Paris ; while Napoleon 
shrunk from the necessity of signing his own disgrace. To this 
feeling alone his ruin is to be attributed, and he might have said, 
"Every thing is lost but honour!" His glory is immortal. 

The campaign of France obliged Napoleon to adopt a system 
of operations quite new to him. He, who had been accustomed 
to attack, was now compelled to stand on his defence, so that 
instead of having to execute a previously concerted plan, as when 
in the cabinet of the Tuileries he traced out to me the field of 
Marengo, his movements were all now dependent on those of his 
numerous enemies. When the emperor arrived at Chalons-sur- 
Marne, the Prussian army was advancing by the road of Lorraine. 
He drove it back beyond Saint Dizier. Meanwhile, the grand 
Austro-Russian army passed the Seine and the Yonne at Men- 



428 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tereau: and even sent forward a corps which advanced as far as 
Fontainbleau. Napoleon then made a movement to the right, in 
order to drive back the troops which threatened to march on 
Paris ; and, by a curious chance, he came up with the troops in 
the very place where his boyish days were passed, and those wild 
dreams indulged, which seemed to relate but a fabled future. 
What thoughts and recollections must have crowded on his mind, 
when he found himself an emperor and a king at the head of a 
still powerful army, in the chateau of the Count de Brienne, to 
whom he had so often paid his homage ! It was at Brienne that 
he said to me, thirty-four years before, "I will do your French 
nation all the harm I can." Since then he had certainly changed 
his mind ; but it might be said, that Fate persisted in forcing the 
man, in spite of himself, to realize the intentions of the boy. No 
sooner had Napoleon revisited Brienne, as a conqueror, than he 
was repulsed, and hurried towards his fall, which every moment 
was making a nearer approach. 

I think it indispensable briefly to describe Napoleon's wonderful 
activity, from the moment of his leaving Paris to the entrance of 
the allies into the capital. But few successful campaigns, indeed, 
afforded our generals and the French army an opportunity of 
reaping so much glory as they gained during this great reverse of 
fortune. For it is possible to triumph, and to fall with glory, 
though honour itself be missed. The chances of the war were 
not doubtful, but certainly the numerous hosts of the allies could 
never have counted on so long and brilliant a resistance. The 
theatre of the military operations soon approached so near to Paris, 
that the general eagerness for news from the army was readily 
satisfied; and upon any fresh intelligence of success on the part 
of the emperor, his partisans saw the enemy already driven from 
the French territory. Too well acquainted with the resolves and 
resources of the allied sovereigns, I was not for a moment led 
away by this delusion. Besides, events were so rapid and diver- 
sified in this war of extermination, that the guns of the Invalides, 
announcing a victory, were sometimes immediately followed by 
the distant rolling of artillery, denoting the enemies' near approach 
to the capital. 

The emperor had left Paris on the 25th of January, at which 
time the Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the King of Prussia, 
were assembled at Langres. Napoleon rejoined his guard at 
Vitry-le-Francais. On the second day after his departure he 
drove before him the Prussian army, which he had forced to 
evacuate Saint Dizier. Two days after this, the battle of Brienne 
was fought, and on the first of February, between seventy and 



, MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 429 

eighty thousand French and alHed troops stood face to face. On 
this occasion the commanders on both sides incurred great per- 
sonal risks, for Napoleon had a horse killed under him, and a 
Cossack fell dead by the side of Marshal Elucher. 

A few days after this important engagement, Napoleon entered 
Troyes, where he stayed but a short time, and then advanced to 
Champ Aubert. At this latter place was fought the battle which 
bears its name. The Russians were defeated, General AlsufiefF'was 
made prisoner, and two thousand men and thirty pieces of cannon 
fell into the hands of the victors. The prisoners were sent to Paris, 
as a proof of the emperor's success. This battle took place on the 
10th of February, and at this period it is scarcely an exaggeration 
to say, that the French army had every day to sustain a conflict, 
and frequently on different points. After the battle of Champ 
Aubert, the emperor was under such a delusion as to his situation, 
that while supping with Berthier, Marmont, his prisoner General 
AlsufiefF, 4ind others, he said, "Another such a victory as this, 
gentlemen, and I shall be on the Vistula." Finding that no one 
replied, and observing by the countenances of the marshals that 
they did not share his hopes, "I see how it is," he added; "every 
one is growing tired of war ; there is no longer any enthusiasm. 
The sacred fire is extinct." Then rising from the table, and 
stepping up to General Drouet, with the marked intention of pay- 
ing him a compliment, which would at the same time reflect 
censure on the other marshals, " General," said he, patting him on 
the shoulder, "is it not true that we only want a hundred men like 
you to ensure success?" Drouet replied, with equal presence of 
mind and modesty, "Rather say one hundred thousand, sire." 
This anecdote, so characteristic of Napoleon, was related to me 
by the two principal persons who were present on the occasion. 

But Napoleon now began to have other subjects of inquietude, 
besides the fate of battles. He was not ignorant that, since the 
beginning of February, the Duke d'Angouleme had arrived at 
Saint Jean de Luz, whence he had addressed a proclamation to 
the French armies in the name of his uncle Louis XVIII. ; and he 
speedily heard of the arrival of the Count d'Artois at Vesoul, on 
the 21st of February, which place he did not leave until the 16th 
of March following. 

Meamvhile, hostilities were maintained with increased vigour 
over a vast line of operations. How much useless glor}" did our 
soldiers not gain in these conflicts ! But in spite of prodigies of 
valour, the enemy's masses advanced and approximated to a central 
point, so that this war might be compared to the battles of the 
ravens and the eagle in the Alps. The eagle kills them by hundreds, 



430 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

every stroke of his beak is the death of an enemy, but still the 
ravens return to the charge, and press upon the eagle, until he is 
literally overwhelmed by the number of his assailants. 

Towards the close of 'February, the allies were in retreat on sev- 
eral points ; but their retreat was not a rout. After experiencing 
reverses, they fell back without disorder, and retired behind the 
Aube, where they rallied, and obtained numerous reinforcements, 
which daily arrived, and soon enabled them to resume the offensive. 

Still Napoleon continued to astonish Europe, leagued as it was 
against him. At Craonne, on the 7th of March, he destroyed 
Blucher's corps in a contest which was very warmly disputed, 
but the victory was attended with great loss to the conqueror. 
Marshal Victor was seriously wounded, as well as Generals Grouchy 
and Ferriere. 

The latter days of March were but a continued series of mis- 
fortunes to Napoleon. On the 23d, the rear-guard of the French 
army suffered considerable loss. To. hear of attacks on his rear- 
guard must, indeed, have sounded harshly to Napoleon, wdiose 
advanced guard had so often led on his grand army to victory. 
Prince Schwartzenberg soon passed the Aube, and marched on 
Vitry and Chalons. Napoleon, counting on the possibility of 
defending Paris, threw himself with the rapidity of the eagle on 
Schwartzenberg's rear, passing by Doulevant and Bar-sur-Aube. 
He pushed forward his advanced guard to Chaumont, and there 
saw the Austrian army make a movement which he took for a 
retreat ; but it was no such thing. The movement was directed 
on Paris, while Blucher, wdio had again occupied Chalons-sur- 
Marne, marched to meet Prince Schwartzenberg; and Napoleon, 
thinking to cut off their retreat, was himself cut off from the possi- 
bilit}^ of returning to Paris. Every thing then depended on the 
defence of Paris, or, to speak more correctly, it was just possible, 
by sacrificing the capital, to lengthen out for a few days longer the 
existence of the shadow of the empire, now fast disappearing from 
the view. On the 26th, was fought the battle of Fere Champenoise, 
where, valour giving way to numbers, Marshals Marmont and 
Mortier wei-e obliged to retire upon Sezanne, after sustaining con- 
siderable loss. 

It was on the 26th of March — and I beg the reader's attention 
to this date — that Napoleon suffered a loss which in his circum- 
stances was quite irreparable. At the battle of Fere Champenoise, 
the allies captured a convoy, consisting of nearly all the ammuni- 
tion and stores we had left, a vast quantity of arms, cassoons, and 
equipage of all kinds. The whole became the prey of the allies, 
who published a bulletin announcing this important capture. On 
that very day the empress left Paris. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 431 

An extraordinary council of regency was convoked, at which 
Maria-Louisa presided. The question discussed was, whether 
the empress should remain at Paris or proceed to Blois. Joseph 
Bonaparte strongly urged her departure, in conformity with a 
letter from the emperor, which directed that, in case of Paris 
being threatened, the empress-regent and all the council of 
regency should retire to Blois. The arch-chancellor and the 
majority of the council were of the same opinion ; but one of the 
most influential members of the council, a man of distinguished 
judgment and discernment, observed to Joseph, that the letter 
referred to had been written under circumstances very different 
from those then existing, and that it was highly essential to the 
interests of the imperial family that the empress should remain in 
Paris, where no one could doubt she would obtain more advan- 
tageous conditions from the emperor her father, and the allied 
sovereigns, than if She were fifty leagues from Paris. The same 
individual even suggested that Maria-Louisa, imitating the example 
of her ancestress, Maria-Theresa, should take her son in her arms, 
and throw herself on the protection of the people. Such a step 
he considered would rouse to the highest pitch the national 
enthusiasm, and cause the citizens to arm in defence of their cap- 
ital. The adoption of this opinion would only have retarded, for 
a few days, a change which had become inevitable; nevertheless 
it might have given rise to serious difficulties, and, certainly, as 
regards Napoleon's interest, it was the wisest that could have 
been given. The emperor's will, however, as declared in his 
letter, prevailed with the majority, and their first opinion was acted 
upon. The empress accordingly proceeded to Blois, and Joseph 
took up his residence at the Tuileries, with the title of Lieutenant- 
general of the Empire. 

On the departure of the empress, many persons expected a 
popular movement in favour of a change of government, but the 
people of Paris remained as tranquil as if they had been merely 
the spectators of the concluding scenes at one of their theatres. 
Many of the inhabitants, it is true, at first thought of defence, 
not for the sake of preserving Napoleon's government, but merely 
from that quickness of feeling which belongs to our national 
character. They could not but feel indignant at the thought of 
seeing foreigners masters of Paris, a circumstance of which there 
had been no example since the reign of Charles VIL Meanwhile, 
the critical moment approached. On the 29th of March, Mar- 
shals Marmont and Mortier fell back to defend the approaches to 
Paris. During the night, the barriers were consigned to the care 
of the national guard, and not a foreigner, not even one of their 
agents, was allowed to enter the capital. 



482 MEMOIRS or napoleon BONAPARTE. 

On the 30th of March, at day-breajc, the whole population of 
Paris was awakened by the report of cannon, and the plain of 
St. Denis was soon covered with allied troops, who were pouring 
into it from all points. The heroic valour of our troops was 
unavailing against such superiority of numbers. But the allies 
paid dearly for their entrance into the capital. The national 
guard, under the command of Marshal Moncey, and the pupils of 
the Polytechnic school, transformed into artillerymen, behaved in 
a manner worthy of veteran troops. The conduct of Marmont, 
in that day alone, Avould be enough to immortalize him as a gen- 
eral. The corps he commanded was reduced to between seven 
and eight thousand infantry, and eight hundred cavalry, with 
which, for the space of twelve hours, he maintained his ground 
against an army of fifty-five thousand men, of whom it is said 
fourteen thousand were either killed, wounded, or taken. The 
marshal was seen every where in the thickest of the fight, a 
dozen of soldiers were bayoneted at his side, and his hat was per- 
forated by a ball. But what could be done against overwhelming 
numbers? In this state of things, the Duke de Ragusa made 
known his situation to Joseph Bonaparte, who authorized him to 
negotiate. Joseph's answer is so important, in reference to the 
events which succeeded, that I think it necessary to transcribe it 
literally. It was as follows: 

"If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are authorized 
to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor of Russia, who are before 
them. They will fall back on the Loire. "Joseph. 

" Montmartre, March 30, 1S14, quarter-past li o'clock." 

It was not until a considerable time after this formal authority 
that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistance 
against the allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed 
upon until four in the afternoon, and Joseph, as it is well known, 
did not wait for it. At a quarter past twelve, that is to say, 
immediately after he had addressed to Marmont the authority just 
alluded to, Joseph repaired to the Bois de Boulogne, to regain the 
Versailles road, and from thence to proceed to Rambouillet. 
Joseph's precipitate flight astonished only those who did not knov.' 
him. I have been assured that several officers attached to his 
stafl'were by no means pteased at so sudden a retreat. Indeed, 
the)^ at first imagined that it was a movement towards the bridge 
of Neuilly, in order to oppose the passage of the allies, but were 
promptly undeceived when, on gaining the outward barrier, the 
whole company turned off" to the left towards the Bois de Boulogne. 

Under these circumstances, what was to be done but to save 
Paris, which there was no possiblity of defending two hours longer ? 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 433 

and Marmont, who signed the suspension of arms, which was fol- 
lowed hy the capitulation of the city on the following night, 
deserved rather a civic crow^n, than the unjust reproaches which 
have been heaped upon him. Methinks I still see the marshal, 
when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from the 
field of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was 
waiting for him, together with about twenty other persons, among 
whom were MM. Perregaux and Lafitte. When he entered, he 
was scarcely recognisable ; he had a beard of eight days' growth, 
the great-coat which covered his uniform was in tatters, and from 
head to foot he was blackened with gunpowder. We were con- 
sidering what was best to be done, and all insisted on the neces- 
sity of signing a capitulation. The marshal must remember that 
the general exclamation around him was, "France must be saved." 
MM. Perregaux and Lafitte expressed themselves most decidedly, 
and it will easily be conceived what weight was attached to the 
opinions of two men who stood at the head of the financial world. 
They affirmed, that the general wish of the Parisians, which no one 
could be better acquainted with than themselves, was decidedly 
averse to a protracted struggle, and that France was tired of the 
yoke of Bonaparte. This last declaration afforded a wider field 
for the discussion of the question then under consideration. It 
was no longer confined to the capitulation of Paris, but the change 
of the government was contemplated, and the name of the Bour- 
bons was for the first time pronounced. I do not recollect which 
of us it was, who, on hearing mention made of the possible recall 
of the old dynasty, remarked how difficult it would be to effect a 
restoration without retrograding to the past. But I am pretty 
well sure it was M. Lafitte who replied, "Gentlemen, we shall 
have nothing to fear, provided we have a good constitution, which 
will guarantee the rights of all." The majority of the meeting 
concuiTed in this judicious opinion, which was not without its 
influence on Marshal Marmont. 

This memorable meeting, however, was attended by an unex- 
pected incident. In the very midst of our discussions, one of 
the emperor's aids-de-camp arrived at Marmont's hotel. Napo- 
leon, being informed of the advance of the allies on Paris, had 
marched with the utmost speed from the banks of the Marne on 
the road of Fontainbleau. In the evening he was in person at 
Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to Marshal Mar- 
mont. From the language of the aid-de-camp, it was easy to 
perceive that the ideas which prevailed at the imperial head- 
quarters were very different from those entertained by the people 
of Paris, The officer expressed indignation at the very idea of 
Cc 37 



434 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

capitulation, and announced with inconceivable confidence the 
approaching arrival of Napoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to 
save from the occupation of the enemy. The same officer 
assured us, with much warmth, that Napoleon depended on the 
people rising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would 
unpave the streets to stone the allies on their entrance. What 
more he said to the same effect I do not now remember, but I 
ventured to dissent from the absurd idea of defence, and observed 
that it was madness to suppose that Paris could resist the numer- 
ous troops who were ready to enter on the following day. The 
greater part of the company present concurred in my opinion, 
and the decision of the meeting was unanimous. 

Such is a correct statement of facts, \vhich have been perverted 
by certain parties, with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. 
I am aware that there are some versions which differ in many 
points from my own : with regard to them I have but one observa- 
tion to ofier, which is, that I heard and saw what I have here 
described. 

The day after the capitulation of Paris, Marmont went in the 
evening to see the emperor at Fontainbleau. He supped with 
him, and Napoleon greatly praised his noble defence of Paris. 
After supper the marshal rejoined his corps at Essonne, and six 
hours after the emperor arrived there to visit the lines. On quit- 
ting Paris, Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Denys to 
superintend the execution of the terms of the capitulation. These 
officers joined the emperor and the marshal as they were proceed- 
ing up the banks of the river of Essonne. They did not disguise 
the effect which the entrance of the allies had produced in Paris. 
The emperor appeared deeply mortified at the intelligence, and 
returned immediately to Fontainbleau, leaving the marshal at 
Essonne. 

At day-break on the 31st of March, Paris presented a novel and 
curious spectacle. Scarcely had the French troops evacuated 
the capital, than the most respectable quarters of the town 
resounded with cries of " Down with Bonaparte !" " No conscrip- 
tion!" "No consolidated duties!" With these cries were mingled 
that of "The Bourbons for ever!" though this latter cry was not 
repeated so frequently as the others, and in general I remarked 
that the people looked on and listened with comparative indiffer- 
ence. As I had taken a very active part in all that had happened 
during some preceding days, I was particularly curious to study 
what might be called the physiognomy of Paris. This was the 
second opportunity which had been afforded me for such a study, 
and I now saw the people applaud the fall of a man, whom they 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 435 

had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire. The rea- 
son was the same — Hberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped 
for again in 1814. I went out early in the morning to see the 
numerous groups of people who were assembled in the streets. 
I saw women tearing their handkerchiefs, and distributing the 
fragments as the emblems of the revived lily. That same morn- 
ing I met on the Boulevards, and some hours afterwards on the 
Place Louis XV., a party of gentlemen who were parading the 
streets of the capital, proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons, 
and shouting "Vive le Roi!" and "Louis XVIII. for ever!" At 
their head I recognised M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, Count 
de Froissard, the Duke de Luxembourg, the Duke de Crussol, 
Seymour, &c. The cavalcade, distributing white cockades as 
they passed along, was speedily joined by a numerous crowd, 
which tumultuously hurried to the Place Vendome. The pro- 
ceedings which there took place are well known, and even the 
delirium of popular joy could scarcely excuse the fury that was 
directed against the effigy of the man whose misfortunes, whether 
merited or not, ought to have protected him from such outrages. 
On the evening of the 31st of March, an important meeting of 
the royalists was held in the hotel of the Count de Morfontaine, 
who officiated as president, when it was proposed that a deputa- 
tion should be immediately sent to the Emperor Alexander, to 
express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion was imme- 
diately approved, and the mover was chosen as chief of the dep- 
utation, which consisted besides of MM. Ferrand and Caesar de 
Choiseul. On leaving the hotel, these gentlemen met M. de Cha- 
teaubriand, who had that very day been, as it were, the precursor 
of the restoration, by publishing his admirable pamphlet, entitled 
"Bonaparte and the Bourbons." He was invited to join the dep- 
utation, to which he consented, but nothing could overcome his 
diffidence, and induce him to speak. On arriving at the hotel, in 
the Rue St. Florentine, the deputation was introduced to Count 
Nesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld briefly 
explained its object : he signified to him the wishes of the meet- 
ing, and the unanimous desire of Paris and of France. He rep- 
resented the restoration of the Bourbons as the only means of 
securing the peace of Europe, and observed, in conclusion, that 
as the exertions of the day must have been very fatiguing to the 
emperor, the deputation would not solicit the favour of being 
introduced, but would confidently rely on the good faith of his 
imperial majesty. "I have just left the emperor," replied M. 
Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his intentions. Return to 
the meeting, and announce to the French people, #iat, in com- 



436 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

pliance with their wishes, so ardently expressed, his imperial 
majesty will use all his influence to restore the crown to the 
legitimate monarch: his majesty Louis XVIII. shall reascend the 
throne of France." With this happy intelligence the deputation 
returned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou. 

Great enthusiasm was undoubtedly displayed on the entrance 
of the allies into Paris. It may be approved or blamed, but the 
fact cannot be denied. I was an attentive observer of passing 
events, and I could not but recognise the expression of a senti- 
ment which I had long anticipated. 

Napoleon had become master of France by the sword, and, the 
sword being sheathed, he could plead no other right to the kingdom; 
for no popular institution had identified with the nation the new 
dynasty which he had hoped to establish. The nation admired, 
but did not love him — for it is impossible to love what is feared — 
and Napoleon had done nothing to merit the affection of France. 



CHAPTER XLV. 



The Allied Sovereigns enter Pai-is ; Alexander's Declaration ; Provisional Government appointed ; 
Napoleon negotiates ; his Conditional Abdication ; his Wish to retract. 

I WAS present at all the meetings and conferences which were 
held at M. Talleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had 
taken up his residence. Of all the individuals present at these 
meetings, M. de Talleyrand appeared most disposed to preserve 
Napoleon's government, with some restrictions on the exercise of 
his power. In the existing state of things it was only possible to 
choose one of three courses ; first, to make peace with Napoleon, 
with proper securities against him; second, to establish a regency; 
and, third, to recall the Bourbons. 

On the 31st of March the allied sovereigns entered Paris; and 
the Emperor Alexander repaired to M. de Talleyrand's hotel, 
where I, with others, was expecting him. When the emperor 
entered the drawing-room, most of the persons assembled, and 
particularly the Abb^ de Pradt, the Abb6 de Montesquieu, and 
General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration of the. 
Bourbons. The emperor did not come to any immediate decision, 
but drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked 
into the street, he made some observations, which enabled me to 
form an opinion, as to his ultimate determination. "M. de Bour- 
rienne," sal* he, "you have been the friend of Napoleon, and so 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 437 

have I ; I was most sincerely his friend, but there is no possibility 
of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith. We must 
have done with him." These last words opened my eyes, and 
when the different propositions which were made came to be dis- 
cussed, I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making himself emperor, 
had made up the bed for the Bourbons. 

A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I 
have already mentioned, and which Alexander had himself pro- 
posed. It appeared to me, that his majesty was (what is com- 
monly termed) acting a part, when, pretending to doubt the pos- 
sibility of recalling the Bourbons, which he wished above all things, 
he asked M. de Talleyrand what means he proposed to employ 
for the attainment of that object? Indeed, I am persuaded, that 
his only motive for starting obstacles was, in order to hear the 
persons around him express themselves in a more decided man- 
ner. Besides the French, there were present at this meeting the 
Emperor Alexander, the King of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, 
M. Nesselrode, M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, and Prince Lichtenstein. 
During the discussion, Alexander remained standing, at intervals 
walking up and down with some appearance of agitation. At 
length, addressing us in an elevated tone of voice, "Gentlemen," 
said he, "you know that it was not I who commenced the war; 
you know that Napoleon came to attack me in my dominions. 
But we are not drawn here by the thirst of conquest, or the desire 
of revenge. You have seen the precautions I have taken to pre- 
serve your capital, the wonder of the arts, from the hoiTors of 
pillage, to which the chances of war would have consigned it. 
Neither my allies nor myself are engaged in a war of reprisals, 
and I should be inconsolable if any violence had been committed 
on your magnificent city. I repeat, gentlemen, that we are not 
waging war against France, but against Napoleon, and every 
other enemy of French liberty. William, and you. Prince (here 
the emperor turned towards the King of Prussia and Prince 
Schwartzenberg, who represented the Emperor of Austria), are 
not the sentiments I express in unison with your own?" Both 
signified their assent to this observation of Alexander, which his 
majesty several times repeated in different words. He insisted 
that France should be perfectly free, and that as soon as the 
wishes of the country were understood, he and his allies would 
support them, without seeking to exercise their influence in favour 
of any government in particular. 

The Abb6 de Pradt then declared, in a tone of conviction, that 
we were all royalists, and that the feelings of the people, both of 
Paris and the whole of France, were similar to our own. The 

37* 



438 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

Emperor Alexander, again adverting to the different governments 
which might be suitable to France, spoke of the maintenance of 
Bonaparte on the throne, the establishment of a regency, the 
choice of Bernadotte, and the recall of the Bourbons. M. de 
Talleyrand then spoke, and I well remember his saying to the 
Emperor of Russia, "Sire, only one of two things is possible. 
We must have either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. ; Bonaparte, if 
you can support him, but you cannot, for you are not alone. 
Whom could you propose after him? Not another soldier; we 
will not have him. If we wanted a soldier, we would keep the 
one we have; he is the first in the world. After him, any other 
offered to our choice would not have ten men to support him. I 
say again, sire, either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. Any thing 
else is an intrigue." These remarkable words of the Prince of 
Benevento produced on the mind of the Emperor Alexander all 
the effect we could have desired. Thus the question was simpli- 
fied, having now but two alternatives ; and as it was evident that 
Alexander would have nothing to do with either Napoleon or his 
family, it was reduced to the single proposition of the return of 
the Bourbons. On being pressed by us all, with the exception of 
M. de Talleyrand, who still wished to leave the question unde- 
cided between Bonaparte and Louis XVIII., Alexander at length 
declared, that he would never again treat with Napoleon. When 
it was represented to him that this declaration applied only to 
Napoleon personally, and did not extend to his family, he added, 
"Nor with any member of his family." Thus, as early as the 
31st of March, the Bourbons might be said to be restored to the 
throne of France. Of all the propositions which were then in 
agitation, the one most to be deprecated, as it appeared to me, 
was that which had for its object the appointment of a regency. 
In that case, every thing would still have been left in suspense. 

The discussion did not terminate till three o'clock in the afternoon, 
when the Emperor Alexander signed the following declaration: 

"If the conditions of peace required strong guarantees when the object was to 
restrain the ambition of Bonaparte, they ought to be more favourable when, by a 
return to a wise government, France herself shall offer the assurance of repose. The 
sovereigns proclaim that they will no longer treat with Bonaparte, nor with any mem- 
ber of his family. They respect the integrity of the French territory, as*it existed 
under the legitimate monarchy ; they may even go farther, since they adopt the prin- 
ciple, that France must be great and powerful. They will recognise and guarantee 
any constitution of which the French nation may make choice. They consequently 
invite the senate immediately to appoint a provisional government, to manage the busi- 
ness of the state, and to prepare the constitution which may be agreeable to the wishes 
of the people. The sentiments herein expressed are shared by all the allied powers." 

And here I cannot help noticing the haste with which Laborie, 
whom M. de Talleyrand had appointed secretary to the provi- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 439 

sional government, rushed out of the apartment as soon as he got 
possession of the Emperor Alexander's declaration. He got it 
printed with such expedition, that in the space of an hour it was 
placarded on all the walls in Paris. The effect it produced was 
prodigious — the hopes of intriguers were at once destroyed by it. 
As yet, there appeared no doubt whatever of Alexander's sincerity. 
The treaty of Paris could not be anticipated, and there was rea- 
son to believe that France, with a new government, would obtain 
more advantageous conditions than if the allies had treated with 
Napoleon. But this illusion speedily vanished. 

On the evening of the 31st of March, I returned to M. de 
Talleyrand's. About eleven o'clock on the same evening I again 
saw the Emperor Alexander, who, stepping up to me, said, "M. de 
Bourrienne, you must take the superintendence of the post-office 
department." I could not decline so marked an invitation on the 
part of the emperor; and besides, Lavalette having departed on 
the preceding day, the business of the office would have been for 
a time suspended ; a circumstance which would have been 
extremely prejudicial to the restoration, which we wished to 
favour. I accordingly, after some difficulty, succeeded in putting 
matters in a train, by which letters were forwarded the next 
morning without the loss of a single post. 

The most important point to be obtained was the declaration 
before mentioned. After that, every thing else would follow as 
a matter of course. Bonaparte's partisans were now fully aware 
of the impolicy of removing the empress and her son from Paris. 
It was, of course, necessary to establish a provisional government, 
of which M. de Talleyrand was appointed president. The other 
members were General Beurnonville, Count Francois de Jaucourt, 
the Duke Dalberg, who married one of Maria- Louisa's ladies of 
honour, and the Abbe de Montesquieu. The post of Chancellor 
of the Legion of Honour was given to the Abbe de Pradt. Thus, 
among the members of the provisional government were two 
abb6s, and, by a singular chance, they happened to be the same 
who had officiated at the mass which was performed in the Champ 
de Mars, on the day of the first federation. 

On the morning of the 30th of March, while the battle under 
the walls of Paris was at the hottest, Bonaparte was still at Troyes. 
He quitted that town at ten o'clock, accompanied only by Ber- 
trand, Caulincourt, two aids-de-camp, and two orderly officers. 
He was not more than two hours in travelling the first ten leagues. 
Indeed, he and his feeble escort performed the journey without 
changing horses, or even once alighting. The emperor, with his 
attendants, who were not acquainted with their place of destina- 



440 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tion, arrived at Sens, about one o'clock in the afternoon. Every 
thing was in such confusion, that it was impossible to prepare a 
suitable conveyance for the emperor. Both he and his suite 
were therefore obliged to continue their journey in a mean-looking 
calash, and in this equipage, about four in the morning, this mon- 
arch, late so powerful, reached Froidmanteau, about four leagues 
from Paris. It was there that the emperor received from General 
Belliard, who had arrived at the head of a column of artillery, the 
first intelligence of the battle of Paris. He heard the news with a 
composure which was probably affected, in order not to discourage 
those around him. He walked for about a quarter of an hour on 
the high road, in conversation with Belliard, and it was after that 
promenade that he sent Caulincourt to Paris, as I have before 
mentioned. Napoleon afterwards went to the house of the post- 
master, where he ordered his maps to be brought to him, and, as 
was his custom, marked the different positions of his own and the 
enemies' troops with pins, the heads of which were tipped with 
wax of different colours. After occupying himself some time in 
this manner, he resumed his journey, and arrived at Fontainbleau 
at six o'clock in the morning. 

On the evening of the 31st of March, the emperor sent for the 
Duke de Ragusa, who had arrived at Essonne with his troops. 
The duke reached Fontainbleau between three and four o'clock 
in the morning of the first of April. At this interview Napoleon 
received a detailed account of the events of the 30th, and, as I 
have already stated, highly complimented Marmont for his gallant 
conduct before the walls of Paris. 

All was gloom and melancholy at Fontainbleau, yet the emperor 
still retained his authority, and I have been informed that he 
deliberated some time as to whether he should retire behind the 
Loire, or at once attempt a bold stroke upon Paris, which would 
have been far more in accordance with his character, than to resign 
himself to the chances which an uncertain temporizing might 
afford him. The latter idea pleased him best, and he was seriously 
considering of his plan of attack, when the news of the 31st, and 
the unsuccesful issue of Caulincourt's mission, gave him to under- 
stand that his situation was more desperate than he had hitherto 
imagined. 

Meanwhile, the heads of the columns, which the emperor had 
left at Troyes, arrived at Fontainbleau, after one of the most rapid 
marches ever known, having completed a distance of fifty leagues 
in somewhat less than three days. On the 2d of April, Napoleon 
communicated the events of Paris to the generals who were about 
him, recommending them, at the same time, to conceal the news, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 441 

lest it should dispirit the troops upon whom he still relied. The 
same day he reviewed his troops in the court of the palace. He 
then endeavoured to persuade the generals to second his mad 
designs upon Paris, by making them believe that he had made 
sincere efforts to conclude a peace. He assured them that he had 
expressed to the Emperor Alexander his willingness to purchase 
it by immense sacrifices ; that he had consented to resign even 
the conquests made during the revolution, and to confine himself 
within the ancient limits of France. 

The old companions of the glory of their chief exclaimed, with 
one voice, "Paris! Paris!" But fortunately, during the night, 
the generals having deliberated with each other, saw the frightful 
abyss into which they were about to plunge their beloved country. 
They, therefore, resolved to intimate in moderate and respectful 
terms to the emperor, that they would not expose Paris to destruc- 
tion; and this spirit of moderation spreading gradually even 
among the ranks, by the 3d of April more prudent ideas succeeded 
the rash enthusiasm of the day preceding. 

The wreck of the army assembled at Fontainbleau, the poor 
remains of a million of troops which had been levied within fif- 
teen months, consisted only of the corps of the Duke de Reggio, 
Ney, Macdonald, and General Gerard, which altogether did not 
amount to twenty-four thousand men, and which, joined to the 
remaining seven thousand of the guard, did not leave the emperor 
a disposable force of more than thirty-one thousand men. Noth- 
ing but madness or sheer despair could have suggested the idea 
of successfully combating, with such scanty resources, the foreign 
masses which occupied and surrounded Paris. 

On the 2d of April the senate published a decree, declaring that 
Napoleon had forfeited the throne, and abolished the right of 
succession which had been established in favour of his family. 
Furnished with this act, and without waiting the concurrence of 
the legislative body, which was given next day, the provisional 
government published an address to the French armies. In this 
address the troops were informed that they were no longer soldiers 
of Napoleon, and that the senate released them from their oaths. 
The address of the senate was sent round to the marshals, and of 
course to such of them first as were nearest the capital. Of this 
latter number was Marmont, whose allegiance to the emperor, as 
we have already seen, yielded only to the sacred interests of his 
country. Prince Schwartzenberg wrote to Marmont to induce 
him to espouse a cause which had now become the cause of France. 
To the prince's letter Marmont replied, that as the army and 
nation had been absolved from their oaths of allegiance to Napo- 



442 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

leon, by a decree of the senate, he was disposed to concur in the 
union of the army and the people, which would avert all chance 
of civil war, and stop the effusion of French blood ; and that he 
was ready with his troops to quit the army of the Emperor Napo- 
leon, on the following conditions, the assurance of which he 
required in writing: 

" First. I, Charles, Prince Schvvartzenberg, Marshal and Commander-in-Chief of 
the Allied Armies, guarantee to all the French troops who, in consequence of the 
decree of the senate of the 2d of April, may quit the standard of Napoleon Bonaparte, 
that they shall retire freely into Normandy, with arms, baggage, and ammunition, and 
with the same marks of respect and military honours which the allied troops recipro- 
cally observe to each other. 

" Second. That if, by this movement, the chances of war should throw into the 
hands of the allied powers the person of Napoleon Bonaparte, his life and liberty shall 
be guaranteed, in a space of territory and a circumscribed country, to be chosen by 
the allied powers and the French government." 

Prince Schwartzenberg, in his answer to Marmont, expressed 
his satisfaction at the marshal's readiness to obey the call of the 
provisional government, and added, "I beg of you to believe that 
I am fully sensible of the delicacy of the sentiment expressed in 
the article you demand, and which I accept, relative to the person 
of Napoleon." 

The conditions before mentioned being agreed to on the part of 
the Prince of Schwartzenberg, Marmont considered himself bound 
to the cause which might now be called the cause of France. It 
will be seen, however, that he subsequently found himself so cir- 
cumstanced as to be obliged to request a releasement from his 
promise, and the Prince of Schwartzenberg generously annulled it. 

I happened to learn the manner in which Marshal Macdonald 
was informed of the taking of Paris. He had been two days 
wdthout any intelligence from the emperor, when he received an 
order in the hand-writing of Berthier, which ran thus: "The 
emperor desires that you halt wherever you may receive this 
order." After Berthier's signature, the following words were 
added as a postscript : " You of course know that the enemy is in 
possession of Paris." This singular postscript, and the tone of 
indifference in which it was expressed, filled Macdonald with 
mingled surprise and alarm. He then commanded the rear-guard 
of the army, wiiich occupied the environs of Montereau. Six 
hours after the receipt of the order alluded to, Macdonald received 
a second, directing him to put his troops in motion, and he then 
learned the emperor's intention of marching on Paris with all his 
remaining force. 

On receiving the emperor's second order Macdonald left his 
corps at Montereau, and repaired in haste to join Napoleon at 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 443 

Fontainbleau. On his arrival, the emperor had already intimated 
to the generals commanding divisions in the army corps assembled 
there, his intention of marching on Paris. Alarmed at such a 
determination, the generals, most of whom had left in the capital 
their wives, children, and friends, gathered round Marshal Mac- 
donald, requesting him to go with them, and endeavour to dissuade 
the emperor from his intention. "Gentlemen," said the marshal, 
"in the emperor's present situation, such a proceeding might dis- 
please him. We must use delicacy and precaution. Leave it to 
me, gentlemen; I will go to the castle." 

Marshal Macdonald accordingly went to the palace of Fontain- 
bleau, where the following conversation took place between him 
and the emperor, and I beg the reader not to lose sight of the fact 
that it was the marshal himself who gave me the relation. The 
moment he entered the emperor's apartment, the latter stepped up 
to him, and said, "Well, how are things going on?" — "Very badly, 
sire." — " How ! badly ! what then are the feelings of your army ?" — 
"My army, sire, is entirely discouraged: their minds are alarmed,, 
by the events of Paris." — "Will not your troops join me in an 
advance on Paris?" — "Sire, do not think of such a thing. If I 
were to give such an order to my troops, I should run the risk of 
being disobeyed." — "But what is to be done? I cannot remain 
as I am ; I have still resources and partisans. It is said that the 
allies will no longer treat with me. Well, no matter. I will 
march on Paris; I will be revenged on the inconstancy of the 
Parisians and the baseness of the senate. Wo to the members 
of the government they have patched up until the return of their 
Bourbons, for that is what they are aiming at! But to-morrow I 
shall place myself at the head of my guards, and we will march 
on the Tuileries." 

While Napoleon thus gave way to such idle threats, the marshal 
listened in silence ; at length, perceiving him somewhat more calm, 
he replied, " Sire, it appears, then, that you are not aware of what 
has taken place in Paris, of the establishment of a provisional 
government, and — " "I know it all; and what then?" — "Sire," 
added the marshal, presenting to him a paper, "here is something 
which will tell you more than I can." Macdonald thereupon 
gave him a letter from Marshal Beurnonville, announcing the 
forfeiture of the emperor, pronounced by the senate, and the 
determination of the allied powers not to treat with Napoleon, 
or any member of his family. "Marshal," said the emperor, 
"may this letter be read aloud?" "Certainly, sire." The letter 
was then handed to BaiTe, who read it. An individual then 
present afterwards described to me the impression which the 



444 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

reading of the letter produced on Napoleon. His features were 
violently contracted, as I have often observed them on similar 
momentous occasions. He did not, however, lose his self-com- 
mand, which, indeed, he could always preserve when policy or 
vanity required it; and when the reading of Beurnonville's letter 
was ended, he affected to persist in his intention of marching on 
Paris. "Sire," exclaimed Macdonald, "that project must be 
renounced. Not a sword would be drawn from its scabbard to 
second you in such an enterprise." 

The question of the emperor's abdication now began to be 
seriously entertained. Caulincourt had already hinted to Napo- 
leon that, in the event of his abdicating personally, there was still 
a possibilit)'^ that the allies might agree to a council of regency. 
This idea, and the opposition of the marshals to his desperate 
project of marching upon Paris, determined Napoleon to sign his 
abdication, which he himself drew up in the following terms : 

" The allied powers having declared that the Emperor Napoleon is the only obstacle 
to the reestablishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faitlifiil to his oath, 
declares that he is ready to descend the throne, to leave France, and even to lay down 
his life, for the welfare of the country, which is inseparable from the rights of his 
son, those of the regency, of the empress, and the maintenance of the laws of the 
empire. Given at our palace of Fontainbleau, April 2d, 1814. Napoleon." 

After having written this act, the emperor presented it to the 
marshals, saying, "Here, gentlemen; are you satisfied?" 

This abdication of Napoleon was certainly very useless; but, 
had circumstances recurred to render it of any importance, the 
act would possibly have proved altogether invalid. To most peo- 
ple its meaning would appear unequivocal, but not so to me, who 
was so instructed in the cunning to which Napoleon never hesi- 
tated to resort, whenever a purpose was to be gained by it. I beg 
the reader to -observe, that Napoleon does not say that "he 
descends from the throne," but that "he is ready to descend from 
the throne." This was a subterfuge, by the aid of which he 
intended to open new negotiations respecting the form and condi- 
tions of regency for Iiis son, in case of the allied sovereigns 
acceding to that proposition. This would have enabled him to 
gain time, and, blinded to his real situation, he had not yet resigned 
all hope. 

In this state of feeling, he joyfully welcomed a piece of intelli- 
gence communicated to him by General Allix. The general stated 
that he had met an Austrian officer, who was sent by Francis II. to 
Prince Schwartzenberg, and who positively assured him that all 
which had taken place in Paris was contrary to the wish of the 
Emperor of Austria. That this may have been the opinion of the 



MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 445 

Austrian officer is possible, and even probable, but subsequent 
events proved that it was nothing more. However, as soon as 
General Allix had communicated this good news, as he termed it, 
to Napoleon, the latter exclaimed to the persons who were about 
him, "I told you so, gentlemen! Francis II. cannot carry his 
enmity so far as to dethrone his daughter. Vicenza, go and desire 
the marshals to return my act of abdication. I will send a courier 
to the Emperor of Austria." 

Thus Bonaparte, in his shipwreck, looked round for a saving 
plank, and buoyed himself up with self-deceptions. The Duke de 
Vicenza went to Marshals Ney and Macdonald, whom he found 
just stepping into the carriage to proceed to Paris. Both posi- 
tively refused to return the act to Caulincourt, saying, "We are 
sure of the concurrence of the Emperor of Austria, and will take 
all responsibility upon ourselves." The sequel sufficiently proved 
that they were better informed than General Allix. 

During the conversation with Marshal Macdonald, which has 
been just related, the emperor was seated. When he came to 
the resolution of signing his abdication, he rose abruptly, and 
walked with hurried steps once or twice up and down the apart- 
ment. After the act was signed, he said, "Gentlemen, the interests 
of my son, the interests of the army, and, above all, the interests 
of France, must be defended. I therefore appoint, as my commis- 
sioners to the allied powers, the Duke de Vicenza, the Prince of 
the Moskowa, and the Duke de Ragusa: are you satisfied?" He 
added, after a pause, "I think all these interests are intrusted to 
good hands." All present answered as with one voice, "Yes, 
sire." But no sooner was the answer pronounced, than the 
emperor threw himself on a small yellow sofa which stood near 
the window, and striking his thigh with his hand, with a sort of 
convulsive motion, he exclaimed, "No, gentlemen! I will have no 
regency. With my guards, and Marmont's corps, I shall be in 
Paris to-morrow." Ney and Macdonald vainly endeavoured to 
undeceive him respecting this impracticable design. He rose with 
marked ill-humour, and rubbing his head, as he was in the habit 
of doing when much agitated, he said, in a loud and authoritative 
tone, "Retire." 

The marshals withdrew, and Napoleon was left alone with Cau- 
lincourt. He told the latter, as I afterwards heard, that what had 
most displeased him, in the proceedings which had just taken place, 
was the reading of Beurnonville's letter. "Sire," observed the 
Duke de Vicenza, " it was by your order that the letter was read." 
— " Yes, that is true ; but why was not that letter addressed directly 
to me by Macdonald?" — "Sire, the letter was at first addressed to 

38 



446 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Macdonald, but the aid-de-camp who was the bearer of it had 
orders to communicate its contents to Marmont, on passing 
through Essonne, because Beurnonville did not know precisely 
where Macdonald was to be found." After this explanation, 
which did not take more than three minutes, the emperor appeared 
satisfied, and said to Caulincourt, " Vicenza, call back Macdonald." 

The Duke de Vicenza hastened after the marshal, whom he 
found at the end of the gallery of the palace, engaged in conversa- 
tion, and brought him back to the emperor. On his returning, 
Napoleon, who had quite recovered his usual composure, calmly 
addressed him, "Well, Duke de Tarento, do you think that the 
regency is the only possible thing?" — Yes, sire." — "Then I wish 
you to go with Ney to the Emperor Alexander, instead of Mar- 
mont; it is better that he should remain with his corps, to which 
his presence is indispensable. You will, therefore, go with Ney ; 
I rely on you. I trust you have entirely forgotten all that has 
separated us for so long a time." — "Yes, sire; I have not thought 
of it since 1809." — "I am glad of it, marshal; and I must acknowl- 
edge to you that I was in the wrong." While speaking to the 
marshal, the emperor manifested unusual emotion. He approached 
him, and pressing his hand in the most affectionate manner, he 
uttered but one word more, "Depart." 

The emperor's three commissioners — that is to say. Marshals 
Macdonald and Ney, and the Duke de Vicenza — informed Mar- 
mont that they would dine with him as they passed through 
Essonne, and acquaint him with all that had taken place at 
Fontainbleau. On their arrival at Essonne, the three imperial 
commissioners explained to the Duke de Ragusa the object of 
their mission, and persuaded him to accompany them to the 
Emperor Alexander. This obliged the marshal to inform them 
how he was situated. The negotiations which Marmont had 
opened, and almost concluded, with Prince Schwartzenberg, were 
rendered null by the mission which he had joined, and which it 
was necessary he should himself explain to the commander of the 
Austrian army. The three marshals and the Duke de Vicenza 
repaired to Petitbourg, the head-quarters of Prince Schwartzen- 
berg, and there the prince released Marmont from the promise he 
had given. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 447 



CHAPTER XLVI. 

Conference of the Marshals with Alexander ; Blutiny In the Corps of Marmont : they return to Order ; 
Unconditional Abdication required of Napoleon ; Farewell Interview between Napoleon and Mac- 
donald ; Unconditional Abdication signed. 

After my nomination as director-general of the post-office, tlie 
business of that department proceeded as regularly as before. I 
sent on the 4th of April an advertisement to the Moniteur, stating 
that the letters to and from England and other foreign countries, 
which had been lying at the post-office for more than three years, 
would be forwarded to their respective addresses. This produced 
to the post-office a receipt of nearly three hundred thousand francs, 
a sum which will give some idea of the prodigious quantity of 
intercepted letters, and the system which characterized the impe- 
rial government during the time of its existence. 

On the night after the publication of my advertisement, I was 
awakened by an express from the provisional government, request- 
ing me to proceed with all possible haste to M. de Talleyrand's 
hotel. I lost no time in repairing thither, and arrived a few min- 
utes before the emperor's commissioners. I went up to the saloon 
on the first floor, which was one of the suite of apartments occu- 
pied by the Emperor Alexander. The marshals were conferring 
with that monarch, and it would be difficult to describe the anxiety, 
or, indeed, I might say the consternation, which prevailed among 
some of the members of the provisional government and other 
individuals who were assembled in the saloon where I was. 

During the interview of the marshals with Alexander, which 
lasted a considerable time, I had an opportunity of learning some 
particulars of a conversation which they had already had with M. 
de Talleyrand. The prince observed to them, " Gentlemen, what 
is it you are about to do? If you succeed in your designs, you 
will compromise all who have met in this place since the 1st of 
April, and that number is not inconsiderable. As for me, I am 
willing to be compromised : take no account of me." I had passed 
the evening of this day with M. de Talleyrand, who had observed 
to the Emperor Alexander, in my presence, "Will you support 
Bonaparte? No, you neither can nor will. I have already had 
the honour to tell your majesty, that there can be no other alter- 
native than between Napoleon and Louis XVIII. ; any other 
choice whatsoever would be but an intrigue, and no intrigue will 
possess sufficient strength and consistency long to sustain him who 
may be its object. Bernadotte, Eugene, the regency — all these 
are but intrigues. Under present circumstances, nothing but some 



448 MKMlUUS OF NAl'UI.r.ON MONAr.VUTK. 

fixed principle is sutViciontly strong to establish the new order of 
things, on which we now tind onrselves obliged to enter. Louis 
XYttl. is a principle." I remen\ber that M. de Talleyrand fre- 
quently nuide use of this expression to us — "Louis XVIII. is a 
principle." 

AVMien the marshals and Caulincourt had retired, we were all 
anxious to know what had passeil between them and the Emperor 
of Fxussia. I learned from DessoUes that the marshals were unan- 
imous in urging Alexander to accede to a regency. Macdonald, 
especially, warn\ly defended the proposition. The marshals 
strongly manifested their disinclination to abandon the lamily of 
the man who had so often led them to victory: and lastly, they 
ventured to remind Alexander of his own declaration, in whicli 
he proclaimed in his own name, as well as on the part of his allies, 
that they had not come to France with the intention o( imposing 
anv particular government. 

iDessoUes, who from the fu'st had openly declared himself in 
favour of the Bourbons, then replied in his turn, with as nuich 
warmth as the partisans of the regency. He represented to 
Alexander how n\any persons would be compromised for merely 
having acted or declared their opinions behind the shield of his 
promises. Alexander seemed to waver, and, unwilling to give 
the marshals a positive retusal, he had recourse to a subterfuge, 
by which he would be enabled to execute the design he had irrev- 
ocably formed, without seeming to take on himself alone the 
responsibility of a change of government. He, therefore, at last, 
gave the following answer to the marshals: "Gentlemen, I am 
not alone in an attair of such importance : I must consult the King 
of Prussia, for I have promised to do nothing without consulting 
him. In a few hours you shall know my decision." 

While the marshals were gone to Paris, Napoleon was anxious 
to ascertain whether his conmiissiouers had passed the advanced 
posts of the foreign armies, determined, in case of resistance, to 
march on Paris, tor he could not bring himself to believe that he 
had lost every chance. He sent an aid-de-camp to Marmont, 
whom he ordered to come immediately to Fontainbleau; but such 
was his impatience, that, instead of waiting for the return of the 
first, he sent otf a second, and then a third officer on the same 
errand. This rapid succession of messengers alarmed the gener- 
als who couunanded the ditferent divisions of Marmont's corps at 
Essone. They feared that the emperor had been made acquainted 
with the convention concluded that morning with Prince Schwartz- 
enberg, and that he had sent for ]\L\rmont with the view of 
severely reprimanding him. Napoleon, however, knew nothing 



MEMOIRS OF NAI'OLEON BONAI'AETE. 449 

of the matter; for Marrnont, on rlepai-ting for Paris, had left orders 
that it should he said he had gone to ins{)ect his lines. Souliam, 
Lebrun, Des Essarts, and Bordesaille, who had given their assent 
to the convention with J^ince Schwartzenherg, deliberated in the 
absence of Marrnont, and, perhaps being ignorant that he was 
released from his promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon, 
they determined to march upon Versailles. On arriving there the 
troops, not seeing the marshal at their head, thought themselves 
betrayed, and a spirit of insurrection soon exhibited itself among 
them. One of Marmont's aids-de-camp, whom he had left at 
Essonne, exerted his utmost endeavours to prevent the departure 
of his general's corps, but finding all his efforts ineffectual, he 
hastened to Paris to inform the marshal of what had happened. 
Marrnont was at breakfast at Ney's, with Macdonald and Caulin- 
court, when he received the news, which almost threw him into 
despair. He said to the marshals, "I must immediately rejoin my 
corps, and quell this mutiny." Then, without losing a moment, he 
ordered his carriage, and told the coachman to drive with the 
utmost speed. He sent forward one of his aids-de-camp to inform 
the troops of his approach. Having arrived within a few hundred 
paces of the place where the troops were assembled, he found the 
generals who were under his orders advancing to meet him. 
They entreated him not to proceed, as the men were in open 
insurrection. " I will go into the very midst of them," said Mar- 
rnont; "in a moment they shall either kill me, or acknowledge me 
as their chief." He then sent ofT another aid-de-camp to range 
the troops in the order of battle, and, alighting from his carriage, 
and mounting a horse, he advanced alone, and thus harangued the 
soldiers: "How! is there treason here? Is it possible that you 
disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I not been wounded 
twenty times among you? Have I not shared your fatigues and 
privations, and am I not ready to do so again?" At these words 
he was interrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Mar6chal! 
Vive le Mar6chal!" 

The mission of the marshals had caused the most lively appre- 
hensions among the members of the provisional government, but 
the alarm was equally great on hearing the news of the mutiny of 
Marmont's troops. During the whole day we were in a state of 
the most cruel anxiety. The insurrectionary spirit it was feared 
might extend to other corps of the army, and the cause of France 
again be compromised. But the successful gallantry of Marmont 
saved every thing, and it would be impossible to convey an idea of 
the manner in which he was received by us at Talleyrand's, when 
he related the particulars of what had passed at Versailles. 
Dd 38* 



450 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

As soon as Marmont had left Paris for Versailles, Napoleon's 
three commissioners hastened to the Emperor Alexander, to learn 
his resolution before he should be made acquainted with the move- 
ment of Marmont's troops. Alexander had walked out at six in 
the morning to the residence of the King of Prussia, in the Rue 
de Bourbon. The two sovereigns afterwards proceeded together 
to M. de Talleyrand's, where they were when Napoleon's com- 
missioners arrived. On the marshals and Caulincourt being intro- . 
duced to the two sovereigns, the Emperor Alexander, in answer to 
their proposition, replied, " That the regency was impossible — this, 
gentlemen, is the conclusion both myself and my allies have come 
to. Submissions to the provisional government are pouring in 
from all parts ; and if the army had formed contrary wishes, those 
wishes should have been made known earlier." " Sire," observed 
Macdonald, "that was impossible, as none of the marshals were 
in Paris ; and, besides, who could foresee the turn which affairs 
have taken? Could we have foreseen that an unfounded alarm 
would have removed from Essonne the corps of the Duke de 
Ragusa, who has this moment left us to bring his troops back to 
order?" These words produced no change in the determination 
of the allied sovereigns, who still insisted on Napoleon's uncondi- 
tional abdication. Before taking leave of the Emperor Alexander, 
the marshals solicited an armistice of forty-eight hours, which 
time they said was indispensable to negotiate the act of abdication 
with Napoleon. This request was immediately complied with. 

When, in discussing the question of the abdication, conforma- 
bly with the instructions he had received, Macdonald observed to 
the Emperor Alexander, that Napoleon desired nothing for him- 
self, "Assure him," replied Alexander, "that a provision shall be 
made for him suitable to the rank he has occupied. Tell him, 
that if he wishes to reside in my dominions, he shall be well 
received, though he brought desolation there. I shall always 
remember the friendship which united us. He shall have the 
island of Elba, or something else." After taking leave of the 
Emperor Alexander on the 5th of April, Napoleon's commissioners 
returned to Fontainbleau, to render an account of their mission. 
That same day I saw Alexander, and it appeared to me that his 
mind was relieved from a great w^eight by the question of the 
regency being definitely settled. I learned that he intended to 
quit !Paris in a few days, and that he had given full powers to M. 
Pozzo-di-Borgo, whom he appointed his commissioner to the pro- 
visional government. 

On the same day, the 5th of April, Napoleon inspected his 
troops in the palace-yard of Fontainbleau. He observed some 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 451 

coolness among the officers, and even among the private soldiers, 
who had evinced such enthusiasm at the review on the 2d of the 
same month: their altered behaviour shocked him so much, that 
he remained but a short time on the parade, and immediately 
retired to his apartments. Convinced of the general discontent, 
which even his soldiers expressed by their silence, he gave him- 
self up to the most painful reflections. 

At near one o'clock on the morning of the 6th of April, Ney, 
Macdonald, and Caulincourt, arrived at Fontainbleau, to acquaint 
the emperor with the issue of their mission, and the sentiments 
expressed by Alexander when they took leave of him. Marshal 
Ney was the first to announce to Napoleon, that the allies required 
his complete and unconditional abdication, without any other 
stipulation than his personal safety, which should be guaranteed. 
Marshal Macdonald and the Duke de Vicenza then spoke to the 
same effect; but in milder terms than those employed by Ney, 
who, indeed, was not an adept in courtly phrases. When Marshal 
Macdonald had finished speaking, Napoleon said, with some emo- 
tion, " Marshal, I am fully sensible of all that you have done for 
me, and of the warmth with which you have pleaded the cause of 
my son. They wish for my complete and unconditional abdication. 
Very well : I again empower you to act on my behalf. You shall 
go and defend my interests, and those of my family." Then, after 
a few minutes' silence, and again addressing Macdonald, he con- 
tinued — "Marshal, where shall I go?" Macdonald then informed 
the emperor of what Alexander had said, in the supposition of his 
wishing to reside in Russia — " Sire," added he, " the Emperor of 
Russia told me that he destined for you the island of Elba, or 
something else." "Or something else!" repeated Napoleon, has- 
tily; "and what is that something else?" "Sire, I know not." 
"Ah, no doubt it is the island of Corsica, which he would not 
mention, in order to avoid any embarrassment. Marshal, I refer 
all to you." 

The .marshals returned to Paris as soon as Napoleon had fur- 
nished them with new powers ; but, on their arrival, Ney sent in 
his adhesion to the provisional government; so that when Mac- 
donald returned to Fontainbleau, to convey to Napoleon the defini- 
tive treaty of the allies, Ney did not accompany him. Caulincourt 
had remained with the emperor. When Macdonald entered the 
emperor's chamber, he found him seated in a small arm-chair 
before the fire-place. He was dressed in a morning-gown of 
white dimity, and he wore his slippers without stockings. His 
elbows rested on his knees, and his head was supported by his 
hands. He was motionless, and appeared absorbed in profound 



•15*3 MEMOIRS or NAroM'.oN ronapaute. 

vofloction. Only two poisons Avore m ilh him. the Duke do Bns- 
snuo. who w;is at a httio distance tVoni the oniporor, and Caulin- 
court, who was near the fire-}^laee. So profound was Napoleon's 
revevy, that ho did not hear IMacdonald enter, and the Duke de 
Vicenza Avas obliged to inform him of the marshal's presence. 
"Sire, the Duke de Tarento has brought, for your signature, the 
treatv which is to be ratified to-morrow." Whereupim the em- 
penn-. as if roused from a lethargic slumber, turned to Macdonald, 
and merely said, " Ah, marshal, you here!" Napoleon's counte- 
nance was so much alterotl. that the marshal, struck with the 
change, uttered the involuntary exclamation, "Is your majesty 
imlispt>sed?" — "Yes," replied Napoleon ; "I have passed a very 
bad night." 

The" emperor continued seated for a moment ; then rising, he 
took the treaty, read it. Avithout making any obserA'ation, andliav- 
ing signed it, returned it to the marshal, saying. "I am not uoav 
ricli enough to rcAvard these last services."" — ''Sire, interest never 
guiilcil my conduct." — "1 know it, and I now see hoAV nuich I have 
been deceived respecting you. .1 see, too, the designs oi' those 
\vIio prejudiced me against you." — "Sire, 1 have already told you 
that, since 1809. 1 am devoted to you in life and death.""-^"I kiiOAv 
it ; but. since I cannot recompense you as I Avould Avish. I Avill beg 
you to accept a token of remembrance, which, trifling as it is, Avill 
at least serve to assure you that I shall never forget the services 
you have rendered me." Then turning to Caulincourt, Napoleon 
said, "A'icenza. ask for the sabre Avhich Avas given me bv ^lurad 
Bey in Egypt, and Avhich I Avore at the battle of JMount 'iThabor." 
Constant liaving brought the sabre, the emperor took it from the 
hands o\' Caulincourt. and presented it to the marshal. "Here, 
my faithful friend!"' said he, "is a reward Avhich I think Avill gratify 
you." Macdonald, on receiving the sabre, said, " If ever I liaA'e a 
son, sire, this Avill be his most precious inheritance; but I Avill 
never part Avith it as long as Hive." — "Give me your hand," said 
the emperor, "and embrace me." At these Avords, Napoleon and 
Macdonald rushed into each other's arms Avith a mutual feeling 
of emotion, and parted Avith tears in their eyes. 

On the 11th of April, at Fontninbleau. after the clauses of the 
treaty had been guaranteed. Napoleon signed his act of abdication, 
Avhicli Avas conceiA'ed in the folio Aving terms: 

" The allied power? hnvini: proelaimeil that the Emperor Napoleon is the only 
obstaele to the riiestablishniem of peaee in Europe, the Eniperor Napoleon, fiiithfiil to 
his oath, deelares that he renounees tor himself and his heirs the thrones of Franee and 
Italy, and that there is no personal sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not ready to 
make for the interests of France." 



MEMOIRS OK NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 453 

It was not until after Bonaparte had written and signed the 
above act, that Marshal Macdonald sent to the provisional gov- 
ernment his recognition, expressed with equal dignity and simpli- 
city. It was as follows: "Being released from my oaths by the 
abdication of the Emperor Napoleon, I declare that I adhere to 
the acts of the senate and the provisional government." Thus 
terminated Napoleon's legal reign. It is worthy of remark, that 
his act of abdication was published in the Moniteur on the 12th 
of April, the very day on which the Count d'Artois made his entry 
into Paris with the title of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, 
conferred on him ?jy Louis XVIII. The 12th of April wa.s, also, 
the day on which the imperial arrriv% under the walls of Toulouse, 
fought its last battle, when the French troops, commanded by 
Soult, made Wellington purchase dearly his entrance into the 
south of France. 



CHAPTER XLVII. 



TranquUllty of Paris; Arrival of the Count d'ArtoiH: his Entry into PariH ; Arrival of the Emperor 
of Auatrifl ; Marla-Louiaa: her Dejiarture for Vienna; Italy, and Eugene. 

Political changes are generally stormy; yet, at the period of 
which I am now treating, Paris was perfectly tranquil — thanks to 
the excellent discipline maintained by the commanders of the allied 
armies, and thanks, also, to the services of the national guard of 
Paris, who every night patwlled the streets. My duties as director- 
general of the post-office had, of course, obliged me to resign my 
captain's epaulettes; but I cannot pass over without notice the 
important benefits which this citizen-guard conferred on the 
community. 

When, on the departure of the commissioners whom Napoleon 
had sent to Alexander to treat for the regency, it was finally 
determined that the allied sovereigns would listen to no terms 
proposed by Napoleon or his family, the provisional government 
thought it was time to request that Monsieur would, by his pres- 
ence, give a fresh impulse to the efTorts of the Bourbon partisans. 
The Abb<i de Montesquieu wrote to the prince a letter, which was 
carried to him by Viscount Sosthcnes de la Rochefoucauld. 

On the afternoon of the 11th, Monsieur arrived at a country- 
house belonging to Madame Charles de Damas, where he passed 
the night. The news of his arrival spread through Paris with the 
rapidity of lightning, and every one seemed anxious to solemnize 
his entrance into the capital. The national guard formed a double 



454 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

line from the barrier of Bondy to Notre Dame, whither the prince 
was to proceed in the first instance, in conformity to an ancient 
custom, which, however, had not been very frequently observed 
during the last twenty years. 

M. de Talleyrand, accompanied by the members of the pro- 
visional government, several marshals and general officers, and the 
municipal body, headed by the prefect of the Seine, went in pro- 
cession beyond the barrier to receive Monsieur. They arrived at 
the place of rendezvous about one o'clock, and M. de Talleyrand, 
in the name of the provisional government, addressed the prince, 
who, in reply, made that well-known observation, "Nothing is 
chanii-ed in France ; there is only one Frenchman more." This 
expression promised much, and it was quickly repeated in every 
quarter of the capital. The Count d'Artois then proceeded on 
horseback to the barrier Saint Martin. 

Two days only intervened between Monsieur's entrance into 
Paris and the arrival of the Emperor of Austria. That monarch 
was no favourite with the Parisians. His conduct was almost 
universally condemned, for even among those who had most 
ardently desired the dethronement of his daughter, in order that 
they might be wholly rid of tire Bonaparte family, there were many 
who blamed his conduct to Maria- Louisa. They would have 
wished that, for the honour of the Emperor of Austria, he had 
opposed, even though unsuccessfully, the downfall of the dynasty 
whose alliance he considered as a safeguard in 1809. The people 
form their opinion by instinct; they judged of the Emperor of 
Austria in his character of a father, happily ignorant themselves 
of what was required of him in his character of a monarch ; and 
as the rights of misfortune are always sacred in France, more 
interest was felt for Maria- Louisa when she was known to be 
forsaken, than when she was in the height of her splendour. 
Francis II. had not seen his daughter since the day she left Vienna, 
to unite her destiny with that of the master and arbiter of half the 
nations of Europe. 

She constantly assured those about her that she could depend 
upon her father. The following words, which were faithfully 
reported to me, were addressed to her by an officer, who was in 
attendance upon her during the missions of M. de Champagny : 
" Even though it should be the intention of the allied sovereigns to 
dethrone the Emperor Napoleon, my father will not suffer it. 
When he placed me on the throne of France, he repeated to me 
twenty times his determination to maintain me on it — and my 
father is a man of his word." I have reason to know, too, that the 
empress, both at Blois and Orleans, frequently expressed her regret 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 455 

at not having followed the advice of those members of the regency 
who wished her to remain at Paris. 

On leaving Orleans, Maria-Louisa proceeded to Rambouillet; 
and it was not one of the least remarkable circumstances of that 
eventful period, to see the sovereigns of Europe, the dethroned 
sovereigns of France, and those who had come to resume the 
sceptre, all brought to within a circle of fifteen leagues round the 
capital. There was a Bourbon at the Tuileries, Bonaparte at 
Fontainbleau, his wife and son at Rambouillet, the repudiated 
empress three leagues distant, and the Emperors of Russia and 
Austria, and the King of Prussia, in Paris. 

When all her hopes had failed, Maria-Louisa left Rambouillet 
to return to Austria with her son. She did not obtain permission 
to see Napoleon before his departure, although she had frequently 
expressed a wish to do so. Napoleon himself was conscious of the 
embarrassment with which such a farewell might have been 
attended, or otherwise he would doubtless have made a parting 
interview with Maria-Louisa one of the clauses of the treaty of 
Paris and Fontainbleau, and of his definitive act of abdication. 

Things had arrived at this point, and there was no possibility 
of retracting any of the decisions which had been made, when the 
Emperor of Austria went to see his daughter at Rambouillet. I 
remember that it was thought extraordinary, at the time, that the 
Emperor Alexander should accompany him on this visit; and, in 
fact, the sight of the sovereign who was regarded as the head and 
arbiter of the coalition, could not be agreeable to the dethroned 
empress. The two emperors set off from Paris shortly after each 
other. The Emperor of Austria arrived first, and was received by 
his daughter with respect and affection. Maria- Louisa was happy 
to see him, but the many tears she shed were not all tears of joy. 
After the first effusion of filial tenderness, she complained of the 
situation to which she was reduced. Her father himself, deeply 
affected, could, however, do no more than sympathize with her, 
since her misfortunes were irreparable. But time passed on, and 
Alexander was momentarily expected; the Emperor of Austria 
was, therefore, obliged to apprize his daughter that the Russian 
monarch was on his way, desirous of an interview with her. At 
first, Maria- Louisa decidedly refused to see him, and for some time 
persisted in this resolution. She said to her father, "Does he 
intend to make me a prisoner before your eyes! If he enters here 
by force, I will retire to my chamber. There, I presume, he will 
not dare to follow me, while you are present." Not a moment 
was now to be lost, for Francis II. heard the carriages of the 
Emperor Alexander rolling through the court-yard of Rambouillet, 



456 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

and his entreaties to his daughter became more and more urgent. 
At length she 3ielded to his solicitations, and the Emperor of Austria 
went himself to meet his ally, and conduct him to the saloon where 
Maria- Louisa remained, in deference to her father. She did not, 
however, carry her deference so tar as to give a favourable recep- 
tion to him whom she regarded as the author of all her misfor- 
tunes. She listened with much coldness to all the offers and pro- 
testations of Alexander, and merely replied, that all she wished for 
was, the liberty of returning to her family. A few days after this 
painful interview, Maria- Louisa and her son set off for Vienna. 

I must now direct the attention of the reader to Italy, which was 
the cradle of Napoleon's glory, and towards which he, in imagina- 
tion, transported himself Irom his palace of Fontainbleau. Eugene 
had succeeded in keeping up his means of defence until ApriC but 
on the 7th of that month, having received positive information of 
the reverses by which France was overwhelmed, he found himself 
constrained to accede to the propositions of Marshal de Bellegarde, 
to treat for the evacuation of Italy; and, on the 10th, a conven- 
tion was concluded, in which it was stipulated that the French 
troops, under the command of Eugene, should return within the 
limits of old France. The clauses of this convention were executed 
on the 19th of April. General Grenier and several other officers 
about him, endeavoured to persuade Eugene to accompany them 
into France, and to conduct, in person, to the restored king, the 
remains of that noble army which he had, as it were, so miracu- 
lously preserved. It still amounted to twenty-one thousand men, 
and five thousand cavalry. But Eugene, thinking that, in the gen- 
eral partition of provinces, the son-in-law of the King of Bavaria 
would not be passed over, refused to return to France, declaring 
that he would await the decision of the allies, amid his former 
Italian subjects. 

Thinking that the Senate of Milan was favourably disposed 
towards him, Eugene solicited that body to use its influence in 
obtaining the consent of the allied powers to his continuance at 
the head of the government of Italy ; but this proposition of the 
son of Napoleon was now contemptuously rejected by the senate. 
Public feeling throughout the whole of Italy wJis highly exaspe- 
rated, and the army had not proceeded three marches beyond 
Mantua, when an insurrection broke out in Milan. The finance 
minister, Prina, was assassinated, and his palace demolished; and 
nothing could have saved the viceroy from sharing the same fate, 
had he remained in his capital. Amid this popular excitement, 
and the eagerness of the Italians to be released from the dominion 
of the French, the friends of- Eugene thought him fortunate in 



MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 457 

being able to join his father-in-law at Munich, almost incognito. 
Thus, at the expiration of nine years, fell the iron crown which 
Napoleon had placed on his head, saying, "Dieu me Va donne: 
gave a qui la louche." 



CHAPTER XLVIII. 

Napoleon consents to proceed to Elba ; his Farewell to his Troops ; his Joimiey ; embarks for Elba. 

Napoleon having consented to proceed to the island of Elba, 
conformably with the treaty he had ratified on the 13th, requested 
to be accompanied to the place of embarkation by a commissioner 
from each of the allied powers. Count SchuwalofTwas appointed 
by Russia, Colonel Neil Campbell by England, General Kohler by 
Austria, and Count Waldburg Truchess by Prussia. On the 16th, 
the four commissioners came for the first time to Fontainbleau, 
where the emperor, who was still attended by Generals Druet and 
Bertrand, gave to each a private audience on the following day. 

Although the emperor received with coldness the commis- 
sioners whom he had himself solicited, there was still a marked 
distinction in his behaviour towards them. He who experienced 
the best reception was Colonel Campbell, whose person still exhib- 
ited many traces of wounds. Napoleon asked him in what battles 
he had received them, and on what occasions he had been invested 
with the orders he wore. He next questioned him as to the place 
of his birth. Colonel Campbell having answered that he was a 
Scotchman, Napoleon congratulated him on being the countryman 
of Ossian, his favourite author, whose poetry he greatly praised. 
At this first audience, Napoleon said to the colonel, "I have cor- 
dially hated the English; I have made war against you by every 
possible means; but I esteem your nation. I am convinced there 
is more generosity in your government than in any other. I should 
like to be conveyed from Toulon to Elba by an English frigate." 

The Austrian and Russian commissioners were received coolly, 
but without any marked indications of displeasure. It was not so 
with the Prussian commissioner. The two former. Napoleon had 
detained in conversation about five minutes ; but to the latter, he 
said, drily, "Are there any Prussians in my escort?" — "No, sire." 
— "Then why do you take the trouble to accompany me?" — 
"Sire, it is not a trouble, but an honour." — "These are mere 
words; you have nothing to do here." — "Sire, it was impossible 
for me to decline the honourable mission with which the king, my 

39 



458 MKMOIUS OF NArOLEON BONAPARTE. 

master, has intrusted me." At these words, Napoleon turned his 
back on Count Truchess. 

The commissioners expected that Napoleon would be prepared 
for an immediate dejiarture. but such was not the case. Having 
asked to see the itinerary ot" liis route, he wished to make some 
alterations in it, and this ailbrded a pretext for fiirther delay, as 
the commissioners were unwilling to oppose his wishes, and were 
instructed to treat him with all the respect and etiquette due to a 
sovereign. They accordingly suspended the departure; but as 
they could not take upon themselves to acquiesce in the changes 
wished for by the emperor, they requested Caulincourt to wait on 
their respective sovereigns for iresh instructions. On the night of 
the 10th, they were authorized to travel by any road the emperor 
mii2;ht ]nefer, and the departure was then definitively fixed for 
the '20th. 

Accordingly, at ten in the morning of the 20th, the carriages 
were in readiness, and the imperial guard was drawn up in the 
grand court of the palace of Fontainbleau, called the Court of 
the White Horse. All the population of the town and the neigh- 
bouring villages thronged round the palace. Napoleon sent for 
General Kohler, and complained of IMaria- Louisa not being allowed 
to accompany him ; but at length yielding to the representations 
that were made to him, he added, '"Well, I prefer remaining faith- 
ful to my promise, but if I have any fresh cause of complaint, I 
shall consider myself freed from all my engagements." 

At eleven o'clock. Count de Bussy, one of the emperor's aids- 
de-camp, was sent by the grand marshal to announce that all was 
ready for departure. ''Am I, then," said Napoleon, "to regulate 
my actions by the grand marshal's watch? I will go when it suits 
me. Perhaps I shall not go at all. Leave me." 

All the forms oi' imperial etiquette were observed, to avoid 
wounding the feelings of Napoleon, who loved them so much; and 
^vhen he at length thought proper to leave his cabinet to enter the 
saloon, where the connnissioners were waiting, the doors were 
thrown open as usual, and ''The emperor" announced; but no 
sooner was the word uttered, than he hastily turned back again. 
However, he soon reappeared, rapidly crossed the gallery, and 
descended the staircase, and at twelve o'clock precisely he stood 
at the head of his guard, as if at a review in the court of the 
Tuileries in the brilliant days of the consulate and the empire. 
Then took place a really aflecting scene — Napoleon's farewell to 
his soldiers. Of this I may forbear entering into any details, since 
they are known every where and by every body ; but I may sub- 
join the emperor's last address to his old companions in arms, as 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 469 

it belongs to history. This address, delivered in a voice as firm 
and sonorous as in the days of his triumphs, was as follows : 

"Soldiers of my old guard! I bid you farewell. For twenty years I have con- 
stantly accompanied you on the road to honour and glory. In these later times, as in 
the days of our prosperity, you have invariably been models of courage and fidelity. 
With men such as you, our cause could not be lost, but the war would have been inter- 
minable: it would have been civil war, and that would have entailed deeper misfortunes 
on France. I have sacrificed all my interests to those of the country. I po ; but you, 
my friends, will continue to serve France. Her happiness was my only thought. It 
will still be the object of my wishes. Do not regret my fate: if I have consented to 
Burvive, it is to serve your glory. I intend to write the history of the great achieve- 
ments we have performed together. Adieu, my friends! Would I could press you all 
to my heart!" [Napoleon then ordered the eagles to be brought, and having embraced 
them, he added:] "I embrace you all in the person of your general. Adieu, soldiers ! 
Be always gallant and good !" 

Napoleon's parting words to his soldiers were, "Adieu, my 
friends. My wishes will always accompany you. Do not forget 
me !" He then stepped into his carriage, accompanied by Bertrand. 

During the first day, cries of "Vive I'Empereur!" resounded 
along the road, and Napoleon, resorting to his usual dissimulation, 
affected to upbraid the people for their disloyalty to their legiti- 
mate sovereign, which he did with ill-disguised irony. The guard 
accompanied him as far as Briare, where he passed the night. 
Here he invited Colonel Campbell to breakfast with him. He 
conversed on the last war in Spain, and spoke in complimentary 
terms of the English nation, and the military talents of Wellington. 

On the night of the 21st, Napoleon slept at Nevers, where he 
was still received with the acclamations of the people, who here, 
as in several other towns, mingled their shouts of enthusiasm, 
caused by their late emperor's presence, with imprecations against 
the commissioners of the allies. He left Nevers at six on the 
morning of the 22d. The guards not now forming a part of his 
escort, Napoleon no longer heard the cries of "Vive I'Empereur!" 
and as a corps of Cossacks had succeeded them, he had the mor- 
tification to hear in its stead "Vivent les allies!" 

Augereau, an old republican, and who was still a jrepublican, 
though he received the title of Duke de Castiglione from Napoleon, 
had always been among the discontented. On the 24th, having 
met Augereau at a little distance from Valence, Napoleon stopped 
his carriage, and immediately alighted. Augereau did the same, 
and they cordially embraced in the presence of the commissioners, 
to one of whom I am indebted for this anecdote. It was remarked, 
that Napoleon saluted uncovered, while Augereau kept his hat on. 
"Where are you going?" said the emperor; "to court?" — "No, 
I am going to Lyons." — "You have behaved very badly to me." 
Augereau, finding that the emperor addressed him in the second 



460 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

person singular, made use of the same familiar style, and they 
conversed as they had been accustomed to do when they were 
both generals in Italy. "Of what do you complain?" said he: 
"Has not your insatiable ambition brought us to this? Have 
you not sacrificed every thing to that ambition, even the happiness 
of France? I care no more for the Bourbons than I do for you. 
All I care for is the country." Upon this. Napoleon turned sharply 
from the marshal, lifted his hat to him, and returned to his carriage. 
The commissioners, and all the persons in Napoleon's suite, were 
indignant at seeing Augereau stand on the road with his travelling- 
cap still on his head, with his hands behind his back, and, instead 
of bowing, merely making a disdainful salute to Napoleon with 
his hand. These haughty republicans, to have been consistent, 
should have acted in this manner at the Tuileries ; on the road to 
Elba it was nothing better then low-bred insolence. 

At Valence, Napoleon, for the first time, saw French soldiers 
with the white cockade in their caps. They belonged to Auge- 
reau's corps. At Orange, the air resounded with cries of "Vive 
le Roi!" Here the gayety, real or feigned, which Napoleon had 
hitherto maintained, began to forsake him. 

Had the emperor arrived at Avignon three hours later than 
he did, there is no doubt his death would have been the conse- 
quence. He did not change horses at Avignon, through which he 
passed at four in the morning, but at St. Audiol, where he arrived 
at six. The emperor, who was fatigued with sitting in the carriage, 
descended with Colonel Campbell and General Bertrand, and 
walked with them up the first hill. His valet-de-chambre, who 
also preceded them on foot at a little distance, met one of the 
post-office couriers, who said to him, "Are those the emperor's 
carriages coming this way?" — "No, they are the equipages of the 
allies!" — "I say they are the emperor's carriages. Perhaps you 
don't know that I am an old soldier. I served in the campaign of 
Egypt, and I will save the life of my general." — " I tell you again, 
they are not the emperor's carriages." — " Do not attempt to deceive 
me; I have just passed through Orgon, where the emperor has 
been hanged in effigy, and if he is recognised, it will be all over 
with him. The wretches have erected a gibbet, on which they 
have hung a figure dressed in a French uniform, and covered with 
blood. This' confidence on my part may get me into trouble ; but, 
no matter, do you profit by it." The courier then set off at full 
gallop. The valet-de-chambre took General Drouet apart, and 
told him what he had just heard. Drouet communicated the 
circumstance to General Bertrand, who himself related it to the 
emperor, in the presence of the commissioners. The latter, justly 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 461 

alarmed, held a sort of council on the highway, and it was decided 
that the emperor should go forward without his retinue. The 
valet-de-chambre was asked whether he had any clothes in the 
carriage? He produced a long blue cloak and a round hat. It 
was proposed to put a white cockade in his hat, but to this Napo- 
leon would not consent. He went forward in the style of a cou- 
rier with Amaudru, one of the two out-riders who had escorted his 
carriage, and hastily passed through Orgon. When the allied 
commissioners arrived there, the whole population of the neigh- 
bourhood was assembled, uttering exclamations of "Down with 
the Corsican!" "Down with the brigand!" 

The commissioners would not breakfast at Orgon ; they paid for 
what had been prepared for them, and took some refreshments to 
eat during their journey. The carriages did not overtake the 
emperor until they came to La Calade, where he had arrived a 
quarter of an hour before with Amaudru. They found him stand- 
ing by the fire in the kitchen of the inn, talking with the landlady. 
She had asked him, whether the tyrant was soon to pass that 
way? "Ah, sir," said she, "it is no use to tell me that we have 
got rid of him. I always said, and always will say, that we shall 
never be sure of seeing an end of him until he be laid at the bot- 
tom of a well, covered with stones. I should like to see him safely 
laid in the well of our yard. You see, sir, the Directory sent him 
into Egypt, to get rid of him, but he came back again : and he will 
come back again, too; you may be sure of that, sir, unless" — 
Here the good woman, having finished skimming her pot, looked 
up, and perceived that the only person in the party who remained 
uncovered was the very one to whom she had been speaking. 
She was at first confounded; but the embarrassment she expe- 
rienced at having spoken so ill of the emperor to the emperor 
himself, converted all her anger into a kind and generous feeling. 
She showed the greatest possible respect and attention, both to 
Napoleon and his attendants. A messenger was immediately sent 
off to Aix, to purchase ribbons for making white cockades. All 
the carriages were brought into the court-yard of the inn, and the 
gate was closed. The good woman then told the emperor that it 
would not be prudent for him to venture to pass through Aix, 
where a population of more than twenty thousand were waiting 
to stone him. 

Meanwhile, dinner was served, and Napoleon sat down to table. 
He admirably mastered the agitation which, doubtless, he must 
have experienced; and I have been told, by several of the indi- 
viduals who were present at this extraordinary repast, that never 
had Napoleon taken more pains to render himself agreeable. 

39* 



462 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Every one was charmed by his conversation, enriched as it was 
from the stores of his memory and his imagination, and towards its 
conclusion, he remarked, with an air of indifference which was most 
likely affected, " I believe the new French government has a design 
on my life." 

While the commissioners, who had been informed of what was 
going on at Aix, were consulting about sending an order to the 
mayor, directing him to close the gates, and to adopt measures for 
securing the public tranquillity, about fifty ill-looking fellows had 
assembled round the inn. • One of them asked to speak with the 
commissioners, and offered to carry a letter to the mayor of Aix. 
They accepted his services, and in their letter they told the mayor 
that if the gates of the town were not closed within an hour, they 
would advance with two regiments of Cossacks and six pieces of 
artillery, and would fire upon all who opposed their passage. This 
threat had the desired effect, and the mayor returned an answer, 
by the same messenger, that the gates should be closed, and that 
he would take upon himself the responsibility of whatever might 
happen. 

Thus the emperor escaped the dangers with which he was 
threatened at Aix, but there was another to be braved. During 
the seven or eight hours he passed at La Calade, a considerable 
number of persons had collected round, and it was evident that 
they would have proceeded to the greatest excesses, had not the 
doors of the inn been carefully fastened. Most of them had in 
their hands five-franc pieces, in order to recognise the emperor by 
his likeness to that on the coin. Napoleon, who had passed two 
nights without sleep, was in a little room adjoining the kitchen, 
where he had fallen into a slumber, reclining on the shoulder of 
his valet-de-chambre. In a moment of dejection, he had said, "I 
now renounce the political world for ever. I shall henceforth feel 
no interest about any thing that may happen; at Porto-Ferrajo I 
may be happy — more happy than I have ever been! No! if the 
crown of Europe were now offered me, I would not accept it ; I will 
devote myself to science. I was right, never to esteem mankind! 
I have treated them no worse than they deserved. But France — 
and the French people — what ingratitude! — I am disgusted with 
ambition, and I wish to rule no longer !" It was at length announced 
that every thing was ready to renew the journey, but it was thought 
advisable that the emperor should put on the great-coat and fur 
cap of General Kohler, and that he should go into the carriage of 
the Austrian commissioner. Thus disguised, he left the inn of La 
Calade, passing between a double row of spectators, who vainly 
endeavoured to recognise him. On turning the walls of Aix, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 463 

Napoleon had again the mortification to hear the cries of "Down 
with the tyrant !" " Down with Nicolas !" and these shouts resounded 
at the distance of a quarter of a league from the town. 

Napoleon, dispirited by these manifestations of hatred, said, in 
a tone of mingled grief and contempt, " The people of these parts 
have ever been the same — brawlers and madmen. At the com- 
mencement of the revolution, these Provencals committed frightful 
massacres." At about a league from Aix, the emperor and his 
retinue found horses, and an escort of gendarmerie, to conduct 
them to the castle of Luc. 

The Princess Pauline Borghese was at that time at the country- 
house of M. Charles, member of the legislative body, near the- 
castle of Luc. On hearing of her brother's misfortunes, which 
she was astonished he bore up against so well, she determined to 
accompany him to the island of Elba, and proceeded to Frejus to 
embark with him. Her presence was a great consolation to him. 
At Frejus the emperor rejoined Colonel Campbell who had quitted 
the convoy on the road, and had brought into the port the English 
frigate the Undaunted, which had been destined for his convey- 
ance. Notwithstanding the wish he had expressed to Colonel 
Campbell, he evinced great reluctance to go on board. However, 
on the 28th of April he sailed for the island of Elba on board that 
frigate, which could not then be said to carry Caesar and his fortune. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

Changes produced by time ; Louis XVin. lands at Calais ; Berthier's Address to the King ; the King 
enters Paris ; Unexpected Dismissal from my Post ; Signs of a Commotion ; Symptoms of an 
Approaching Crisis ; Landing of Bonaparte ; Bounienne Prefect of Police ; Council of the Tuile- 
ries ; Evident Understanding between Murat and Bonaparte ; Plans laid at Elba ; Louis XVIH. 
leaves Paris ; Departure from France ; Bonaparte retmns to Paris ; Aspect of France. 

The force of the changes produced by time is the most irresist- 
ible of all powers. Wise policy consists in giving it a proper 
direction, and for this purpose it is necessary to understand the 
wants of the age. On this account, Louis XVIIL appeared, in 
the eyes of all who were capable of forming a correct judgment, 
a monarch expressly formed for the circumstances in which we 
stood after the fall of Napoleon. 

Louis XVIIL succeeding Bonaparte, was like Numa coming 
after Romulus, only Numa had not the misfortune to be sur- 
rounded by inexperienced counsellors. Louis XVIIL embarked 
at Dover on board the Royal Sovereign, and landed at Calais on 
Ee 



464 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

the 24th of April. I shall not enter into any details of the enthu- 
siasm occasioned by his presence on the French soil; that is 
generally known through the reports of the journalists of the period, 
who had only to change the word imperial for royal, to give an 
equally correct and glowing description of it. It is, however, 
very certain that all sensible persons saw with satisfaction the 
princes of the house of Bourbon reascend the throne of their 
ancestors, matured by experience and misfortune, which, as some 
ancient philospoher observes, are the best counsellors of kings. 

The route by which Louis XVIII. was to proceed from Calais 
to Paris had been indicated to me by a letter from the Duke de 
Duras in London. The king's wishes on this subject were punc- 
tually fulfilled, and I recollect with pleasure the zeal with which 
my efforts were seconded by all the persons in the service of the 
post-office. His majesty stopped for a short time at Amiens, and 
then proceeded to Compi^gne, where the ministers and marshals 
had previously arrived, to present to him their homage and the 
assurance of their fidelity. Berthier addressed the king in the 
name of the marshals, and said, among other things, "That France, 
groaning for five-and-twenty years under the weight of the mis- 
fortunes that oppressed her, had anxiously looked forward to the 
happy day which she now saw dawning." Berthier might have 
said for ten years, but even had he spoken the truth in this instance, 
it was ill-placed in the mouth of a man whom the emperor had 
constantly loaded with his favours. The Emperor Alexander 
also went to Compi^gne to meet Louis XVIII., and the two mon- 
archs dined together. 

At Saint-Ouen his majesty promulgated the declaration which 
preceded the charter, and which contained a repetition of the 
sentiments expressed by the king twenty years before in the 
declaration of Calmar. It was also at Saint-Ouen that the plan 
of a constitution was presented to him by the senate, in which 
that body, to justify even to the last its title of Conservative, 
stipulated for the preservation of its revenues and endowments. 
On the 3d of May, Louis XVIII. made his solemn entry into 
Paris, proceeding first to the cathedral of Notre Dame. In the 
carriage with his majesty was the Duchesse d'Angouleme. On 
arriving at the Pont Neuf, he saw the model of the statue of 
Henry IV., on the pedestal of which was the following inscription: 
"Ludovico reduce, Henricus redivivus." These words were sug- 
gested by M. de Lally-Tollendal,"and were in far better taste than 
the long and pompous inscription engraved on the bronze statue. 

The king's entrance into Paris did not call forth such a mani- 
festation of public feeling as that of Monsieur. In the places 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 465 

through which I passed on the 3d of May, astonishment seemed 
to prevail over every other feeling. In a short time, how^ever, the 
abatement of public enthusiasm became much more evident, owing 
to Louis XVIII. having restored the red corps which Louis XVI. 
had suppressed long before the revolution. 

It Avas, besides, not a little extraordinary to see the management 
of affairs intrusted to a man who neither had nor could have any 
knowledge of France, From the commencement, M. de Blacas 
affected ministerial omnipotence. When I went, on the 11th of 
May, to present, as usual, my portfolio to the king, in virtue of 
my privilege of personally transacting business with the sovereign, 
M. de Blacas wished to take the portfolio from me. This appeared 
to me the more surprising, as during the seven days I had had the 
honour of being near Louis aVIIL, his majesty had been pleased 
to address me in that gracious and complimentary manner which 
he so well knew how to assume. I at first asserted my privilege, 
and refused to give up the portfolio; but M. de Blacas told me 
the king had ordered him to receive it, and I then, of course, yielded 
the point. It was not long, however, before I found myself a vic- 
tim to a courtier's revenge. Two days after the circumstance 
just alluded to, that is to say, on the 13th of May, having entered 
my cabinet at an early hour, I mechanically took up the Moniteur, 
which I found lying on my desk. On just running it over, what 
was my astonishment to find that the Count de Ferrand had been 
appointed director of the post-office in my stead. I immediately 
knew whence the blow came ; and such was the strange manner 
in which M. de Blacas made me feel the gratitude of princes. 
Certainly, after so many many proofs of loyalty on my part, which 
a year afterwards procured for me the signal honour of being out- 
lawed in quite a privileged way, I had reason to complain, and I 
might have said, with as much truth as Virgil, "Sic vos non vobis," 
when alluding to the unmerited favours lavished by Augustus on 
the Maevii and Bavii of his time. 

The measures of government were now the subject of universal 
complaint. The usages of the ancient regime were gradually 
restored, and ridicule being mingled with more serious considera- 
tions, Paris was speedily inundated with pamphlets and caricatures. 
However, tranquillity prevailed until the month of September, 
when M. de Talleyrand departed for the congress of Vienna. 
Then all was disorder at the Tuileries. It seemed as if every one, 
feeling himself freed from restraint, wished to play the statesman, 
and Heaven knows how many follies were committed in the 
absence of the school-master! 

Under a feeble government, there is but one step from discon- 
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466 MEMOIRS OF XArOLEON BONAPARTE. 

tent to insurrection ; under an imbecile government, like that of 
France in lSl-4, after the departure of"]M. de Talleyrand, con- 
spiracy had free scope. And thus, during the summer of 1814, 
were prepared the events which had their completion on the 20th 
of March, 1815. I could almost fancy myself dreaming, when I 
look back on the miraculous incapacity of the persons then at the 
head of our government. The emigrants, who, as it has been 
justly observed, had neither learned nor forgotten any thing, came 
back with all the absurd pretensions of Coblentz. 

At the end of 1814, indications, too plain to be mistaken, ena- 
bled me to perceive that a great and important change was at 
hand. I regretted the errors which were constantly committed 
by the ministers ; but hoped that the government would gradually 
return to those principles which were calculated to conciUate 
public opinion. On one occasion, a friend called upon me, who 
had exercised important functions, and whose name had appeared 
on a proscription-list. He gave it as his opinion, that if the gov- 
ernment persisted in its present course, it could not possibly stand, 
and that we should have the emperor back again. '"That," said 
I, "would be a great misfortune; and even if such were the wish 
of France, it would be opposed by Europe. You, who are so 
devoted to France, cannot be indifferent to the danger that would 
threaten her, if the presence of Bonaparte should bring the foreign- 
ers back again. Can you endure to think of the dismemberment 
of our country?" — "That they will never venture to attempt. 
But you and I can never agree on the question of the emperor and 
the Bourbons ; we take an entirely different view of the matter ; 
you had cause to complain of Bonaparte, and I had only reason to 
be satisfied with him. But tell me, what would you do, if he were 
to return?" — "Bonaparte return?" — "Yes!'' — "Upon my word, 
the best thing that I could do would be to take myself off" as quick 
as possible, and that I certainly should do. I am perfectly satis- 
fied that he would never pardon me for the part I have taken in 
the restoration; and I candidly confess, that I should not hesitate 
a moment to save my life by leaving France." — " Well, you are 
wrong; for I am convinced that, if you would range yourself 
among his friends, you might have whatever you wished — titles, 
honours, riches. Of this I give you assurance." — "All this, I must 
tell you, does not tempt me ; I love France as sincerely as you do, 
but she never can be happy under Bonaparte. If he return, I will 
go and live abroad." 

This is only a part of the conversation, which will serve to show 
the feeling which existed at the time. These opinions, which 
seem to have been expressed to me as if by authority, led me to 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 467 

reflect upon the hypothesis of the return of Bonaparte, and from 
various other communications which were made to me about the 
same time, I was at last led to believe that some important intrigue 
was in progress. 

My conviction of an approaching crisis had become so strong, 
that, in the month of January, I determined to solicit an interview 
with M. de Blacas, who then enjoyed the entire confidence of his 
sovereign, and through whom alone any communication could be 
made. I need scarcely add, that my intention was merely to sub- 
mit to him the facts which I had collected, without mentioning 
the individuals from whom I had obtained them. After all, M. de 
Blacas would not receive me, and I had only the honour of speak- 
ing to his secretary, who was an abbe, named Fleuriel. This per- 
sonage, who was an extraordinary'specimen of impertinence and 
self-conceit, had all the assumed dignity of the great secretary of 
a great minister, and, with an air of perfect indifference, told me 
that the count was not there ; but M. de Blacas was there, and I 
knew it. 

Devoted as I was to the cause of the Bourbons, I thought it my 
duty to write that very day to M. de Blacas to request an inter- 
view: I received no answer. Two days after, I wrote a second 
letter, in which I informed M. de Blacas that I had a communi- 
cation of great importance to make to him. This letter also 
remained unnoticed. Unable to account for this strange conduct, 
I again went to the Pavilion of Flora, and requested the Abb6 
Fleuriel to explain the cause of his master's silence. "Sir," said 
he, " I received both your letters, and laid them before the count ; 
I do not know why he has not sent you an answer. I can do 
nothing in the matter, and Monsieur le Compte is so much 
engaged." — "Monsieur le Compte," said I, "will, perhaps, repent 
of it. Good morning." 

I had thus experience in my own person of the truth of what I 
had often heard respecting M. de Blacas. This minister had suc- 
ceeded Count d'Avaray ; he enjoyed the full confidence of the king, 
and concentrated the whole of the sovereign power in his own 
cabinet. Convinced of the danger which threatened France, and 
being unable to break through the blockade which M. de Blacas 
had formed round the person of the king, I wrote to M. de Talley- 
rand at Vienna, who I knew corresponded directly with the king, 
and communicated to him the information which I had received. 
But the information thus communicated was too late to avert 
the danger — events hurried on. 

Those who opposed the execution of the treaty concluded with 
Napoleon, at the time of his abdication, were guilty of a great 



468 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

error, for they afforded him a fair pretext for leaving the island of 
Elba. The circumstances connected with that extraordinary 
enterprise are so well known to every one, that it is unnecessary 
for me to repeat them. As for myself, so soon as I was informed 
of the rapidity of Bonaparte's march upon Lyons, and the enthu- 
siasm with which he Avas received by the people and the army, I 
prepared to retire to Belgium, there to await the close of the new 
drama. My arrangements were completed on the evening of the 
13th of March, and 1 was ready to depart, when I received a spe- 
cial message from the Tuileries, stating that the king desired to 
see me. This order occasioned some alarm, but I did not hesitate 
to obey. I went direct to M. Hue, to inquire why I had been 
sent for ? He occupied the apartments in which I had passed the 
three most laborious and anxious years of my life. He perceived 
that I was uneasy at having been sent for at that late hour of the 
night, when he immediately informed me that the king wished to 
appoint me prefect of police. He conducted me to the king's 
chamber, when his majesty addressed me with great kindness, in 
a tone which clearly expressed his meaning: "M. de Bourrienne, 
can we rely upon you ? I expect much from your zeal and fidelity." 
— "Your majesty," replied I, "shall have no cause to complain 
of my betraying your confidence." — "'Tis well; I am about to 
reestablish the prefecture of police, and I appoint you prefect. 
Go, M. de Bourrienne, do for the best; I rely on you." By a 
singular coincidence, on the 13th of March, the day on which I 
received this appointment, Napoleon, who was then at Lyons, 
signed a decree which excluded Talleyrand, Marmont, myself, and 
ten others, from the general amnesty. This decree confirmed me 
in the presentiments I had entertained so soon as I heard of the 
landing of Bonaparte ; but as I was only influenced by the desire 
to serve the cause of the king, I determined to meet with courage 
every difficulty which might present itself 

Even now I am filled with astonishment, when I recall to mind 
the proceedings of the council which was held at the Tuileries on 
the night of the 13th of March. The ignorance of the ministers 
respecting our real situation, and their confidence in the measures 
they had adopted against Napoleon, exceed all conception. Could 
it be beheved that those great statesmen, who had the control of 
the telegraph, the post-office, the police and its innumerable agents, 
money — in short, every thing which constitutes power, were abso- 
lutely ignorant of the advance of Napoleon, and that they asked 
me to give them information on the subject? What could I say 
to them? I could only repeat the reports which were circulated on 
the Exchange, and such others as I had collected during the last 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 469 

twenty-four hours. I did not conceal that all their precautions 
would be of no avail. This brought on the discussion as to what 
course should be adopted by the king. It was impossible he could 
remain in the capital, and yet where was he to go? One proposed 
Bordeaux; another, La Vendue ; a third, Normandy ; and a fourth, 
that the king should be conducted to Melun. I conceived that if 
a battle should take place any where, it would probably be in the 
neighborhood of that town ; but the minister who made that sug- 
gestion assured us that the presence of the king, in an open car- 
riage with eight horses, would have a wonderful effect upon the 
minds of the soldiers. This project was ridiculous, and the others 
were dangerous and impracticable. I stated to the council that, 
considering the situation of affairs, it was necessary to renounce 
all idea of resistance by force ; that no soldier would fire a musket, 
and that it was madness to entertain the idea. I farther stated, 
that defection among the troops was inevitable; that they had 
been amusing themselves and getting drunk, for some days past, 
with the money which had been given them to purchase their 
fidelity. They said, Louis XVIII. is a very good sort of a person; 
but, long live the Little Corporal! 

Immediately on the landing of Napoleon, the king sent an 
express to Marmont, who was at Chatillon, whither he had gone 
to take leave of his dying mother. I saw him the day after he had 
an interview with the king; I think it was on the 6th or 7th of 
March. He told me that he had stated to his majesty that he had 
no doubt of Bonaparte's intention of coming to Paris, and that the 
best way to prevent him from doing so, would be for his majesty 
to remain. He recommended that his majesty should shut himself 
up in the Tuileries, and prepare to stand a siege; that the Duke 
d'Angouleme should go to Bordeaux, the Duke de Berri to La 
Vendue, and Monsieur to the Franche-Comt6; that they should 
set out in open day, and announce that they were going to collect 
defenders for his majesty. I did not concur in Marmont's opinion ; 
but it is certainly probable that, had Louis XVIII. remained in his 
palace, the defections which quickly took place would have been 
prevented. There can be no doubt, too, that Bonaparte would 
have hesitated before he attempted the siege of the Tuileries. 
While I rendered full justice to the recommendation of the Duke 
de Ragusa, I did not think that his advice could be followed. I 
opposed it, as I opposed all the other propositions that were made 
in the council as to the different places to which the king should 
retire. I myself recommended Lille as being the nearest and most 
secure, and consequently, in the present state of things, the safest 
asylum. It was after midnight when the council at the Tuileries 

40 



470 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

broke up, without coming to any decision ; it was agreed that the 
different opinions should be submitted to the king, in order that 
his majesty should adopt that which appeared to him the best. 
My opinion was adopted, but it was not acted upon until five 
days after. 

My appointment to the prefecture of police was, as has been 
seen, a late-thought-of measure, almost as late as Napoleon's 
proposition to send me as minister plenipotentiary to Switzerland. 
In accepting office, I was well aware that no effort could prevent 
the progress of the fast-approaching and menacing events. On 
being introduced into the royal cabinet, his majesty asked me 
what I thought of the situation of affairs? "I think, sire, that 
Bonaparte will be here in five or six days." — "Do you say so?" 
— "Yes, sire." — "But proper measures are taken, orders given, 
and the marshals are faithful to me." — "Sire, I suspect no man's 
fidelity; but I can assure your majesty that, as Bonaparte has 
landed, he will be here in eight days. I know him, and your 
majesty cannot know him as well as I do; but I can venture to 
assure your majesty, that he will not be here six months ; he will 
commit excesses which will ruin him." — "M. de Bourrienne, I 
augur better of events; but if misfortune compels me again to leave 
France, and your second prediction be fulfilled, you may rely upon 
me." During this conversation, the king appeared calm and 
resigned. 

On the following day, I again repaired to the Tuileries, and 
received orders to arrest twenty-five persons. I took the liberty 
to observe that it was perfectly useless to do so, and that it was 
calculated to produce an injurious effect at that critical moment. 
The reasons I urged had not the effect I desired ; but some relax- 
ation was made as to twenty-three, who were only to be placed 
under surveillance. Fouch6 and Davoust were ordered to be 
arrested without delay. The king repeatedly said, "I wish you to 
arrest Fouche." — " Sire, I beseech your majesty to consider the 
inutility of the measure." — "I am resolved upon Fouch^'s arrest; 
but I am sure you will fail, for Andr6 could not succeed." 

After this formal order from the king, I could but obey, although 
I had a great objection to do so. I communicated the order to 
M. Foudras, the inspector-general of the police, who very coolly 
observed, "Since we are to arrest him, you need not be afraid; we 
shall have him secure enough by to-morrow." The agents of 
police repaired to the hotel of the Duke of Otranto, and showed 
the warrant for his arrest, but he refused to surrender himself, as 
the warrant purported to be signed by the prefect of police when 
there was no such officer. In my opinion, Fouche was right; for 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 471 

my appointment had not been legally announced. On his refusal, 
application was made to the staff of the national guard for assist- 
ance. General Dessolles repaired to the Tuileries to receive the 
king's orders on the subject. Meanwhile, Fouch6 retained all his 
coolness, conversed with the agents of police, and pretending to 
step aside for some indispensable purpose, he opened a door which 
communicated with a dark passage, through which he escaped 
into the street, where he stepped into a coach, and drove off, leav- 
ing the agents of the police to seek after him in vain. This is the 
whole history of the famous arrest of Fouche. As for Davoust, 
he was my personal enemy; I therefore only ordered him to be 
looked after, that it might not be said that I acted towards him 
from a spirit of personal vengeance. 

On the 1 5th of March, the day on which the above circumstance 
occurred, I called upon M. de Blacas, and repeated to him what I 
had stated to the king on the certainty of Bonaparte's speedy 
arrival in Paris. I then mentioned that I considered it necessary 
to devote the short time still in our power to provide for the safety 
of the royalists, and to preserve public tranquillity until the depart- 
ure of the royal family. "You may beheve, count,'^ said I, "that, 
considering the important interests with which I am intrusted, I 
am not inclined to lose valuable time in arresting parties whose 
arrest would lead to nothing beyond serving to irritate public feel- 
ing." I then inquired what previous information he had obtained 
of Bonaparte's departure from Elba ? " The only thing which we 
know positively," replied the minister, "was by an intercepted 

letter, dated Elba, February 6th, which was addressed to a M. , 

neiir Grenoble ; but I can show it you." M. de Blacas opened the 
drawer of his writing-table, and took out the letter, which he gave 
to me. The writer thanked his correspondent for the information 
he had transmitted to the inmate at Elba, and went on to state 
that every thing was prepared for the departure; that the. first 
favourable opportunity would be seized for that purpose, but that it 
would be desirable first to receive answers to some questions con- 
tained in the letter. These questions referred to the regiments 
which had been sent to the south, and to the places of their can- 
tonment. It was inquired, whether the officers had been appointed 
as agreed on at Paris, and whether Labedoyere was at his post? 
concluding with the request, that precise answers should be given 
to the inquiries. On returning this letter to M. de Blacas, I 
remarked, that the contents of the letter called for the adoption of 
prompt measures, and asked what had been done? He answered, 
" That he had immediately sent a copy of the letter to M. d'Andr6, 
that orders might be given for arresting the individual to whom it 



472 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

was addressed." Having had an opportunity of closely observing 
the machinery of a vigilant and active government, I was amazed 
at the insufficiency of the measures adopted to defeat this well- 
planned conspiracy, and of the total negligence and weakness of 
the higher officers of state. 

When I entered upon my duties in the prefecture of police, the 
evil was already past remedy. The incorrigible emigrants required 
another lesson, and the momentary resui'rection of the empire was 
inevitable; but it could not last long. I constantly stated that 
Bonaparte would not remain six months in France. But if he was 
recalled, it was not owing to any attachment to his person ; nor 
was it from fidelity to the recollections of the empire, that a por- 
tion of France embraced his cause again. It had become the 
general wish to get rid of the imbecile counsellors, who thought 
they might treat France like a conquered country for the benefit 
of the emigrants. In this state of things, some looked upon Bona- 
parte as a liberator, but the greater part merely as an instrument. 
In this last character he was looked upon by the old republicans, 
and by a new generation, who had hitherto only beheld liberty in 
promises, and who were blind enough to believe that the idol of 
France would be restored by Napoleon. 

In February, 1815, when all the arrangements for t'he departure 
from Elba had been completed, Murat applied to the court of 
Vienna for permission to march through the Austrian provinces of 
Upper Italy an army destined for France. On the 26th of the 
same month, Napoleon escaped from Elba. These two facts have 
necessarily a close connection with each other; for however 
extravagant Murat's ideas might have been, he never could l^ave 
conceived it possible to compel the King of France, by force of 
arms, to recognise his claim to the crown of Naples. Since the 
return of Louis XVIII., the cabinet of the Tuileries had never 
regarded Murat in any other character than that of an usurper; 
and I know that the French plenipotentiaries at the congress of 
Vienna had special instructions to insist that the restoration of the 
throne of Naples in favour of the Bourbons of the Two Sicilies 
should be a consequence of the restoration of the throne of France. 
I likewise know that this demand was strongly resisted on the part 
of Austria, whose government had never viewed without extreme 
jealousy three European thrones in the occupation of the single 
Jiouse of Bourbon. Murat, therefore, was well aware of the part 
'he might play in France, by supporting the conspirators and the 
interests of Napoleon. Thus he daringly advanced to the banks 
of the Po, leaving his country and his capital exposed, and incur- 
ring, by this movement the hostility both of Austria and France. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 473 

It is incredible that he would have acted in this manner, unless 
he had previously been assured of a powerful diversion, and the 
assistance of Napoleon in his favour. There is a possibility, indeed, 
that Murat contemplated securing himself in Italy while the whole 
powers of Europe should be engaged anew with Napoleon ; but 
both suppositions lead to the same conclusion — that he was a party 
to the enterprise of Bonaparte. Murat, however, thus acting rather 
like an adventurer than a monarch, and having failed in an attack 
against the bridge of Occhio-Bello, was obliged to retreat, and by 
this ill-judged expedition ruined the great cause in which he was 
intended to cooperate. 

According to information which I received from authority on 
which I can rely, the following were the plans which Napoleon con- 
ceived at Elba. Almost immediately after his arrival in France, 
he was to order the marshals on whom he could rely to defend to 
the last extremity the entrance of the French territory, and the 
approaches to Paris, by manoeuvring within the triple line of for- 
tresses which gird the north and east of France. Davoust was 
set apart for the defence of Paris ; he was to arm the population 
of the suburbs, and to have besides twenty thousand men of the 
national guards at his disposal. Napoleon, not knowing well the 
situation of the allies, never supposed that they could concentrate 
their forces, and march against him so speedily as they did. He 
hoped to take them by surprise, and defeat their projects, by causing 
Murat to march upon Milan, and exciting insurrection in Italy. 
The Po once passed, and Murat approaching the capital of Italy, 
Napoleon, with the corps of Suchet, Brune, Grouchy, and Mas- 
sena, increased by troops sent by forced marches to Lyons, was to 
cross the Alps, and revolutionize Piedmont. There, having recruited 
his army from among the insurgents, and joined the Neapolitans 
at Milan, he was to proclaim the independence of Italy, unite the 
whole country under a single chief, and afterwards march, at the 
head of one hundred thousand men, upon Vienna, through the 
Julian Alps, across which victory had conducted him in 1797. 
This was not all; numerous emissaries, scattered through Poland 
and Hungary, were there to foment troubles, to raise the cry of 
independence, so as to alarm Russia and Austria. It must be con- 
fessed it would have been an extraordinary spectacle, to see Napo- 
leon giving liberty to Europe, in revenge for not having succeeded 
in enslaving her. 

By means of these bold manoeuvres and vast combinations, 
Napoleon had calculated upon assuming the initiative in military 
operations. Perhaps his genius was never more fully developed 
than in this vast conception, which was not matured in one day. 

40* 



474 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

This design, in fact, comprised the essence of all he had ever 
aspired to accomplish — embraced all the great enterprises which 
he had meditated from the first of his fields to his latest hour on 
the imperial throne. The final object alone was changed — from 
empire to liberty; but success would, in all probabiHty, have 
restored the original plan of his selfish ambition. According to 
this plan, he was to extend his military operations over a line of 
five hundred leagues, from Ostend to Vienna, by the Alps and Italy. 
He would thus have secured immense resources of every kind, 
would not only have prevented the Emperor of Austria from 
marching his troops against France, but, perhaps, have obliged him 
to terminate a war by which the hereditary states would exclu- 
sively suffer. Such was the bright prospect which presented itself 
to Napoleon, when he stepped on board the vessel which was to 
convey him from Elba to France. But the mad precipitation of 
Murat put Europe on the alert, and the brilliant illusion faded like 
a dream. 

After assuring myself that all was tranquil, and that the royal 
family were secure against every danger, I set out, alone, at four 
o'clock on the morning of the 20th of March, taking the road to 
Lille, where I arrived about midnight on the 21st, and found the 
gates closed, which obliged me to content myself with a miserable 
lodging in the suburbs for the night. 

On the 23d, Louis XVIII. arrived at Lille. His majesty also 
found the gates closed, and more than an hour elapsed before an 
order could be obtained for opening them; for the Duke of Orleans, 
who commanded the town, was inspecting the troops when his 
majesty arrived. The king was perfectly well received. There 
appeared some symptoms of defection; for it must be acknowl- 
edged that the officers of the old army had been completely sacri- 
ficed and passed over to favour the promotion of the returned 
emigrants; it was, therefore, very natural that the army should hail 
the return of a man who had so often led them to victory. 

It was Louis XVIII. 's decided wish to continue in France as 
long as he could ; but the Napoleon fever spread with such rapidity 
among the troops, that the garrison of Lille could not be depended 
upon. Marshal Mortier expressed to me his well-founded fears, 
and recommended me to urge the king to quit Lille speedily, in 
order to avoid any fatal consequence. At length, with great 
reluctance, the king consented to go to Ghent, and I left Lille the 
day before that fixed for his majesty's departiu'e. 

In September, 1814, the king had named me charge d'affaires 
from France to Hamburg; but not having received orders to 
repair to my post, I had not before mentioned it. However, when 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 475 

Louis XVIII. was on the point of leaving France, he thought my 
presence in Hamburg would prove useful to his interest. I set 
out immediately, and without reluctance, to a place where I was 
sure of finding many friends. Though thus removed from the 
immediate theatre of events, I continued to be informed of all 
important transactions. 

Bonaparte entered Paris on the 20th of March, about nine at 
night. Nothing could be more gloomy than his entry. The dark- 
ness was increased by a thick fog, the streets were almost deserted, 
and a vague feeling of terror prevailed almost generally in the 
capital. I had not an opportunity of observing the aspect of Paris 
during that memorable period, recorded in history by the name of 
the hundred days; but the letters which I received at the time, 
together with all that I afterwards heard, concurred in assuring 
.me that the capital never presented such a melancholy appearance 
as during this period. None had confidence in the duration of 
Napoleon's second reign; and it was said, without any reserve, 
that Fouche, while serving the usurpation, would surely betray it. 
Throughout the whole mass of society, fears for the future agi- 
tated men's minds, and discontent had become general. The 
sight of the federates who paraded the Faubourgs and the Boule- 
vards, shouting "Long live the republic!" and "Death to the roy- 
alists !" — their sanguinary songs — the revolutionary airs played in 
the theatres — all tended to produce a fearful stupor over the mind, 
and the issue of the impending events was anxiously looked for. 

One of the circumstances which, at the commencement of the 
hundred days, chiefly tended to open the eyes of those who were 
yet dazzled by the past glory of Napoleon, was the non-fulfilment 
of the promise which he made, that the empress and his son were 
to be restored to him immediately. It was evident that he could 
not count upon any ally; and in spite of the prodigious activity 
with which a new army was created, those persons must have 
been bhnd who could imagine the possibility of his triumphing 
over the whole of Europe, then evidently arming against him. I 
deplored the inevitable disasters which Bonaparte's bold enterprise 
would entail ; but I had such certain information respecting the 
intentions of the allies, and the spirit which influenced the pleni- 
potentiaries at Vienna, that I could not, for a moment, doubt the 
issue of the contest. 

When the first intelligence of Bonaparte's attempt was received 
at Vienna, the congress had made but little progress towards the 
final arrangement of aflTairs ; they had been proceeding with cau- 
tion, as their desire was to reconstruct a solid and durable order 
of things, after the violent storm which had agitated and shaken 



476 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

SO many thrones. Louis XVIII. had instructed his plenipotentia- 
ries to defend and support the principles of justice, and the law of 
nations, so as to secure the rights of all parties, and to prevent the 
chances of new wars. The congress was occupied on these 
important deliberations, when intelligence was received of Napo- 
leon's landing in the Gulf of Juan. The plenipotentiaries then 
signed the protocol of the conferences, and terminated the congress.* 



CHAPTER L. 

Assm-ance of Protection from Bonapai-te ; Recollection of old Persecutions ; Seals placed upon my 
Effects ; Useless Seai-ch ; Extracts from the Letters of M. de Tallejrand on the State of Affairs ; 
Napoleon prepai-es for Wai- ; departs for the Army ; Hostilities commence, and ai-e terminated by 
the Battle of Waterloo ; the King retm-ns to Paris ; my Departure from Hambm-g, and Anival at 
Pai-is ; Fouch6 Minister ; my Appointment as President of the Yonne, and Election as Deputy ; 
named Counsellor and Minister of State. 

On my arrival at Lille, and afterwards at Hamburg, I received 
letters from my family, which gave me an account of what had 
taken place at Paris since the return of Bonaparte. Two hours 
after my departure, Madame de Bourrienne also left Paris, accom- 
panied by her children, and proceeded to a retreat that had been 
prepared for her at about seven leagues from the capital. She left 
at my house in Paris, her sister, two of her brothers, and her friend 
the Countess Neuilly, who had resided with us since her return 
from emigration. 

On the very morning of our departure, namely, the 20th of 
March, General Berton, with whom I had always been on a foot- 
ing of friendship, and who was entirely devoted to Bonaparte, sent 
to request that Madame de Bourrienne would call upon him, as he 
had some most important business to communicate. My sister-in- 
law, accompanied by a friend, waited upon the general, who 
advised her to conjure me, above all things, not to follow the king ; 
he observed, that the cause of Louis XVIII. was utterly lost, and 
that I should do well to retire quickly into Burgundy, as there was 

* The instant that the news of Napoleon's daring movement reached Vienna, the 
congress published a proclamation in these words : " By breaking the convention which 
established him in Elba, Bonaparte destroys the only legal title on which his existence 
depended. By appearing again in France, with projects of confusion and disorder, he 
has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and manifested to the universe that 
there can be neither peace nor truce with him. The powers consequently declare, that 
Napoleon Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil and social relations, 
and that, as an enemy and disturber of the tranquillity of the world, he has rendered 
himself liable to Dublic vengeance." 



MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 477 

no doubt of my receiving the emperor's pardon. This assurance 
of a full and complete pardon was also communicated to my family, 
by order of Bonaparte, on the very day after his arrival in Paris, 
as well as the desire that I should retain my post in the prefecture 
of police. I was, I confess, very well pleased with these proofs of 
consideration, when they came to my knowledge ; but I did not, 
for a single moment, repent the course I had taken. I could not 
forget the intrigues of which I had been the object since 1811, nor 
the continual threats of arrest which, during that year, had not left 
me a moment's quiet; and it was not until 1814, that I was made 
acquainted with the real causes of the persecution to which I had 
been subjected. I had then communicated to me the following 
letter, the original copy of which is in my possession : 

"Monsieur le Due de Bassano: I send you some very important documents 
respecting the Sieur Bourrienne, and I beg you will make me a confidential report on 
them. Keep these documents for yourself alone. This business demands the greatest 
secresy. I am led to believe that Bourrienne has carried on a series of intrigues with 
London. Bring me the report on Tuesday. Napoleon. 

"Paris, December 25, 1811." 

I could then clearly perceive what hitherto had been enveloped 
in obscurity ; but I was not as yet made acquainted with the docu- 
ments mentioned in Napoleon's epistle ; but I afterwards learned 
they referred to some intercourse I had had at Hamburg with 
General Driesen, a warm partisan of Louis XVIII. 

I was shortly afterwards informed that seals were to be placed 
upon the effects of all the persons included in the decree of Lyons, 
and, consequently, upon mine. As soon as my wife received 
information of this, she quitted her retreat, and repaired to Paris to 
face the storm. On the 29th of March, at nine in the evening, the 
police agents presented themselves at my house. Madame de 
Bourrienne remonstrated against the measure, and at the unsea- 
sonable hour that was chosen for its execution ; but all was in vain, 
and there was no alternative but to be silent. It did not even end 
there ; for, during the month of May, seven persons were appointed 
to examine my papers. They behaved with great rudeness, and 
executed their commission with a rigour and severity exceedingly 
painful to my family. They carried their search so far as to exam- 
ine the pockets of my old clothes, and even to rip up the linings. 
All this was done in the hope of compromising me in the eyes of 
the new master of France ; but I was not to be caught in that way ; 
for, before leaving home, I had taken such precautions as to set my 
mind perfectly at rest. 

From Hamburg I wrote to M. de Talleyrand, acquainting him 
with my arrival. I received an answer, dated Vienna, April 19, 
1815, in which he informed me that the allied troops were approach- 



478 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

ing the French frontiers with all possible speed. " In the military- 
measures," he said, " the greatest energy and activity every where 
prevails. The Russian troops, who were on the Vistula, have 
arrived in Bohemia four days sooner than they were expected, and 
will reach the Rhine at the same time with the Austrian troops. 
It is expected that operations will commence about the middle of 
May, and the immense resources which have been combined, leave 
no doubt respecting the issue of events." In my new place of 
residence, I did not wnsh to multiply my correspondence unneces- 
sarily, and having rarely any thing of importance to communicate 
to M. de Talleyrand, I did not often address myself to him. In a 
second letter which I received from that minister, dated Vienna, 
March the 5th, he requested me to write oftener. In that letter 
he observed: 

"Since 5'ou received my communication of the 19th of April, you will have learned 
that the Duke d'Angouleme has been unable to maintain himself, as we hoped he 
would, in the southern provinces. France is, therefore, for the moment, entirely in the 
power of Bonaparte ; but hostihties will not be commenced against him for some time, 
as it is wished to attack him simultaneously on all points, and with great masses. The 
most perfect concord prevails among the powers with respect to the military measures. 
The war is carried on against Murat, with a success which warrants the hope that it 
will not be of long duration. He has applied twice for an armistice, which has been 
refused." 

I cannot afford a better idea of what was going on at Vienna, 
than by giving the above extracts from the letters of the first diplo- 
matist of Europe, for such M. de Talleyrand undoubtedly proved 
himself at that difficult period. At Vienna, as at Tilsit, he could 
not support himself upon the right of conquest ; his task was now 
to advocate the rights of the conquered, and yet he induced the 
allies to acknowledge, as a principle, the legitimacy of the throne 
of Naples in favour of a Bourbon prince, and at the same time 
prevented Prussia from aggrandizing herself too much at the 
expense of Saxony. 

Napoleon had no sooner reestablished himself in the Tuileries, 
than he commenced his preparations to meet the gigantic confed- 
eracy which was forming against him. "Carnot became once 
more minister of war; and what Napoleon and he, when labour- 
ing together in the reorganization of an army, could effect, had 
been abundantly manifested at the commencement of the consulate. 
The army cantoned in France, when Bonaparte landed at Cannes, 
numbered one hundred and seventy-five thousand; the cavalry 
had been greatly reduced : and the disasters of 1812, 1813, and 
1814, were visible in the miserable deficiency of military stores 
and arms, especially of artillery. By incredible exertions, not- 
withstanding the pressure of innumerable cares and anxieties of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 479 

all kinds, and although the temper of the nation prevented him 
from having recourse to the old method of conscription — the 
emperor, ere May was over, had three hundred and seventy-five 
thousand men in arms — including an imperial guard of forty 
thousand chosen veterans, in the most splendid state of equipment 
and discipline, a large and brilliant force of cavalry, and a train 
of artillery of proportional extent and excellence." He also made 
every effort by means of his diplomacy to induce the allies to 
recognise the integrity of Fraace, but without the least prospect 
of success. He therefore prepared for war. He had no intention 
to abide at home the onset of his enemies; but the situation of 
civil affairs prevented him from commencing his military opera- 
tions so soon as he could have wished — he met with difficulties 
which, in former days, were not used to perplex the opening of 
his campaigns. Therefore, after having presided at a great meet- 
ing in the Champ-de-Mai, on the first of June, and, three days 
after, having opened the sittings of the two chambers, he left Paris 
on the evening of the 11th of June to take the command of the 
army. He arrived at Vervins on the 12th, and assembled and 
reviewed at Beaumont on the 14th the whole of the army which 
had been prepared to act immediately under his orders. They 
had been carefully selected, and formed, perhaps, the most per- 
fect force, though far from the most numerous, with which he had 
ever taken the field. 

France and Europe were not kept long in suspense, for military 
operations commenced on the morning of the 15th, and the cam- 
paign and the war were decided by the great and sanguinary 
battle of Waterloo.* 

The fulfilment of my prediction was now at hand;t for the 
result of the battle of Waterloo enabled Louis XVIII. to return to 
his dominions. As soon as I heard of the king's departure from 
Ghent, I quitted Hamburg, and travelled with all possible expedi- 
tion, in the expectation that I should have been enabled to reach 
Paris in time to witness his majesty's entrance. I arrived at St. 
Denis on the 7th of July, and having resumed my uniform of a 
captain of the national guard, I proceeded immediately to the 
king's palace. The saloon was filled with ladies and gentlemen 
who had come to congratulate the king on his return. 

At St. Denis I found my family, who, not being aware that I 
had left Hamburg, were much surprised to see me. They informed 

* For an account of the military operations connected with the campaign of 1815, 
see Appendix, chap. i. 

t The reader will recollect that while Louis XVIII. was at Lille, previous to his 
departure from France, I mentioned to his majesty my conviction that he would be 
restored to his throne before six months. 



480 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

me that the Parisians were all impatient for the return of the king, 
a fact of which I could judge by the opposition made to the free 
expression of public opinion. Paris having been declared in a 
state of blockade, the gates were closed, and no one was allowed 
to leave the capital without permission. It is true, this permission 
could be obtained with tolerable ease, but the forms to be observed 
were such as to deter the mass of the people from proceeding to 
St. Denis to meet the king at his public entry. As it had been 
resolved to force upon the king Fouche and the tri-coloured cock- 
ade, it was attempted to keep away from his majesty all who 
might persuade him to resist the proposed measure. The king, 
however, resolutely refused to permit the tri-coloured cockade to 
be adopted; but he conceded to appoint Fouche his minister of 
police. It has been confidently stated, that Wellington was the 
person by whose influence in particular Fouche was made one of 
the counsellors of the king. After all the benefits which foreigners 
have conferred upon us, Fouche was, indeed, an acceptable pres- 
ent to France and to the king! 

I was not ignorant of the influence of the Duke of Wellington 
upon the second restoration; but for a long time I refused to 
believe that his influence should have outweighed all the serious 
considerations opposed to such a perfect anomaly as appointing 
Fouche the minister of a Bourbon. But I was deceived. France 
and the king owed to him Fouche's introduction into the council, 
and I had to thank him for the impossibility of my resuming a 
situation which I had relinquished to follow the king into Belgium. 
The king could not otFer me the place of prefect of police under 
one whom, a short time before, I had received orders to arrest, 
but who had eluded my agents. That was impossible. There- 
fore, I was right in not relying on the assurances which had been 
given me; but I confess that, if I had been told to guess the cause, 
I never could have supposed that it arose from Fouche being 
appointed as a minister of the King of France." Fouche minister 
of the police! If, like Don Juan, I had seen a statue move, I 
could not have been more confounded than when I heard this 
news. I could not credit it until it was repeated to me by different 
persons. How, indeed, could I think that, at the moment of a 
reaction, the king should have intrusted the most important min- 
isterial department to a man to whose arrest he had, a hundred 
days before, attached so much importance — to a man, moreover, 
whom Bonaparte had appointed at Lyons to fill the same office. 
This was impossible! Thus, in less than twenty-four hours, the 
same man had been intrusted to execute measures the most oppo- 
site, and, to some interests, the most contradictory. He was one 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 481 

day the minister of usurpation, and the next the minister of 
legitimacy ! 

Having returned to private life solely on account of Fouch^'s 
presence in the ministry, I yielded to that consolation which is 
always left to the discontented. I watched the extravagance and 
inconsistency which was passing around me, and the new follies 
which were every day committed ; and it must be confessed, that 
a rich and varied picture was presented to my observation. The 
king did not bring back M. de Blacas; he yielded to prudent 
advice, and, on arriving at Mons, he sent the unlucky minister as 
his ambassador to Naples. 

Vengeance had been talked of, and there were some inconsider- 
ate persons who wished to avail themselves of the presence of 
foreigners to put what they called "an end to the revolution;" as 
if there were any other means of effecting that object than by 
frankly adopting whatever good the revolution had produced! 
The foreigners observed with pleasure the disposition of these 
foolish persons, as they thought it might turn to their own advan- 
tage.. The truth is, that on the second restoration our pretended 
allies proved themselves our enemies. 

But for them — but for their bad conduct — their insatiable exac- 
tions — but for the humiliation which was felt at seeing foreign 
cannon planted in the streets of Paris, and beneath the very win- 
dows of the palace — the days which followed the 8th July might 
have been considered by the royal family as a period of rejoicing. 
Every day people thronged to the Tuileries, and expressed their 
joy by singing and dancing under the king's windows. This 
ebullition of feeling might perhaps be considered absurd ; but it at 
least bore evidence of the pleasure caused by the return of the 
Bourbons. These manifestations of joy, however, became dis- 
pleasing to Fouche, and he determined to put a stop to them, lest 
it might be supposed that his services could be dispensed with. 
Wretches were hired to mingle with the crowd, and to sprinkle 
destructive acids upon the dresses of the females, and to commit 
acts of indecency, to prevent respectable people from visiting the 
gardens of the Tuileries, through fear of being insulted or injured. 
Thus, by such means, he contrived to make it be believed, that he 
was the only person capable of preventing the disturbances of 
which he himself was the author. He got the police of the Tuil- 
eries under his control, and the singing and dancing ceased, and 
the palace was the scene of dullness. 

While the king was at Saint Denis, he reappointed General 
Dessolles to the command of the national guard. The general 
ordered the barriers to be immediately removed. On the arrival 
Ff 41 



482 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

of the king in Paris, he determined to surround the throne by a 
privy council; the members of which were to consist of the princes, 
and such persons as his majesty might appoint at a future period. 
He then named his new ministry, which was thus composed: 

Prince Talleyrand, peer of France, president of the council of ministers, and secretary 

of state for foreign affairs. 
Baron Louis, minister of finance. 
The Duke of Otranto, minister of police. 
Baron Pasquier, minister of justice, and keeper of the seals. 
Marshal Gouvion Saint-Cyr, minister of war. 
Count de Jaucourt, peer of France, minister of the marine. 
The Duke de Richelieu, peer of France, minister of the king's household. 

The portfolio of the minister of the interior, which was not 
immediately disposed of, was provisionally intrusted to the minis- 
ter of justice. Great satisfaction was expressed on the appoint- 
ment of Marshal Macdonald to the chancellorship of the legion of 
honour, in place of M. de Pradt. M. de Chabrol resumed the pre- 
fecture of the Seine, and M. de M0I6 was made director-general 
of bridges and highways ; I was superseded in the prefecture of 
police by M. de Gazes, and M. Ferrand became director-general 
of the post-office. 

In the month of August, the king having resolved to convoke a 
new chamber of deputies, I was appointed president of the elect- 
oral college of the department of the Yonne. As soon as I was 
informed of my nomination, I waited on M. de Talleyrand to 
receive instructions, but he told me that, in conformity with the 
king's directions, I was to receive my orders from the minister of 
police. I observed, that I had a great objection to wait upon 
Fouch^ on account of the situation in which we stood with refer- 
ence to each other. "Go to him, go to him," said M. de Talley- 
rand; "be assured he will not take any notice of it." I did so, 
and was very much surprised at my reception. He received me 
as a man would be expected to receive an intimate friend that he 
had not seen for a long time. On reflection, I was not surprised 
at his conduct, for I was well aware that Fouch6 could make his 
hatred give way to necessity ; he said not a word about his arrest; 
and, on my asking for instructions respecting the elections of the 
Yonne, he merely desired me to get myself nominated, if I could, 
and to use my influence to exclude General Desfournaux. "Any 
thing else," said he, " is a matter of indifference to me." — " What 
is your objection to him?" — "The ministry will not have him." 
I was about to depart, when he called me back, and entered into 
a long conversation respecting the first return of the Bourbons, 
which it is not necessary here to describe, otherwise than that he 
spoke of them with great disrespect ; indeed, it was impossible to 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 483 

carry indecorum of language farther than he did. He spoke of 
the royal family in such terms of contempt, that he appeared like 
a bold conspirator, or a perfidious seducer, rather than as a minis- 
ter of the king. I could almost have fancied he was attempting 
to practice upon me the treachery of which Joseph Bonaparte had 
once made.me the dupe at Fouche's house ; or, in other words, that 
he was playing the part of a spy ; but knowing, as I did, his odious 
principles, I felt that he was giving utterance to his real sentiments. 
I then broke off this extraordinary conversation. 

I conceived it my duty to make the king acquainted with the 
conversation I had had with his minister of police; and as there 
was now no Count de Blacas to keep truth and good advice from 
his majesty's ear, I was, on my first solicitation, admitted to a pri- 
vate interview. The king thanked me for my communication, 
and I could perceive that he was convinced that, by retaining 
Fouch6 any longer, he would become the victim of the minister 
who had been forced upon him on the 7th of July. The disgi-ace 
of the Duke of Otranto speedily followed, and I had the satisfaction 
of having contributed to repair one of the evils inflicted'on France 
by the Duke of Wellington. 

Soon after my audience with the king, I set off to discharge my 
duties in the department of the Yonne, and I obtained the honour 
of being elected to represent my countrymen in the chamber of 
deputies. My colleague was M. Randot, a man who, in very try- 
ing circumstances, had given proofs of his attachment to the king's 
government. 

After my election, I returned to Paris, but took no part in public 
affairs. I was grieved to see the government resort to measures 
of severity to punish faults which it would have been better policy 
to attribute to the unfortunate circumstances of the times. No 
consideration can ever make me cease to regret the memory of 
Marshal Ney, who was sacrificed to the influence of foreigners. 
Their object, as Blucher intimated to me, was to disable France 
from engaging in new wars for a long time; and they hoped to 
accomplish that object, by stirring up between the government 
and the army that discord which the sacrifice of Ney was calcu- 
lated to produce. I have no positive proof of the fact, but, in my 
opinion, Ney's life was a pledge of gratitude which Fouch(S con- 
sidered he must offer to that influence which made him minister. 

In the month of August, I was named by the king a counsellor 
of state, and, in the following month, I was appointed a minister 
of state and member of the privy council. I may close this volume 
by relating a circumstance connected with the last-mentioned 
nomination, which I felt as very flattering to me. The king had 



484 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

directed M. de Talleyrand, as president of the council, to present 
to him a list of such persons as he deemed suitable as' members of 
the privy council. The king, having read the list, said to his min- 
ister, "But, M. de Talleyrand, I do not see the names of two of 
our best friends, Bourrienne and Alexis de Noailles." — "Sire, I 
considered that their nomination would seem more flattering in 
coming directly from your majesty." The king then added my 
name, as well as that of the Count Alexis de Noailles, to the list; 
so that our names are written in Louis XVIII.'s own hand in the 
original ordinance. 

t have now brought to a termination my narrative of the extra- 
ordinary and important events in which I have taken a part, either 
as an act or as a spectator, and of which, at present, little more 
than the mere recollection remains. 



EXX> OF BOl'KRIEXXE'S NAFOLEON. 



APPEIDIX 



EMBRACING 



THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF NAPOLEON'S LITE, FEOM 1815 TO 1821; WITH AN 

ACCOUNT OF HIS DEATH AT ST. HELENA, OF THE EXHUMATION OF HIS 

REMAINS IN 1840, AND OF THEIR FINAL DISPOSITION EST PARIS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Preliminaiy Remarks ; Situation of France and Belgium ; the Duke of Wellington at Brassels ; 
Rapid Concentration of an Army by Napoleon ; Blucher assembles his Army ; Encounter at 
Quatre-bras ; Details of the Battle of Waterloo ; its Disastrous Results to the French ; the English 
and Prussians equally entitled to the Honours of the Victory. 

In assuming the task of finishing what Bourrienne has left undone, 
the editor deems it unnecessary to premise, that he shall be com- 
pelled to draw mainly on works with which the reading public are 
already familiar. While he aims to embody every fact that can 
be considered interesting, he will also be careful that the splenetic 
remarks which are indulged in by some of the biographers of 
Napoleon, shall not be perpetuated through the medium of this 
edition. The many wilful misrepresentations which pride, or ava- 
rice, or ambition, have induced some writers to make, have lost 
their effect, if they ever had any, through the agency and develop- 
ments of time itself; and every individual may now calmly contem- 
plate the brilliant career of " the greatest captain of his age" and 
draw his own conclusions as to his relative merits and deficiencies. 

Perhaps no prominent events in modern history have been more 
productive of misrepresentation than the events which succeeded 
Napoleon's return from Elba. In relation to the Battle of Water- 
loo, in particular, the details published at the time, and during some 
years after, are for the most part deliberate, and often preposterous, 
falsifications — suited to the feelings of the writers, and the feel- 
ings and prejudices of the nations to which they were expressly 
addressed. 

Among the authors who have published their '^Remarks" to the 
world, is Captain John W. Pringle, of the Royal Engineers; and 
he is now generally admitted to have given a more impartial 

41* 



486 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

account than most other writers who have ventured upon the sub- 
ject. He makes no pretensions to giving any new matter upon a 
topic ah'eady so much discussed, but merely presents some facts 
and considerations w:hich have not been, perhaps, fully or fairly 
appreciated. As he embraces every incident of interest in the 
memorable campaign of 1815, we subjoin his statement in detail, 
which is as follows : 

France, as is well known, is, on the Belgian frontier, studded with 
fortresses. Belgium, on the contrary, is now defenceless. The numer- 
ous fortresses in the Low Countries, so celebrated in our former wars, 
had been dismantled in the reign of the Emperor Joseph ; and their 
destruction completed by the French, when they got possession of the 
country at the battle of Fleurus, 1794, with the exception of Antwerp, 
Ostend, and Nieuport, which they had kept up on account of their 
marine importance. These circumstances placed the two parties in very 
diiferent situations, both for security, and for facility of preparing and 
carrying into execution the measures either for attack or defence. 

It may be well supposed, that the general impression in Belgium was, 
that Bonaparte would lose no time in endeavouring to regain a country 
which he considered as almost part of France ; important to him for the 
resources it would have afforded, and perhaps still more so, as it would 
deprive his enemies of so convenient a base of operations for the pre- 
paration of the means for attacking France. The discontent in Belgium, 
and the Prussian provinces on the Rhine, also ainong the Saxon troops 
who had served in his army, was known. The mutinous spirit of these 
troops appeared to be in concert with the movements of the French 
forces on the frontiers ; so much so, that they were disarmed and sent to 
the rear. In the former, the discontent was particularly favoured by 
the number of French officers and soldiers, who had been discharged as 
aliens from the French army, in which they had served nearly since the 
Revolution, and now gave themselves little care to conceal their real 
sentiments and attachments. The flight of Louis from Lille, through 
Flanders, added to this feeling in Belgium — such appeared to be the pre- 
vailing spirit. The force the British had to keep it in check, and resist 
an invasion, amounted only to six thousand or seven thousand men, under 
the orders of Sir Thomas Graham, consisting chiefly of second battal- 
ions, hastily collected, a great portion of our best troops not having yet 
A'turned from America. There were also in Belgium the German 
legion, together with eight thousand to ten thousand men of the new 
Hanoverian levies. The organization of the Belgian troops had been 
just commenced, so that the force of the Prince of Orange might amount 
to about twenty thousand men. The Prussian General Kleist, who com- 
manded on the Rhine and Meuse, had thirty thousand men, afterwards 
augmented to fifty thousand, which, however, included the Saxons. 

The intelligence of Napoleon having landed at Cannes on the 1st of 
March, reached Brussels on the 9th. Preparations were immediately 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 487 

made for the defence of the country. The British troops under General 
Clinton concentrated, with their allies, near Ath, Mons, and Tournay ; 
and these places, with Ypres, Ghent, and Oudenarde, were ordered to be 
put in a state of defence consistently with the exigencies of the moment. 
To effect this, every use was made of what remained of the old fortifi- 
cations. New works were added, and advantage was taken of the great 
system of defence in that country, which is generally under the level of 
some canal, or the sea, and consequently capable of being inundated. 
The sluices which commanded the inundations were covered by strong 
redoubts. 

About twenty thousand labourers, called in by requisitions on the 
country, were daily employed on the works, in addition to the working 
parties furnished by the troops. The necessary artillery and stores 
were supplied from England and Holland. Troops arrived daily, and 
were immediately moved to the frontiers, whence, from the movements 
that were constantly taking place, it is probable that exaggerated 
accounts were transmitted to the enemy. By these vigorous and prompt 
measures, confidence became restored — the panic among the people of 
Belgium was removed — they saw that their country was not to be given 
up without a severe struggle — it fixed the wavering, and silenced the 
disaffected. In less than a month, most of the frontier places were safe 
from a coup-de-main. 

The Duke of Wellington had arrived at Brussels from Vienna early 
in April, and immediately inspected the frontier and the fortresses ; after 
which, he agreed on a plan of operations with the Prussians, by which 
they concentrated their troops along the Sambre and Meuse, occupying 
Charleroi, Namur, and Liege, so as to be in communication with his 
left. The Prussians had repaired the works round Cologne, which 
assured their communications with Prussia, and gave them a tete-du- 
pont on the Rhine. Reference to the map will show that the canton- 
ments of the Prussians, along the Sambre and Meuse, enabled them to 
act in concert with our army ; to cover their line of communication with 
Prussia ; and to move rapidly into the provinces of the Moselle, in the 
event of the enemy advancing from Metz. 

The Russians were to have come into the line at Mayence, but they 
did not reach the Rhine until June, and then only the first corps ; so 
that, for the present, a gap existed from the Prussian left at Dinant, to 
the Austi'o-Bavarian right at Manheim. 

It was an important object to cover Brussels ; and it is to be consid- 
ered that this city forms, as it were, a centre to a large portion of the 
French frontier, extending about seventy miles from the Lys to the 
Meuse, viz : from Menin to Philipville or Givet ; that it is about fifty 
miles distant from these extreme points; and that it was necessary to 
guard the entrance from France by Tournay, Mons, and Charleroi ; and 
also to prevent Ghent, a very important place, from being attacked from 
Lille. Bonaparte appears to have attached much importance to the 
occupation of Brussels, as appears by the bulletins found ready printed 



488 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

in his baggage, which was captured. It was, therefore, of much import- 
ance, in every point of view, to prevent even a temporary occupation of 
this city, and this could only be done by risking an action in front of it. 

Some movements were observed on the French frontier, between 
Lille and Berguer, as if preparing for offensive operations, about the end 
of March, at which period the troops cantoned near Menin had orders, 
after making due resistance, and destroying the bridge on the Lys, to 
fall back on Coutrai, their point of assembling; and then, after such a 
resistance as would not compromise their safety in retreat, to endeavour 
to ascertain the object of the enemy's movements, and give time for the 
troops to assemble. They were to retire on Oudenarde and Ghent, 
opening the sluices and extending the inundation. About the beginning 
of May, similar movements were also observed, but less was then to be 
apprehended, since, by the advanced state of the works at Tournay, the 
t^te-du-pont at Oudenarde and Ghent, we then commanded the Scheldt, 
and could have assumed the offensive. 

Great credit is undoubtedly due to Napoleon for the mode in which 
he concealed his movements, and the rapidity with which he concen- 
trated his army. The forced marches he was obliged to make, appear, 
however, to have paralyzed his subsequent movements, from the fatigue 
his troops underwent. The army he commanded were mostly old sol 
diers of the same nation, under a single chief. The allied armies were 
composed of different nations, a great portion of young levies, and under 
two generals, each of such reputation as not likely to yield great defer 
ence to the other. 

On the night of the 14th of June, the French army bivouacked in 
three divisions, as near the frontier as possible, without being observed 
by the Prussians ; the left at Ham-sur-heure, the centre at Beaumont, 
where the head-quarters were established, and the right at Philipville. 

At three o'clock A. M., on the 15th of June, the French army crossed 
the frontier in three columns, dii'ected on Marchiennes, Charleroi, and 
Chatelet. The Prussian out-posts were quickly driven in ; they, how- 
ever, maintained their ground obstinately at three points, until eleven 
o'clock, when General Ziethen took up a position at Gilly and Gosselies, 
in order to check the advance of the enemy, and then retired slowly on 
Fleurus, agreeably to the orders of Marshal Blucher, to allow time for 
the concentration of his army. The French army was formed on the 
night of the 15th, in three columns, the left at Gosselies, the centre near 
Gilly, and the right at Chatelet. Two corps of the Prussian army occu- 
pied the position at Sombref, on the same night, where they were joined 
by the first corps, and occupied St. Amand, Bry, and Ligny ; so that, 
notwithstanding all the exertions of the French, at a moment when time 
was of such importance, they had only been able to advance about fifteen 
English miles during the day, with nearly fifteen hours of day-light. 
The corps of Ziethen had suffered considerably, but he had effected his 
orders ; so that Marshal Blucher was enabled to assemble three corps 
of his army, eighty thousand men, in position early on the 15th, and his 
fourth corps was on its march to join him that evening. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 489 

The Duke of Wellington seems to have expected an attack by the Mons 
chaussee, and on his first receiving information of the enemy's move- 
ments, merely ordei'ed his troops to hold themselves in readiness ; this 
was on the evening of the 15th of June, at six o'clock. Having obtained 
farther intelligence about eleven o'clock, which confirmed the real attack 
of the enemy to be along the Sambre, orders were immediately given 
for the troops to march upon Quatre-bras. 

The Duke of Wellington arrived at Quatre-bras on the 16th, at an 
early hour, and immediately proceeded to Bry, to concert measures with 
Marshal Blucher, for arranging the most efficient plan of support. It 
appeared at that time, that the whole French attack would be directed 
against the Prussians, as considerable masses of the enemy were in 
movement in their front. 

The object of the enemy on the 16th, as may be seen by the general 
orders of Napoleon, communicated by Soult to Ney and Grouchy, was 
to turn the Prussian right, by driving the British from Quatre-bras, and 
then to march down the chaussee upon the Bry, and thus to separate the 
armies. For this purpose, Ney was detached with forty-three thousand 
men. The plan was excellent, and if Ney had been successful, would 
have led to important results. After obtaining possession of Quatre- 
bras, he was to have detached part of his forces to attack the Prussian 
right flank in the rear of St. Amand, while Bonaparte was making the 
chief attack on that village, the strongest in the position, and at the same 
time keeping the whole Prussian line engaged. Half of Ney's force 
was left in reserve near Frasnes, to be in readiness to support the attacks 
on Quatre-bras or St. Amand, and in the event of both succeeding, to 
turn the Prussian right, by marching direct on Wagnele or Bry. 

The village of St. Amand was well defended ; it formed the strength 
of the Prussian right, and from the intersection of several gardens and 
hedges, was very capable of defence, although so much in advance of 
the rest of the Prussian position. After a continued attack for two hours, 
the enemy had only obtained possession of half the village of St. Amand, 
and a severe attack was made upon Ligny, which was taken and retaken 
several times. At this time Bonaparte sent for the corps of reserve left 
by Ney at Frasnes; before, however, it reached St. Amand, in conse- 
quence of the check they had sustained at Quatre-bras, it was counter- 
marched, and from this circumstance became of little use either to Bona- 
parte or Ney. Bonaparte having observed the masses of troops which 
Blucher had brought up behind St. Amand, appears to have changed the 
disposition of his reserves, who were marching upon St. Amand, and moved 
them towards the right, to attack the Prussian centre at Ligny, which 
they succeeded in forcing, and so obtained possession of that village. 
It was now nine o'clock, about dark, which prevented the French from 
advancing farther, and they contented themselves with the occupation 
of Ligny. The Prussians did not evacuate Bry before three o'clock 
A. M. on the 17th. In the course of the night, the Prussians fell back 
on Tilly and Gembloux. The loss of the Prussians, according to their 



490 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

own account, amounted to fourteen thousand men and fifteen pieces of 
artillery : the French official account, in the Moniteur, says fifteen thou- 
sand. The French acknowledge to have lost seven thousand. 

The force of the enemy, at the time the Duke of Wellington left 
Quatre-bras to communicate with Blucher, appeared so Aveak that no 
serious attack was at that time to be apprehended ; but on his return to 
that position, about three o'clock, he found they had assembled a large 
force at Frasnes, and were preparing for an attack, which was made 
about half-past three o'clock by two columns of infantry, and nearly 
all their cavalry, supported by a heavy fire of artillery. The force at 
that time under his orders, was seventeen thousand infantry and two 
thousand cavalry, of which about four thousand five hundred were British 
infantry ; the rest, Hanoverians, Belgians, and Nassau troops. They 
at first obtained some success, driving back the Belgian and Brunswick 
cavalry ; their cavalry penetrated among our infantry before they had 
quite time to form squares, and forced part of it to retire into the adjoin- 
ing wood ; they were, however, repulsed. At this period of the action, 
the third British division, under General Alton, arrived about four o'clock, 
soon after the action had commenced. They consisted of about six 
thousand three hundred men, and were composed of British, King's 
German legion, and Hanoverians. Tliey had some difficulty in main- 
taining their ground, and one regiment lost a colour. They succeeded, 
however, in repelling the enemy from the advanced points he had 
gained at the farm of Gemincourt and the village of Pierremont. 

Ney still, however, occupied part of the wood of Bossu, which 
extends from Quatre-bras, on the right of the road towards Frasnes, to 
the distance of about a mile. This favoured an attack on the right of 
our position, which he accordingly made, after having been repulsed on 
the left. At this moment the division of General Cooke (guards), four 
thousand strong, arrived from Enghien, and materially assisted to repel 
this attack, which, after considerable exertions, was done, and the enemy 
driven back upon Frasnes, in much confusion. This affair was severely 
contested, and, though the enemy were repulsed, the loss on each side 
was nearly equal, owing to the superiority of the French in artillery. 
The loss, however, inflicted on the French by the fire of musketry, 
which their attacking columns were exposed to, was very considerable, 
and counterbalanced the advantage they derived from their artillery. It 
required great exertions to maintain the important post of Quatre-bras, 
in the present relative situations of the two armies. If Ney had advanced 
as rapidly as Bonaparte says he might have done, he would have obtained 
his object. 

But even had Ney got possession of Quatre-bras at an early hour, he 
would scarcely have been able to detach any sufficient force against the 
Prussians, seeing, as he must have done, or at least ought to have 
calculated, that the British forces were arriving rapidly on the point 
which we suppose him to have occupied. The British could have 
still retreated on Waterloo, and been concentrated on the 17th at that 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 491 

position ; and there was nothing to prevent the Prussians tetreating on 
Wavres, as they afterwards did. Bonaparte did not gain possession of 
Quatre-bras until the forenoon of the 17th. He had sustained a severe 
check with one part of his army, and gained an indecisive action with 
the other ; the loss of the allies not exceeding his own, while they had 
the advantage of retiring leisurely on their resources and reinforcements, 
and by the retreat, gave up no place or position now of consequence to 
the pursuing enemy. The result of the operations of the 16th produced 
no important consequences to the French. The celebrated engineer, 
General Rogniat, does not hesitate to term it an indecisive action. The 
success of the British in repelling the attack of Quatre-bras, tended to 
make them meet the renewed attack at Waterloo with more confidence, 
and probably had a contrary effect on the enemy ; while the manner in 
which the Prussian corps of Thielmann received the attack of Grouchy 
on the 18th, who had superior forces, showed how little the confidence 
of the Prussians had been shaken by the action at Ligny. 

The outline of the operations, and the strategic on the part of Napoleon 
to separate the two armies, was no doubt finely conceived, and, as we 
have seen, was nearly successful : yet it is presumed that, had it been 
so, even to the extent Bonaparte could hope or expect, the allies had still 
a safe retreat and sufficient resources. On all sides it was a calculation 
of hours. It is hardly possible to know the point an enterprising enemy 
means to attack, especially on so extended a line, and here the assailant 
has the advantage. 

The spirited manner in which the allied marshals adhered to their 
plans of defence previously agreed on, and extricated themselves from 
the difficulties which they found themselves placed in, by the sudden 
and vigorous attack they had to sustain, and which their distinct com- 
mands tended rather to inci'ease, must command admiration. 

On the morning of the 17th, the British troops remained in possession 
of Quatre-bras, where the rest of the army had joined the Duke of 
Wellington, who prepared to maintain that position against the French 
army, had the Prussians remained in the position of Ligny, so as to 
give him support. 

Marshal Blucher had sent an aid-de-camp to inform the duke of his 
retreat, who was unfortunately killed ; and it was not until seven o'clock 
on the 17th, that Lord Wellington learned the direction which the Prus- 
sians had taken. The Prussians had fallen back very leisurely on 
Wavres, their rear-guard occupying Bry, which they did not evacuate 
before three o'clock on the morning of the 17th. The retrograde move- 
ment of the Prussians rendered a corresponding one necessary an the 
part of the British, which was performed in the most leisurely manner, 
the duke allowing the men time to finish their cooking. About ten 
o'clock the whole army retired, in three columns, by Genappe and 
Nivelles, towards a position at Waterloo. 

As the troops arrived in position in front of Mont St. Jean, they took 
up the ground they were to maintain, which was effected early in the 



492 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

evening. The weather began to be veiy severe at this period. The 
whole French army, under Bonaparte, with the exception of two corps 
under Grouchy (thirty-two thousand men, and one hundred and eight 
guns) took up a position immediately in front ; and, after some cannon- 
ading, both armies remained opposite to each other during the night, the 
rain falling in torrents. The duke had already communicated with 
Marshal Btucher, who promised to come to his support with the whole 
of his army, on the morning of the 18th. It was consequently decided 
upon to cover Brussels (the preservation of which was of such import- 
ance, in every point of view, to the King of the Netherlands), by main- 
taining the position of Mont St. Jean. The intention of the allied chiefs, 
if tliey were not attacked on the 18th, was to have attacked the enemy 
on the 19th. 

The morning of the 18th, and part of the forenoon, were passed by 
the enemy in a state of supineness, for which it was difficult to account. 
The rain had certainly retarded his movements, more particularly that 
of bringing his artillery into position ; yet it was observed that this had 
been accomplished at an early hour. Grouchy has given, as a reason, 
that Napoleon's ammunition had been so much exhausted in the pre- 
ceding actions, that there was only a sufficiency with the army for an 
action of eight hours. The heavy fall of rain on the night of the 17th, 
was no doubt more disadvantageous to the enemy than to the troops 
under Lord Wellington ; the latter were in position, and had few move- 
ments to make ; while the enemy's columns, and particularly his cav- 
alry, were much fatigued and impeded by the state of the ground, which, 
with the trampled corn, caused them to advance more slowly, and kept 
them longer under fire. On the other hand, the same causes delayed 
the Prussians in their junction, which they had promised to effect at 
eleven o'clock, and obliged Lord Wellington to maintain the position 
alone, nearly eight hours longer than had been calculated upon. 

About twelve o'clock, the enemy commenced the action by an attack 
upon Hougomont, with several columns, preceded by numerous light 
troops, who, after severe skirmishing, drove the Nassau troops from the 
wood in its front, and established themselves in it. 

During the early part of the day, the action was almost entirely con- 
fined to this part of the line, except a galling fire of artillery along the 
centre, which was vigorously returned by our guns. This fire gradu- 
ally extended towards the left, and some demonstrations of an attack of 
cavalry were made by the enemy. As the troops were drawn up on 
the slope of the hill, they suffered most severely from the enemy's 
artillery. In order to remedy this. Lord Wellington moved them back 
about one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards, to the reverse slope 
of the hill, to shelter them from the direct fire of the guns; our artillery 
in consequence remained in advance, that they might see into the valley. 
This movement was made between one and two o'clock by the duke in 
person ; it was general along the front or centre of the position, on the 
height to the right of La Haye Sainte. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 403 

It is by no means improbable, that the enemy considered this move- 
ment as the commencement of a retx'eat, since a considerable portion of 
our troops were withdrawn from his sight, and determined in consequence 
to attack our left centre, in order to get possession of the buildings called 
Ferme de M^ St. Jean, or of the village itself, which commanded the 
point of junction of the two chaussees. The attacking columns advanced 
on the Genappe chaussee, and by the side of it ; they consisted of four 
columns of infantry (d'Erlon's corps, which was not engaged on the 16th), 
thirty pieces of artillery, and a large body of cuirassiers (Milhaud's). 
On the left of this attack, the French cavalry took the lead of the 
infantry, and had advanced considerably, when the Duke of Wellington 
ordered the heavy cavalry (Life Guards) to charge them as they 
ascended the position near La Haye Sainte. They were driven back 
on their own position, where the chaussee, being cut into the rising 
ground, leaves steep banks on either side. In this confined space they 
fought at swords' length for some minutes, until the enemy brought 
down some light artillery from the heights, when the British cavalry 
retired to their own position. The loss of the cuirassiers did no appear 
great. They seemed immediately to reform their ranks, and soon after 
advanced to attack our infantry, who were formed into squares to receive 
them, being then unsupported by cavalry. The columns of infantry in 
the meantime pushed forward on our left of the Genappe chausse, beyond 
La Haye Sainte, which they did not attempt in this attack to take. A 
Belgian brigade of infantry, formed in front, gave way, and these columns 
crowned the position ; when Sir Thomas Picton moved up the brigade 
of General Pack from the second line (the ninety.second regiment in 
front), which opened a fire on the column just as it gained the height, and 
advanced upon it ; when within thirty yards, the column began to hesitate ; 
at this moment a brigade of heavy cavalry (first and second dragoons) 
wheeled round the ninety-second regiment, and took the column in flank ; 
a total rout ensued : the Fi'ench, throwing down their arms, ran into our 
position to save themselves from being cut down by the cavalry ; many 
were killed, and two eagles, with two thousand prisoners, taken. But 
the cavalry pursued their success too far, and being fired upon by one of 
the other columns, and at the same time, when in confusion, being 
attacked by some French cavalry, who had been sent to support the 
attack, the British were obliged to retire with considerable loss. In this 
attack the enemy had brought forward several pieces of artillery, which 
were captured by our cavalry ; the horses in the guns were killed, and 
we were obliged to abandon the guns. General Ponsonby, who com- 
manded the cavalry, was killed. The gallant Sir Thomas Picton also 
fell, leading on his division to repel this attack. From this period, half- 
past two, until the end of the action, the British cavalry were scarcely 
engaged, but remained in readiness in the second line. After the French 
cuirassiers had reformed, and were strongly reinforced, they again 
advanced upon our position, and made several desperate attacks upon 

43 



494 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

our infantry, who immediately formed into squares, and maintained 
themselves with the most determined courage and coolness. 

The French cavalry, in the attack on the centre of our line above 
mentioned, were not supported by infantry. They came on, however, 
with the greatest courage, close to the squares of our infantry ; the artil- 
lery, which was somewhat in advance, kept up a well-directed fire 
upon them as they advanced, but, on their nearer approach, the gun- 
ners were obliged to retire into the squares, so that the guns were 
actually in possession of the enemy's cavalry, who could not, however, 
keep possession of them, or even spike them, if they had the means, in 
consequence of the heavy fire of musketry to which they were exposed. 
They were driven back with loss on all points, and the artillerymen 
immediately resumed their guns in the most prompt manner, and opened 
a severe and destructive fire of grape-shot on them as they retired.* 

After the failure of the first attack, the French had little or no chance 
of success by renewing it ; but the officers, perhaps ashamed of the 
failure of such boasted troops, endeavoured repeatedly to bring them 
back to charge the squares; but they could only be brought to pass 
between them, and round them. They even penetrated to our second 
line, where they cut down some stragglers and artillery-drivers, who 
were with the limbers and ammunition-wagons. They charged the 
Belgian squares in the second line with no better success ; and, upon 
some heavy Dutch cavalry showing themselves, they soon retired. 

If the enemy supposed us in retreat, then such an attack of cavalry 
might have led to the most important results; but by remaining so use- 
lessly in our position, and passing and repassing our squares of infantry, 
they suffered severely by their fire ; so much so, that before the end of 
the action, when they might have been of great use, either in the attack, 
or in covering the retreat, they were nearly destroyed. Had Bonaparte 
been nearer the front, he surely would have prevented this useless sacri- 
fice of his best troops. Indeed, the attack of cavalry at this period is 
only to be accounted for by supposing the British army to be in retreat. 
Thus, every attack of the enemy had been repulsed, and a severe loss 
inflicted. The influence this must have had on the "morale" of each 
army was much in favour of the British, and the probability of success 
on the part of the enemy was consequently diminished from that period. 

It may here be proper to consider the situation of the Prussian army, 
and the assistance they had rendered up to this time, about six o'clock. 

The British army had sustained several severe attacks, which had 

* The cavalry came up to one of the squares at a trot, and appeared to be hanging 
back as if expecting our fire ; they closed round two sides of it, having a front of seventy 
or eighty men, and came so close to one angle, that they appeared to try to reach over 
the bayonets with their swords. The squares were generally formed four deep, rounded 
at the angles ; on the approach of the cavalry, two files fired, the others reserving their 
fire: the cavalry then turned, and it is not easy to believe how few fell — only one 
officer and two men; no doubt many were wounded, but did not fall from their horses. 
Many squares fired at the distance of thirty paces, with no other efTect. In fact, our 
troops fired too high, which must have been noticed by the most casual observer. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 495 

been all repulsed, and no advantage of any consequence had been gained 
by the enemy. They had possessed part of the wood and garden of 
Hougomont, and La Haye Sainte, which latter they were unable to 
occupy. Not a square had been broken, shaken, or obliged to retire. 
Our infantry continued to display the same obstinacy, the same cool, 
calculating confidence in themselves, in their commander, and in their 
officers, which had covered them with glory in the long and arduous 
war in the Peninsula. From the limited extent of the field of battle, and 
the tremendous fire their columns were exposed to, the loss of the enemy 
could not have been less than fifteen thousand killed and wounded. 
Two eagles and two thousand prisoners had been taken, and their cavalry 
almost destroyed. We still occupied nearly the same position as we did 
in the morning, but our loss had been severe, perhaps not less than ten 
thousand killed and wounded. Our ranks were farther thinned by the 
number of men who carried off the wounded, part of whom never 
returned to the field. The number of Belgian and Hanoverian troops, 
many of whom were young levies, that crowded in the rear, was very 
considerable ; besides the number of our own dismounted dragoons, 
together with a proportion of our infantry, some of whom, as will always 
be found in the best armies, were glad to escape from the field. These 
thronged the road leading to Brussels, in a manner that none but an 
eye-witness could have believed ; so that, perhaps, the actual force under 
the Duke of Wellington at this time, half-past six, did not amount to 
more than thirty-four thousand men. We had at an early hour been in 
communication with some patroles of Prussian cavalry on our extreme 
left. But it was certainly past five o'clock before the fire of the Prus- 
sian artillery (Bulow's corps) was observed from our position ; and it 
soon seemed to cease altogether. It appears that they had advanced, 
and obtained some success, but were afterwards driven back to a con- 
siderable distance by the French, who sent a corps under General 
Lobau to keep them in check. About half-past six, the first Prussian 
corps came into communication with our extreme left, near Ohain. 

The efiective state of the several armies may be considered to have 
been as follows : 

The army under the Duke of Wellington amounted, at the com- 
mencement of the campaign, to seventy-five thousand men, including 
every description of force, of which nearly forty thousand were English, 
or the King's German legion. Our loss at Quatre-bras amounted to four 
thousand five hundred killed and wounded, which reduced the army to 
seventy thousand five hundred men; of these, about fifty-four thousand 
were actually engaged at Waterloo — about thirty-two thousand were 
composed of British troops, or the King's German legion, including 
cavalry, infantry, and artillery ; the remainder, under Prince Frederic, 
took no part in the action, but covered the approach to Brussels from 
Nivelles, and were stationed in the neighbourhood of Halle. The French 
force has been variously stated, and it is not easy to form a very accu- 
rate statement of their strength. Batty gives it at one hundred and 



496 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

twenty-seven thousand men; that is, the number which crossed the 
frontiers. It is also given at one hundred and twenty-two thousand. 
Gourgaud reduces it to one hundred and fifteen thousand; of these, 
twenty-one thousand were cavalry, and they had three hundred and fifty 
guns. They assert they had but seventy-one thousand engaged at 
Waterloo. 

This number, however, is certainly under- rated ; and there is little 
doubt but Bonaparte had upwards of seventy-five thousand men under 
his immediate command on the 18th of June. 

It may be necessary here to refer to the operations of the corps under 
Grouchy, who were detached in pursuit of the Prussians. It appears 
that, at twelve o'clock on the 17th, Bonaparte was ignorant of the direction 
the Prussian army had taken. It was generally supposed that it was 
towards Namur. At that hour, Bonaparte ordered Grouchy, with thirty- 
two thousand men, to follow them. As the troops were much scattered, 
it was three o'clock before they were in movement, and they did not 
arrive at Gembloux before the night of the 17th, when Grouchy informed 
Bonaparte of the direction the Prussian army had taken. He discov- 
ered the rear-guard of the Prussians near Wavres about twelve o'clock 
on the 18th, and at two o'clock he attacked Wavres, which was obsti- 
nately defended by General Thielmann, and succeeded in obtaining 
possession of a part of the village. By the gallant defence of this post 
by General Thielmann, Grouchy was induced to believe that the whole 
Prussian army was before him. Blucher, however, had detached Bulow's 
corps (fourth) at an early hour upon Chapelle-Lambert, to act on the 
rear of the French army. 

The British army, at this eventful period of the day, amounted to about 
thirty-four thousand men (allowing ten thousand killed and wounded, 
and ten thousand more who had left the field), eighteen thousand of 
whom were English. The enemy may have had about forty-five thou- 
sand immediately opposed to us, allowing twenty thousand killed, 
wounded, and taken prisoners, and ten thousand men detached to act 
against the Prussians. 

The assistance of the Prussians had been expected at an early hour, 
which had induced Lord Wellington to accept a battle ; so that the 
British army had to bear the whole brunt of the action for a much longer 
period than was calculated. Lord Wellington, however, showed no anx- 
iety as to the result. The corps of Lord Hill, several Belgian battalions, 
and a considerable portion of the cavalry, had been but little engaged. 
He knew the troops he had under his command, and seemed confident 
of being able to maintain his position, even if the Prussians did not 
arrive before night. 

The above detail has been entered into for the purpose of showing the 
state of the armies towards the close of the day. Bonaparte was now 
aware of the powerful diversion the Prussians were about to make, but 
at the same time seems to have imagined that Grouchy would be able 
to paralyze their movements. He therefore resolved to make a last 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 497 

desperate effort to break the centre of the British army, and carry their 
position, before the attack of the Prussians could take effect. 

The Imperial Guard had been kept in reserve, and had been for some 
time formed on the heights extending from La Belle Alliance towards 
Hougomont, which supported their lefl flank. They had not yet been 
engaged. 

About seven o'clock, they advanced in two columns, leaving four bat- 
talions in reserve. They were commanded by Ney, who led them on. 
At the same time, they pushed on some light troops in the direction of 
La Haye. The advance of these columns of the guards was supported 
by a heavy fire of artillery. Our infantry, who had been posted on the 
reverse of the hill, to be sheltered from the fire of the guns, were 
instantly moved forward by Lord Wellington. General Maitland's 
brigade of guards, and General Adams's brigade (fifty-second and seventy- 
first regiments, and ninety-fifth rifles), met this formidable attack. They 
were flanked by two brigades of artillery, who kept up a destructive fire 
on the advancing columns. Our troops waited for their approach with 
their characteristic coolness, until they were within a short distance of 
our line, when they opened a well-dii'ected fire upon them. The line 
was formed four deep. The men fired independently, retiring a few 
paces to load, and then advanced and fired, so that their fire never ceased 
for a moment. The French, headed by their gallant leader, still 
advanced, notwithstanding the severe loss they sustained by this fire, 
which apparently seemed to check their movement. They were now 
within about fifty yards of our line, when they attempted to deploy, in 
order to return the fire. Our line appeared to be closing round them. 
They could not, however, deploy under such a fire ; and, from the 
moment they ceased to advance, their chance of success was over. 
They now formed a confused mass, and at last gave way, retiring in the 
utmost confusion. They were immediately pursued by the light troops 
of General Adams's brigade. This decided the battle. The enemy had 
now exhausted his means of attack. He had still, however, the four bat- 
talions of the Old Guard in reserve. Lord Wellington immediately 
ordered the whole line to advance to attack their position. The enemy 
were already attempting a retreat. These battalions formed a square to 
cover the retreat of the flying columns, flanked by a few guns, and sup- 
ported by some light cavalry (red lancers). 

The first Prusssian corps had now joined our extreme, left. They 
had obtained possession of the village of La Haye, driving out the 
French light troops who occupied it. Bulow, with the fourth corps, 
had some time previous to this made an unsuccessful attack upon the 
village of Planchenot, in the rear of the enemy's right wing, and being 
joined by the second corps (Pirch's), was again advancing to attack it. 

In the mean time, the square of the Old Guard maintained itself, 

the guns on its flank firing upon our light cavalry, who now advanced, 

and threatened to turn their flank. Our light troops were close on their 

front, and our whole line advancing, when this body, the "eZtie," and 

Gg 43* 



498 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

now the only hope of the enemy to cover their retreat and save their 
army, gave way, and mixed in the general confusion and route, aban- 
doning their cannon and all their materiel. It was now nearly dark. 
Bulow, upon being joined by Pirch's corps, again attacked Planchenot, 
which he turned, and then the enemy abandoned it. He immediately 
advanced towards the Genappe chaussee, and closed round the right of 
the French, driving the enemy before him, and augmenting their con- 
fusion. His troops came into the high-road, or chaussee, near Maison 
du Roi, and Blucher and Wellington having, met about the same time 
near La Belle Alliance, it was resolved to pursue the enemy, and give 
him no time to rally. 

The Prussians, who had made only a short march during the day, 
pursued the enemy with such vigour, that they were unable to rally a 
single battalion. The British army halted on the field of battle. The 
French once attempted to make a show of resistance at Genappe, where, 
perhaps, if they had had a chief to direct them, they might have main- 
tained themselves until day-light, the situation of the village being strong; 
this might have given them the means of saving at least the semblance 
of an army. The second Prussian corps was afterwards detached to 
intercept Grouchy, who was not aware of the result of the battle until 
twelve o'clock next day. He had succeeded in obtaining some advan- 
tage over General Thielmann, and got possession of Wavres. He 
immediately retreated towards Namur, where his rear-guard maintained 
themselves against all the efforts of the Prussians, who suffered severely 
in their attempt to take the place. This served to cover his retreat, which 
he executed with great ability, keeping in a parallel line to Blucher; 
and, having rallied many of the fugitives, he brought his army without 
loss to Paris. He had been considered as lost, and his army made 
prisoners; this belief was a great cause of the resignation of Bonaparte ; 
otherwise, with this army he could have mustered seventy or eighty 
thousand men ; with the fortifications and resources of Paris, which was 
sufficiently secure against a coup-de-main, it is not likely he would have 
so easily submitted without another struggle, after the brilliant defensive 
campaign he had made the preceding yfear. There are always some 
turns of fortune in the events of war ; he might at least have made 
terms. That army, and a great part of the population, would still have 
been o-lad to make sacrifices to endeavour to reestablish the sullied lustre 
of his arms. At least, the honour of falling sword in hand was in his 
power. 

The lime of the arrival and cooperation of the Prussians has been 
variously stated. The above account is perhaps as near the truth as 
can be. The French writers make it at an early hour, to account more 
satisfactorily for their defeat. The Prussians also make it somewhat 
earlier than was actually the case, in order to participate more largely 
in the honours of the day. Their powerful assistance has been acknowl- 
edged to its full extent. They completed the destruction of the French 
army, after they had failed in all their attacks against the British, which 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 499 

continued upwards of seven hours; after their cavalry had been 
destroyed, their Imperial Guards driven back, and eagles and prisoners 
taken, and when their means of farther attack may be considered as 
exhausted. The British army had suffered severely, and was not in a 
state to have taken great advantage of the retreat of the French. But 
its safety was never for a moment compromised, and no calculation 
could justify the idea that we would have been so easily defeated and 
driven from our position, but that tlie enemy would have been so much 
crippled, that he could not have taken much advantage of our reverses. 
Even in such a case, the arrival of the Prussians must have obliged him 
to have retired. 

This short campaign of " Hours" was a joint operation. The honours 
must be shared. On the 16th, the Prussians fought at Ligny under the 
promise of our cooperation, which could not, however, be given to the 
extent it was wished or hoped. On the 18th, Lord Wellington fought 
at Waterloo, on the promise of the early assistance of the Prussians, 
which, though unavoidably delayed, was at last given with an effect 
which perhaps had never before been witnessed. The finest army 
France ever saw, commanded by the greatest and ablest of her chiefs, 
ceased to exist, and in a moment the destiny of Europe was changed. 



C H APT ER II. 

The CoiiBequences of the Battle of Waterloo ; the Chambers meet, and adopt several important reso- 
lutions, submitted by La Fayette ; the Ministers make a detailed slalement of recent disasters ; the 
Abdication of Napoleon considered a necessary measure ; he communicates his act of Abdication ; 
repairs to Malmaisou, and thence to Rochefort; Paris surrendered to the Allies; Louis XVIIL 
reestablished upon the Throne ; Negotiations of Las Cases and Savary with Captain Maitland ; 
Napoleon determines to embark on board the Bellerophon ; Letter to the Prince Regent ; Recep- 
tion by Captain Maitland ; Interview with Admiral Hotham ; Napoleon and the Marines ; Sailfs for 
England ; Arrives at Torbay, whence the Bellerophon is ordered to anchor olT Plymouth ; Meeting 
of Napoleon and the English Commissioners ; Attempt to remove him on shore by writ of Habeas 
Corpus ; Napoleon's Protest against the Decision of the English Government ; Selection of his 
Companions in Exile ; Examination of his Effects ; is transferred on board the Northumberland, 
and committed to the care of Admiral Cockburn ; Sails for St. Helena. 

The immediate consequences of the battle of Waterloo were 
the total loss of the campaign, and the entire destruction of the 
finest, though not the most numerous, army which Napoleon had 
ever commanded. That portion of the army which escaped from 
the field, fled in the greatest confusion towards the frontiers of 
France, and was not reassembled until it had reached Laon. 

Napoleon himself continued his flight until he reached Philip- 
ville, and at this point he intended to have placed himself at the 
head of Grouchy 's division, but a report became current that this 



500 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE. 

division also had been destroyed, and that the general was made 
prisoner. These reports led him to abandon his purpose, and to 
continue his journey to Paris, whither he carried the news of 
his own defeat. 

On the 19th, the capital had been greeted with the intelligence 
of three great victories — at Charleroi, at Ligny, and at Quatre- 
bras; but on the 21st, the third day after the fatal action, it was 
whispered, and then openly said, that Napoleon had returned 
alone from the army on the preceding night, and was now at the 
palace of the Bourbon-Elys^e. The unfortunate state of affairs 
could not long be concealed: it was soon known that a great bat- 
tle had been fought, and that the French army was defeated. 

The Chambers of Representatives and of Peers hastily assem- 
bled, and a series of resolutions were submitted by the Marquis 
de la Fayette, prefaced by an energetic and patriotic speech, in 
which he invited the representatives of the people to rally round 
the ancient standard of "liberty, equality, and public order." The 
first resolution declared the state to be in danger; the second, that 
the sittings of the chambers should be permanent, and any attempt 
to dissolve them regarded as high treason; the third, that the 
troops had deserved well of their country; the fourth, that the 
national guard should be called out ; and the fifth, that the ministers 
be invited to repair to the assembly. These propositions intimated 
the fears of the Chamber of Representatives, lest they should again 
be dissolved by an armed force, and at the same time announced 
their intention to place themselves at the head of public affairs, 
without farther respect to the emperor. The resolutions were all 
adopted, except the fourth, which was considered premature. 

The chamber formed itself into a secret committee, before which 
the ministers laid the full extent of recent disasters, and announced 
that the emperor had named Caulincourt, Fouche, and Carnot, 
as commissioners to treat of peace with the allies. The ministers 
were bluntly reminded by the republican members that they had 
no basis upon which they could found any negotiations, as the 
allies had declared war against Napoleon, and that he alone was 
the sole obstacle between the nation and peace. All seemed to 
unite in one sentiment, that the abdication of Napoleon was a 
measure absolutely necessary ; and a committee of five members 
was appointed to concert measures with ministers. The Chamber 
of Peers adopted the three first resolutions of the lower chamber, 
and named a committee of public safety. 

It was now evident that Napoleon must either declare himself 
absolute, and dissolve the chambers by violence, or abdicate the 
authority he had so lately resumed. His brother Lucien recom- 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 501 

mended him to dissolve the chambers, as he had formerly done on 
the 19th Brumaire ; but times were now very much changed, and 
he could neither bring himself to adopt desperate measures, nor 
to make an apparently voluntary resignation. On the evening of 
the 21st of June, he held a council, to which the^ presidents and 
vice-presidents of both chambers were admitted, and after an angry 
discussion, in which his abdication was stated as necessary, the 
meeting broke up without coming to any decision. 

On the morning of the 22d of June, only four days after the defeat 
at Waterloo, the Chamber of Representatives again assembled, and 
expressed the utmost impatience to receive the act of abdication. 
They were about to put it to the vote, that it should be demanded 
of the emperor; but this was rendered unnecessary, by his com- 
pliance. It was presented by Fouch^, and was expressed in the 
following terms : 

" Frenchmen ! — In commencing war for maintaining the national independence, I 
relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national 
authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the 
powers against me. 

" Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred 
of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really 
directed them only against my power! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim 
my son, under the title of Napoleon II., Emperor of the French. 

" The present ministers will provisionally form the council of the government. The 
interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form, without 
delay, the regency, by a law. 

"Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation. 

(Signed) " Napoleon. 

"Done at the Palace EIys6e, June the 22d, 1815." 

The debate which followed the production of this act, in either 
house, was violent; but to preserve the respect due to the late 
emperor, the chamber named a committee to wait on him with an 
address of thanks, in which they carefully avoided all mention and 
recognition of his son. Napoleon, for the last time, received the 
committee delegated to present the address, in the imperial robes, 
and surrounded by the great officers of state. He seemed pale and 
pensive, but firm and collected ; and in his answer he recommended 
unanimity, and the speedy preparation of means of defence. He 
also reminded them that his abdication was conditional, and com- 
prehended the interests of his son. 

The president of the chamber replied, with profound respect, that 
the chamber had given him no directions respecting the subjects 
which he had just pressed upon them. Napoleon now clearly per- 
ceived that there was no hope for his son; he dismissed the depu- 
tation with dignity and courtesy ; and thus terminated the second 
reign — the hundred days of Napoleon. 



502 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

# 

A provisional government was formed, vesting the executive 
powers of the state in five persons — two chosen from the House 
of Peers, and three from that of the Representatives. These were, 
Carnot, Fouche, Cauhncourt, and Generals Grenier and Quinette. 

The chambers again met on the 24th of June, when the question 
of the succession came to be considered, and was evaded, upon the 
plea that there was no occasion for a formal recognition of Napo- 
leon II., since he was, by the terms of the constitution, already in 
possession of the throne. By this means, the chambers succeeded 
in silencing the imperialist party, by nominally acknowledging the 
young Napoleon's right to the crown ; and at the same time pre- 
venting the interference of Napoleon, or any of his friends, in the 
farther administration of the country. It was required that he 
should retire to the palace of Malmaison; where, in compliance 
with the suggestions of some members of the government, he 
addressed the following (his last) proclamation to the army: 

" SoLDiEKS ! — When I yield to the necessity which forces me to separate myself from 
the brave French army, I take away with me the happy conviction that it will justify, 
by the eminent services which the country expects from it, the high character which 
our enemies themselves are not able to refuse to it. Soldiers, I shall follow your steps, 
though absent. I know all the corps, and not one among them will obtain a signal 
advantage over the enemy that I shall not render homage to the courage which it will 
have shown. You and I, we have been calumniated. Men, incapable of appreciating 
your actions, have seen, in the marks of attachment you have given me, a zeal of which 
I was the sole object ; let your future success teach them that it was the country above 
all that you served in obeying me, and that if I have any part in your affection, I owe 
it to my ardent love for France, our common mother. Soldiers, some efforts more, 
and the coalition will be destroyed. Napoleon will know you by the blows that you 
will give to it. Save the honour, the independence of the French; be what I have 
known you for twenty years, and you will be invincible." 

Nothing is more remarkable throughout this eventful period than 
the carelessness displayed by Napoleon concerning his own future 
fate. He gave up his power without making a single condition 
for himself Yet the excessive anxiety to receive his abdication 
•which was shown by the leading members of the party opposed to 
him, is sufficient proof that they would willingly have granted any 
thing in their power to ensure it. If he had insisted, as a prelim- 
inary, that they should give him a proper escort to the coast, and 
a naval armament of respectable strength, rapidly equipped and 
put under weigh, so as to forestal the vigilance of the British gov- 
ernment, there can be little doubt that he would have reached 
America in safety. The British force on the coast at that moment 
could not have prevented him. But, like a man who had seen the 
passion of his life overthrown, he seemed to have sunk into indif- 
ference. So little did he exert his usual vigilant foresight, that he 
even suffered himself to believe that he should be permitted to 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 503 

remain in France, and amused himself with plans of collecting a 
circle of private friends about him at Malmaison. He never even 
thought of his funds till reminded by Savary, who, after obtaining 
his instructions, went to the treasury of the crown, on the 23dj 
and drew the sum (not a large one) which the emperor had at his 
command. He was only just in time ; having scarcely left the 
office when it was closed, and all payments forbidden by order of 
the provisional government. 

On the 26th, General Becker* made his appearance at Malmai- 
son, and announced that he had received orders to take the com- 
mand of the troops entrusted to protect the emperor, and to answer 
for his person to the provisional government. Napoleon was per- 
fectly aware of the meaning of this ; notwithstanding, he received 
General Becker with courtesy. He now saw that his motions 
were watched, and that Fouche probably intended to procrastinate 
matters, and deliever him up to the allies. Sidyes, among others, 
had visited him for the purpose of warning him of such a design ; 
and neither the passports required as safe conducts to the coast 
for himself and his suite, nor the order for the frigates, were yet 
made over to him. Napoleon continued to display the same quiet 
indifference about his fate which had been observable since his abdi- 
cation. "His composure," says Savary, "alarmed me." Incited 
by this faithful councillor, he, however, made a pressing demand, 
through General Becker, on the 27th, that the provisional govern- 
ment would complete the necessary measures for his departure ; 
adding, that if he did not receive their answer without delay, he 
would address himself to the Chambers, and proceed to the hall of 
their sittings, there to wait the issue of events, and to assign to 
them the task of delivering him up to the enemy. The answer 
was, that "for greater security, the provisional government had 
demanded from the Duke of Wellington a safe conduct for Napo- 
leon to proceed to the United States ; and that, as soon as received, 
it should be forwarded." No one could be deceived as to the 
intention of this proceeding ; it clearly denoted that the men who, 
for the moment, possessed the government of France, had deter- 
mined that the late emperor should not leave the country freely. 

* General Becker had been on indifferent terms with Napoleon for some time pre- 
vious ; notwithstandiug which, it is said he was received with ease, and even cheerful- 
ness. Doubtless the very courtesy extended to him, had a tendency to make his situation 
rather irksome ; yet he seems to have discharged his unpleasant duty in the most unex- 
ceptionable manner. As an evidence that all ill-feeUng between them was finally 
effaced, it may be stated that, at the moment when Napoleon went on board the Belle-" 
rophon, General B. approached to bid him adieu. " Retire, general," said the former,, 
with much animation ; " I would not have it believed that a Frenchman delivered me 
to my enemies." At the same time, he extended his hand while speaking ;. and when 
he had concluded, cordially embraced and dismissed him. 



504 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

The fear that he should at any time return, had made them take 
a step which was certain to place him in the power of the English 
government. The Duke of Wellington had no authority to grant 
so important a passport, but informed his government of the 
request: and the coast of France was immediately guarded by 
English cruizers, with strict injunctions to prevent the departure 
of Napoleon Bonaparte. The official order reached the British 
squadron, lying off Rochelle and Rochefort, on the 5th or 6th of 
July; but, as early as the 30th of June, an anonymous French 
correspondent had warned Captain Maitland, commanding the 
Bellerophon, off the latter port, of the probable embarkation of 
Napoleon from that part of the coast. The letter was written on 
very thin paper, and enclosed in a quill. Probably the informant 
was an agent of Fouch6. 

Meanwhile, the allied armies were fast approaching Paris, The 
deputation from the provisional government, with proposals for an 
armistice, had produced no other effect than to accelerate their 
march. They had hitherto proceeded with caution ; but no sooner 
did they receive intelligence of the abdication of Napoleon, than 
they advanced rapidly. The Prussians had appeared on the Lower 
Seine, on the 27th. Napoleon, who watched every movement, 
perceived that they had thereby exposed themselves to be cut to 
pieces, and sent an offer to the provisional government to place 
himself at the head of the army, and punish their rashness. " You 
will explain to them," said he to General Becker, who was the 
bearer of his message, " that it is not my intention to resume the 
possession of power. My only wish is to defeat and crush the 
enemy, and compel him, by means of our victory, to give a favour- 
able turn to the negotiations. As soon as this result shall have 
been obtained, I shall depart, and quietly proceed on my journey." 
Such an offer was, of course, rejected. Whatever were its latent, 
perhaps, even unconscious, motives, it was unquestionably prompted 
by the irresistible impulse of the military commander, to rush upon 
an enemy who had thrown himself into a false position. It had 
the effect, however, of alarming Fouch^ who could not receive 
even a remote suggestion of Napoleon at the "head of the army," 
without trembling, and heartily wishing him out of the way. On 
the following day, all the obstacles were removed which had 
hitherto impeded his departure, and, on the 29th, he finally left 
Malmaison. A small band of friends had collected round him to 
bid him farewell, besides those who had asked and received per- 
mission to follow him in his exile. Lab6doy^re suffered himself 
to be persuaded to remain in France, contrary to the warnings 
and remonstrances of the emperor. The officers of the guard were 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 505 

admitted to take their leave. Hortense was with him to the last 
moment, and was overcome with grief. It was, howevei', with a 
firm step, and a comitenance perfectly calm, that Napoleon came 
out of his private apartments, and announced that he was ready 
.to depart. He took the road to Rochefort, by Tours, travelling in 
a plain summer calash, accompanied by Savary, and Generals 
Becker and Bertrand ; General Gourgaud followed in a carriage 
containing the emperor's effects. Madame Bertrand and her 
children, M. de las Cases and his son, M. and Madame Montholon, 
Colonel de Planat, and several orderly officers, who had requested 
leave to accompany the emperor, travelled by the road of Orleans. 
If Davoust had not taken the precaution to have the bridges in 
front of Malmaison burnt, Napoleon would have run a great risk 
of falling into the hands of the allies. A Prussian detachment 
appeared there in quest of him very soon after he started. They 
had arrived by a circuitous route, and must have been led by a 
guide well acquainted with the localities. Napoleon, however, 
had escaped this danger. He slept at Rambouillet the first night, 
at Tours on the 30th, and at Niort on the 1st of July. He was 
well received wherever he was recognised ; but at the last-named 
place, the enthusiasm of the people and troops was extreme. A 
great crowd surrounded the hotel where he slept, and the troops 
so earnestly requested to be allowed to supply him with an escort, 
that he could not resist their entreaties, and pursued the journey 
to Rochefort, attended by a picquet of light cavalry. He reached 
this place on the 3d of July. The carriages containing the 
remainder of his suite had successively arrived. Joseph Bonaparte 
also joined him at Rochefort ; and in this place the two brothers 
saw each other for the last time. The roadstead and harbour 
were found to be watched by the English man-of-war, the Bellero- 
phon, which had taken up its station two days before ; ever since, 
in fact, the receipt by Captain Maitland of the anonymous letter 
before mentioned. 

Napoleon remained at Rochefort till the 8th, when he embarked 
on board the Saale frigate ; without, however, any immediate pros- 
pect of getting to sea. 

The fate of France had been rapidly decided in this short inter- 
val. The provisional government failed alike in awakening the 
national spirit, in conciliating the army, or in bringing the English 
and Prussian generals to terms. The leading members of the 
Chambers continued to proclaim resistance to the Bourbons ; but 
no practical measures supported their denunciations. The royal- 
ists were active ; Fouche intrigued for them ; Grouchy and Soult 
retreated under the walls of Paris, followed close by Wellington 

43 



506 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

and Blucher. A short yet brave resistance was made; but on 
the night of the 2d of July an armistice was concluded, by which 
the capital was surrendered to the allies, and the French army was 
drawn oft' behind the Loire. Against this arrangement, the troops 
struggled with fruitless violence. The foreign armies remained in 
their encampments without the walls, till by degrees the humbled 
soldiers of Napoleon had learned to submit to inevitable fate. By 
the 7th, the last French corps evacuated Paris, and the Duke of 
Wellington and Marshal Blucher made their triumphant entry at 
the head of their armies, and occupied the city. The provisional 
government and the Chambers had continued their sittings up to 
this period: they now received the final resolution of the allied 
sovereigns, to the effect that "all authority emanating from the 
usurped power of Napoleon Bonaparte was null and void;" and 
that Louis XYIIL, who was at St. Denis, would on the next day, 
or day after at farthest, enter his capital, and resume his regal 
authority. The leading members of the Chamber of Representa- 
tives, endeavouring to plead the cause of liberty, received from 
the mouth of Lord Castlereagh, the English premier, as their sole 
response, "Your king is at hand!" Louis XVIIL made his public 
entry into Paris on the 8th of July. 

While these events transpired in the capital of France, its late 
emperor remained at Rochefort, or on board one of the French 
frigates, occasionally landing at the Isle of Aix; the Bellerophon, 
now joined by the Slaney, closely blockading the port. On the 
10th of July, Savary and Las Cases were despatched to Captain 
Maitland, under a flag of truce, to inquire whether he had any 
knowledge of the passports which the emperor expected to receive 
from the British government, or if it were the intention of that 
government to throw any impediment in the way of his voyage to 
the United States. The two envoys were received on board the 
Bellerophon, where they remained about two hours. To their 
inquiries, Captain Maitland replied that he had no knowledge con- 
cerning the passports ; that he could not say what were the inten- 
tions of his government ; but that he could not permit any ship of 
war to leave the port of Rochefort; nor could he suffer any neu- 
tral vessel whatever to pass with a personage of so much conse- 
quence. In the course of conversation, Captain Maitland, accord- 
ing to his own statement, threw out the suggestion, "Why not 
seek an asylum in England?" — to which various objections were 
urged by Savary; and thus the interview terminated. Captain 
Maitland had already received official orders to watch for and 
intercept Napoleon, impossible; and, in case of success, to take him 
to England, on board his ship, with all possible expedition. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 507 

After the discussion of various plans of getting to sea — one 
offered by a Danisli captain, another by the midshipmen of the 
French frigates, but all finally rejected — Napoleon once more 
despatched Las Cases, accompanied by General Lallemand, to Cap- 
tain Maitland, on the 14th of July, with instructions to inquire 
again whether the intentions of the British government were yet 
declared as to a passport to America, or if permission for Napoleon 
to pass in a neutral vessel could yet be granted. The answer was 
in the negative ; but Captain Maitland again suggested his embark- 
ation on board the Bellerophon, in which case he should be con- 
veyed to England. 

Las Cases returned to the Isle of Aix, after his interview with 
Captain Maitland on the 14th of July. The result of his mission 
appeared to be, " that Captain Maitland had authorized him to tell 
the emperor that, if he decided upon going to England, he was 
authorized to receive him on board ; and he accordingly placed his 
ship at his disposal." Napoleon then finally made up his mind to 
place himself on board the British ship. He gave directions to 
Las Cases to announce his determination to Captain Maitland, and 
prepare him for the reception of himself and his suite on the fol- 
lowing morning. At the same time, he entrusted to Gourgaud a 
letter to the Prince Regent, with instructions to seek the means of 
conveying it to Englan#, and putting it into the hands of his royal 
highness. Much has been said about the date of this letter, which 
was unquestionably the 13th, although all the followers of Napo- 
leon assert that it was written in consequence of the interview 
between Las Cases and Captain Maitland, which did not take place 
till the 14th; while the latter, pointing to that date, uses it as an 
argument that Napoleon had made up his mind before the inter- 
view took place. It is certainly now a matter of very little conse- 
quence ; yet it may be well enough here to give the letter which 
Captain Maitland addressed to the British Admiralty on the 14th, 
and also the letter of Napoleon to the Pi'ince Regent. Captain 
M.'s ran thus : 

"For the information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, I have to 
acquaint you that the Count Las Cases and General Lallemand this day came on board 
his majesty's ship under my command, with a proposal from Count Bertrand for me to 
receive on board Napoleon Bonaparte, for the purpose of throwing himself on the gen- 
erosity of the Prince Regent. Conceiving myself authorized by their lordships' secret 
order, I have acceded to the proposal, and he is to embark on board the ship to-morrow 
morning. That no misunderstanding might arise, I have expHcitly and clearly explained 
to Count Las Cases that I have no authority whatever for granting terms of any sort, 
but that ail I can do is to carry him and his suite to England, to be received in such 
manner as his Royal Highness may deem expedient." 

Napoleon's letter to the Prince Regent was in these terms : 



508 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

"RocHEFORT, July 13th, 1815. 
" Royal Highness : A victim to the factions which distract my country, and to the 
enmity of the greatest powers of Europe, I have terminated my pohtical career, and I 
come, like Themistocles, to throw myself upon the hospitality of the British people. I 
put myself under the protection of their laws ; which I claim from your Royal Highness, 
as the most powerful, the most constant, and the most generous of my enemies. 

" Napoleon." 

The emperor embarked on the 15th of July, at day-break, on 
board the French brig Epervier, accompanied by the whole of his 
suite. That very morning an emissary from the provisional gov- 
ernment had arrived to arrest him. He was anxiously expected in 
the Bellerophon. When Captain Maitland perceived the approach 
of the brig, he sent his barge to meet it, and bring the emperor on 
board. The barge quickly returned. " General Bertrand first 
came up the ship's side," says Captain Maitland, " and said to me, 
' The emperor is in the boat.' Napoleon then ascended, and, when 
he came on the quarter-deck, pulled off his hat, and, addressing me 
in a firm tone of voice, said, ' I am come to throw myself on the 
protection of your prince and laws.' " The captain then led him 
into the cabin, which was given up to his use ; and afterwards, by 
his own request, presented all the officers to him, and he went 
round every part of the ship during the morning. 

The admiral's ship, the Superb, which had appeared in the 
offing early in the morning, anchored clise by at half-past ten. 
In the afternoon. Sir Henry Hotham waited on the emperor, and 
remained to dinner by his request. The dinner was served on 
Napoleon's gold plate, and regulated by his maitre d'hotel; and as 
while on board the Bellerophon he was uniformly treated as a royal 
personage, he led the way to the dining-room, and seated himself 
in the centre of one side of the table, placing Sir Henry Hotham 
on his right hand. His conversation continued to be easy and 
agreeable. 

On the following morning. Napoleon visited the Superb. In 
leaving the Bellerophon, he stopped in front of the guard of 
marines drawn up on the quarter-deck to salute him. He made 
some observations on the fine appearance of the men ; asked which 
had been longest in the corps, and went up and spoke to him. He 
then put the guard through part of their exercise. He made some 
remarks on the difference of their charge with the bayonet to that 
manoeuvre as performed by the French; and then advancing into 
the midst of the men, he took a musket from one of them, and went 
through the exercise himself according to the French method. 
There was a sudden movement and change of countenance among 
the officers present at seeing him thus carelessly place himself 
among English bayonets. Some of them afterwards expressed 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 509 

surprise at the circumstance, and asked his officers if Napoleon 
ever acted in the same way with his own soldiers? "Not one 
among them," says Las Cases, "had formed any idea of sovereigns 
who could thus explain and execute their own commands ; it was, 
therefore, easy to perceive that they had no just conception of the 
personage now before them, notwithstanding his having been so 
marked an object of attention and curiosity for above twenty 
years." The emperor was received on board the Superb with all 
the honours paid to royal personages, with the exception of firing 
a salute. The guard was turned out, the yards manned, and a fine 
band of music played while he breakfasted. He went through 
the ship, examining every thing, and conversing with the admiral 
and officers. The whole party returned to the Bellerophon about 
noon, and immediately afterwards the ship got under weigh, and 
made sail for England. 

The voyage was rather tedious. Napoleon passed much of his 
time in reading. He occasionally played vingt-un with all the 
party ; frequently walked the deck, and on one occasion witnessed 
a play performed by the midshipmen, and laughed heartily at the 
strapping fellows who personated the ladies. He conversed a 
great deal with Captain Maitland, entering willingly into the details 
of various periods of his history and actions; and asking many 
questions about English'customs, saying, on one occasion, "I must 
now learn to conform myself to them, as I shall probably pass the 
remainder of my life in England." He is described as having been 
very lethargic — going to bed early, rising late, and frequently falling 
asleep during the day. 

On the 23d of July, the ship passed Ushant; Napoleon cast 
many a melancholy look at the coast of France, but said nothing. 
At break of day on the 24th, they were close to Dartmouth: Ber- 
trand went into the cabin, and informed the emperor, who came 
on deck at half-past four in the morning, and remained on the poop 
till the anchor was dropped in Torbay. He was much struck with 
the beauty of the scenery, and exclaimed, "What a beautiful coun 
try! it very much resembles Porto-Ferrajo in Elba." 

The ship was scarcely at anchor, when an officer came on 
board with official despatches from Admiral Viscount Keith. The 
Lords of the Admiralty strictly forbade any communication with 
the shore, or the admittance on board of any person whatever, 
Lord Keith or Sir John Duckworth alone excepted. Gourgaud had 
not been permitted to land from the Slaney, and as he had refused to 
entrust the letter to the Prince Regent into another hand, it had not 
been sent. He was himself soon transferred to the Bellerophon. 

During the night of the 25th, orders were received for the ship 

43* 



510 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

to repair to Plymouth, off which place it was accordingly moored 
on the afternoon of the 26th. Two frigates were anchored on 
each side, and armed boats kept off in all directions to prevent any 
communication between those on board and the multitude by 
which the sea was covered. Nothing, however, deterred people 
of all ranks and of both sexes from endeavouring to get a sight of 
Napoleon ; they flocked to Plymouth from distant parts of Eng- 
land, and engaged boats at any price to take them within view of 
him. On one occasion, it is said that upwards of a thousand boats 
were counted, each containing on an average eight individuals. 
No wonder that Napoleon observed, after regarding the sight from 
his cabin-window, " These English appear to have a very large 
portion of curiosity!" 

On the 31st, Sir Charles Bunbury, one of the under-secretaries 
of state, together with Lord Keith, came on board to notify to the 
emperor, officially, the resolution of the English government 
respecting him. Sir Walter Scott had the advantage of comparing 
Sir Henry Bunbury's account of their interview with Napoleon 
with that of Mr. Meike, secretary to Lord Keith. We, therefore, 
extract the following from his history. The commissioners were 
introduced into the cabin, where they were received by Napoleon, 
who was attended by Bertrand. Sir Charles Bunbury then pro- 
ceeded to read in French the following letter from the ministers to 
Lord Keith, while Napoleon, whose manner was easy and dignified, 
listened without interruption or remark, or any manifestation of 
emotion : 

" As it may, perhaps, be convenient for General Bonaparte to learn, without further 
delay, the intentions of the British government with regard to him, your lordship will com- 
municate the following information : It would be inconsistent with our duty towards o^ir 
country and the allies of his majesty, if General Bonaparte possessed the means of again 
disturbing the repose of Europe. It is on this account that it becomes absolutely necessary 
he should be restrained in his personal liberty, so far as this is required by the foregoing 
important object. The island of St. Helena has been chosen as his future residence ; 
its climate is healthy, and its local position will allow of his being treated with more 
indulgence than could be admitted in any other spot, owing to the indispensable pre- 
cautions which it would be necessary to employ for the security of his person. 

" General Bonaparte is allowed to select among those persons who accompanied him 
to England (with the exception of Generals Savary and Lallemand) three officers, who, 
together with his surgeon, will have permission to accompany him to St. Helena; these 
individuals will not be allowed to quit the island without the sanction of the British 
government. Rear-admiral Sir George Cockburn, who is named commander-in- 
chief at the Cape of Good Hope and seas adjacent, will convey General Bonaparte and 
his suite to St. Helena ; and he will receive detailed instructions relative to the execu- 
tion of this sei-vice. Sir George Cockburn will, most probably, be ready to sail in a few 
days ; for which reason it is desirable that General Bonaparte should make choice of 
the persons who are to accompany him, without delay." 

Having heard this document to the close, Napoleon was 
requested to state if he had any reply to make. He then, with 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 511 

great calmness of mannei' and mildness of countenance, declared 
that he solemnly protested against the orders which had been read; 
that the British ministry had no riglit to dispose of him in the way 
proposed; that he appealed to the British people and the laws, and 
asked to what tribunal he could appeal. " I am come," he con- 
tinued, "voluntarily to throw myself on the hospitality of your 
nation ; I am not a prisoner of war, and, if I were, have a right to 
be treated according to the law of nations. But I am come to this 
country a passenger on board one of your ships, after a previous 
negotiation with the commander. If he had told me I was to be 
a prisoner, I would not have come. I asked him if he was willing 
to receive me on board, and convey me to England. Captain 
Maitland said he was, having received, or telling me he had 
received, special orders of government concerning me. It was a 
snare, then, that had been spread for me; I came on board a 
British ship as I would have entered one of their towns — a ship, a 
village — it is the same thing. As for the island of St. Helena, it 
would be my sentence of death. I demand to be received as an 
English citizen. How many years entitle me to be domiciliated?" 

Sir Henry Bunbury answered that he believed four were neces- 
sary. " Well, then," continued Napoleon, " let the Prince Regent 
during that time place me under any superintendence he thinks 
proper ; let me be placed in a country-house in the centre of the 
island, thirty leagues from every seaport ; station a commissioned 
officer about me, to examine my correspondence, and superintend 
my actions ; or, if the Prince Regent should require my word of 
honour, perhaps I might give it. I might then enjoy a certain 
degree of personal liberty, and I should have the freedom of 
literature." 

He referred again to the manner of his coming on board the 
Bellerophon ; said that he was perfectly free in his choice, and that 
he had preferred confiding himself to the hospitality and generosity 
of the English nation; reminding them that he might have gone 
to his father-in-law, the Emperor of Austria, or to the Emperor 
Alexander, who had no private quarrel with him. " If your gov- 
ernment act thus," he said, "it will disgrace you in the eyes of 
Europe. Even your own people will blame it." He reminded 
them that the tri-coloured flag was still flying at Bordeaux, Nantes, 
and Rochefort, when his decision was made; that the army had 
not yet submitted; "or," he continued, "if I had chosen to remain 
in France, what was there to prevent me from remaining concealed 
for years among a people so much attached to me ?" He after- 
wards adverted to the name by which he was now designated. 
"Your government," said he, pointing to the epithet in Lord Mel- 



512 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

ville's letter, " has no right to term me ' General Bonaparte.' I 
was emperor, acknowledged by all the powers in Em'ope, except 
Great Britain; and she had acknowledged me as chief consul. I 
am prince, or consul, and ought to be treated as such, if treated 
with at all. When I was at Elba, I was at least as much a sove- 
reign in that island as Louis on the throne of France. We had 
both our respective flags, our ships, our troops. Mine, to be sure," 
he said, with a smile, "were rather on a small scale; I had six 
hundred soldiers, and he had two hundred thousand. At length I 
made war upon him, defeated him, and dethroned him. But tnere 
was nothing in this to deprive me of my rank as one of the sov- 
ereigns of Europe." 

Napoleon received little interruption from Lord Keith and Sir 
Henry Bunbury, who declined replying to his remonstrances, 
stating themselves to be unauthorized to enter into discussions, as 
their only duty was to convey the intentions of their government 
to him, and transmit his answer, if he charged them with any. 
Sir Henry Bunbury, however, suggested that St. Helena had been 
selected as the place of his residence, because its local situation 
allowed freer scope for exercise and indulgence than could have 
been permitted in any part of Great Britain. " No, no," repeated 
Napoleon with animation, " I will not go there. You would not 
go there, sir, were it your own case ; nor, my lord, would you." 
Lord Keith bowed, and answered, "He had been already at St. 
Helena four times." This answer was very little to the point, 
and the cold subterfuge does his lordship no honour. Napoleon 
reiterated his protests against being sent there, and again said, " I 
will not go thither; I am not a Hercules (with a smile), but you 
shall not conduct me to St. Helena. I prefer death in this place. 
You found me free — send me back again ; replace me in the con- 
dition in which I was, or permit me to go to America." He then 
repeated his expectations that he should have been allowed to land 
— urged the admiral to take no further steps to remove him to the 
Northumbei'land till the government should have been informed 
of what he had said. In this manner the interview terminated, 
and the two commissioners of government took their leave. 

The friends of Napoleon in England, meanwhile, used all their 
influencs to soften the rigour of his sentence ; and failing in their 
appeals to, the clemency of the government, they had recourse to 
other, though certainly as inadequate, means to effect their pur- 
pose. It was first sought to procure his removal on shore by writ 
of Habeas Corpus; but this process was found to be inapplicable 
to an alien: upon which a subpoena was issued, citing him to 
appear as witness in an action brought by a naval officer for libel. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 513 

This proceeding seems to have alarmed and confounded both the 
Admiralty Board and its officer, Lord Keith. The latter, espe- 
cially, appears to have had a true British sailor's dread of the 
mysterious powers of the law; and he accordingly took every 
precaution to prevent the citation from being served, at first by 
keeping the attorney's boat at a distance while he was on board, 
and by the speed of his twelve-oared barge when he quitted the 
ship : and, at last, fairly frightened by the pertinacious lawyer, he 
ordered the Bellerophon to put to sea, and to cruise off the Start 
until the Northumberland should be ready to receive the captive. 
This was on the 4th of August, and on the same day Napoleon 
prepared the following protest against his deportation : 

" I hereby solemnly protest, in the face of Heaven and mankind, against the violence 
that is done me; and the violation of my most sacred, rights, in forcibly disposing of 
my person and liberty. I voluntarily came on board the Bellerophon. I am not the 
prisoner — I am the guest of England. I came at the instigation of the captain himself, 
who said he had orders from the government to receive and convey me to England, 
together with my suite, if agreeable to me. I came forward with confidence, to place 
myself under the protection of the laws of England. When once on board tlie Belle- 
rophon, I was entitled to the hospitality of the British people. If the government, in 
giving the captain of the Bellerophon orders to receive me and my followers, only 
wished to lay a snare, it has forfeited its honour and disgraced its flag. If this act be 
consummated, it will be in vain for the English henceforth to talk of their sincerity, 
their laws and liberties. British faith will have been lost in the hospitality of the 
Bellerophon. 

"I appeal to history: it will say, that an enemy who made war for twenty years 
against the English people, came spontaneously, in the hour of misfortune, to seek an 
asylum under their laws. What more striking proof could he give of his esteem and 
confidence? But how did England reply to such an act of magnanimity ] It pretended 
to hold out a hospitable hand to this enemy; and on giving himself up with confidence, 
he was immolated ! 

(Signed) " Napoleon." 

"Bellerophon, at sea, Friday, August 4th, 1815." 

Napoleon desired that Las Cases might bear this document to 
the Prince Regent; but the necessary permission for that purpose 
was obstinately refused. It appears, indeed, to have been a matter 
of vital importance to the ministerial policy of the day, to prevent 
any direct communication between the emperor and the prince. 
Such was known to be the genius of the French emperor, and the 
power which this gave him over inferior minds, that when Lord 
Keith was consulted as to the probable result of an interview with 
the Regent, he unhesitatingly exclaimed, "On my conscience, if 
you grant that, I believe they will be excellent friends within half 
an hour." No answer was ever returned by the Prince Regent 
either to the letters or the protests of Napoleon. 

The Northumberland made its appearance on the 6th of August, 
accompanied by two frigates, containing troops destined to form 
the garrison at St. Helena. Napoleon, perceiving that further 
Hh 



514 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

remonstrance was useless, from this time submitted to his fate 
with firmness. He finally made choice of Counts Bertrand and 
Montholon, and General Gourgaud, as the three officers of his 
suite who were permitted to follow him in his exile ; to these he 
added Count Las Cases, who was considered purely in a civil 
capacity. This arrangement was not made without inflicting 
much unavoidable pain both on the emperor and those whom he 
excluded. His own surgeon having suffered gi'eatly from sea- 
sickness on the way from Rochefort, felt averse to undertaking 
another voyage; Napoleon, therefore, proposed to Mr. O'Meara, 
the surgeon of the Bellerophon, to take his place; to which, after 
obtaining the necessary permission from government, Mr. O'Meara 
consented, and was in consequence transferred to the Northum- 
berland. Bertrand was to be accompanied by his lady and three 
children, Montholon by his lady and one child, and Las Cases by 
his son. The twelve attendants selected by the emperor were, 
Marchand, Saint-Denis, and Novarrez, his valets-de-chambre ; 
Cipriani, maitre d'hotel; Le Page, cook; Archambaud and Gen- 
tilini, valets ; Pieron, chef-d'office ; Santini, Rosseau, Archambaud, 
and Bernard, holding various offices in his household. 

Captain Maitland received orders to take all arms from the 
foreigners of every rank on board the Bellerophon ; keeping them 
in charge to be transferred to the Northumberland, and restored at 
a proper opportunity. This order was obeyed, except in the case 
of Napoleon himself, to whom Lord Keith had the delicacy to 
grant permission to wear his sword. A secretary who heard his 
lordship make this exception, reminded him that "the orders were 
that aZ/ should be disarmed;" upon which Lord Keith returned 
the characteristic answer — "Mind your own business, sir, and 
leave us to ours." 

The government also directed Admiral Cockburn to have all 
the effects of General Bonaparte examined. The plate, baggage, 
wines, and provisions, the general was to be permitted to retain ; 
the money, diamonds, and saleable effects, were to be delivered up 
to the British government, which took upon itself the administra- 
tion of his property, and charged itself with his maintenance. In 
case of death, he was allowed" to dispose of his property by will. 
All letters written or received by him were to be opened and read 
by the admiral or future governor of St. Helena. Any attempt to 
escape was to be punisKed with close imprisonment. All the 
regulations under which he was placed were to apply to every 
individual of his suite ; and all were warned that they would not 
be received on board the Northumberland without their consent. 
This last clause gave great pain, as seeming to imply a repugnance 



MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 515 

on their part to accompany the emperor. The search of the 
emperor's effects was concluded in the presence of Admiral Cock- 
burn by Mr. Byng, his secretary. Captain Maitland says, " The 
covers of the trunks were merely opened, and Mr. Byng passed 
his hand down the side, but the things were not unpacked." Ber- 
trand was invited to attend, but he was so indignant at the meas- 
ure, that he positively refused. The Duke of Rovigo, however, 
consented, and he and Marchand were present. Four thousand 
gold napoleons were taken; the rest of the money, amounting to 
about fifteen hundred napoleons, was returned to Marchand for 
the emperor, by whom it was required to pay the salaries of such 
of his servants as were about to quit him. 

Napoleon was received on board the Northumberland on the 
7th of August, when he retired into the after-cabin, and remained 
alone for some time with Savery and Lallemand. On parting, he 
embraced each of them most affectionately, after the French man- 
ner, putting his arms round them, and touching their cheek with 
his. He was firm and collected; while his companions were so 
deeply affected, that the tears were streaming from their eyes — a 
fact to which Las Cases called the attention of Lord Keith, say- 
ing, "You observe, my lord, that those who weep are those who 
are to remain." Soon after this leave-taking, the ship got under 
weigh, and proceeded on its distant destination. 

On the 29th of August, the Northumberland entered the tropic, 
and crossed the line on the 23d of September. The day was one 
of unusual mirth and disorder ; but the admiral had taken care to 
provide that Napoleon and his suite should be exempted from the 
usual ceremonies to which landsmen are subject, after amusing 
himself with exciting their alarm by awful anticipations. The 
emperor, appreciating the decorum which had been observed 
towards him, ordered a hundred napoleons to be distributed among 
the crew ; but the admiral, deeming this liberality excessive for a 
general, restricted the donation to one-tenth of that amount — an 
interference which was considered uncalled for, and in conse- 
quence of which nothing was given. 

Early in Octobei% a French merchant vessel was spoken with 
in the gulf of Guinea, the captain of which seemed surprised and 
vexed to learn that Napoleon was a prisoner in the hands of the 
English. " You have robbed us of our treasure," he said, when 
informed of his detention and sentence to transportation; "you 
have taken away the only one who knew how to govern us 
according to our tastes and manners." 

Nothing of material interest occurred to vary the monotony of 
the voyage. Napoleon employed much of his time in reading; 



516 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

he also commenced the history of his campaigns in Italy, which 
he dictated to Las Cases. At night he generally played vingt-un, 
the admiral and some of the officers being frequently of the party. 
He retired to bed early, rose late, and breakfasted about ten in 
the French stvle. 



CHAPTER III. 

Arrival at St. Helena ; General Description of the Island ; Napoleon's Residence at the Briars : his 
Pastimes ; Removal to Longwood ; Boundaries assigned for Recreation ; Domestic Arrangements ; 
Exercises for Health ; Arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe : his Interview with Napoleon ; Annoyances ; 
Unpleasant Altercations with the Governor ; Arrival of Sir Pultney Malcolm with Commissioners 
from the Em'opean Powei-s ; Ti-eaty of the Allied Sovereigns ; " Bonaparte's Detention Bill ;" Lord 
and Lady Holland ; Reduction of Expenses at Longwood ; Building Materials and Fin-niture sent 
to St. Helena ; Napoleon's Opinion of this Measui'e ; his Treasures ; Description of his Apartment ; 
the Imperial Plate sold to supply Deficiencies ; Further Restrictions ; Santini ; Las Cases entrapped 
and banished ; Removal of Doctors O'Meara and Stokoe ; Arrival of Dr. Antommarchi ; Napoleon 
tm-ns Gai-dener ; Fails rapidly ; Dictates his Will: his Death; Post-mortem Examination ; Funeral. 

On the 15th of October, at day-light, the island of St. Helena* 
was in full view, with its barren, peaked, and rocky hills. To its 
intended inhabitants, it presented the appearance of one entire 
fortress: every height, platform, and opening, near the sea, was 
bristling with cannon. Napoleon came on deck early in the 
morning, and went forward on the gangway to view the island. 
As he surveyed it through his glass, Las Cases anxiously watched 

* "The island of St. Helena," says O'Meara, "is situated in lat. 15° 55' S., and 
long. 5° 46' W., in the south-east trade-wind. It is about ten miles and a half in 
length, six and three-quarters in breadth, and twenty-eight in circumference : the 
highest part of it is Diana's Peak. It is distant from the nearest land (the island of 
Ascension) about six hundred miles, and twelve hundred from the nearest continent, 
the Cape of Good Hope. Its appearance is the most desolate and unpromising that 
can be imagined: its exterior presents an immense mass of brown rock, formed of 
different sorts of lava, rising from the ocean in irregular, rugged, and perpendicular 
precipices, of a burned and scorified appearance, totally void of vegetation, from three 
hundred to fifteen hundred feet high, diversified with hideous, deep, and narrow ravines, 
descending to the sea, and here and there forming landing-places. The island is 
composed of lava, cooled in different states of fusion : there is a total absence of any 
primitive substance. Its conical hills, the puzzolana, and other volcanic productions 
found in it, clearly show that it has undergone the action of fire. James' Town, the 
only one in the island, is situated in the bottom of a deep, wedge-like ravine : it is 
defended by a hne of works along the beach, to the left of which (from the sea) is the 
landing-place ; and by strong sea-works on Ladder Hill, Rupert's Hill, by Munden's 
and Banks's batteries. Across the sea-Hne there is a draw-bridge and a gate leading 
into the main street, which is closed at night. There are, besides this landing-place, 
five or six others — not, however, easily practicable, excepting to a sailor. The popu- 
lation of the island (exclusive of the military) is reckoned at about two thousand nine 
hundred souls, of whom about seven hundred and eighty are whites, thirteen hundred 
blacks, and the rest Lascars, Chinese, &c." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 517 

the expression of his countenance, but could not perceive any 
change during his scrutiny of the scene before him. He very soon 
returned to his cabin, and proceeded with his usual occupations. 

The Northumberland was anchored about noon, and the admiral 
went on shore immediately in search of a temporary habitation 
for his captive. Having found one, he returned in the evening 
with the grateful news that they would be permitted to land on 
the morrow. 

The orders of government had been that Napoleon should 
remain on board until a suitable residence could be provided for 
him, but as he had become weary of shipboard, Sir George Cock- 
burn undertook upon his own responsibility to land his passengers, 
and to provide for the security of Napoleon's person. 

The island at that time afforded little accommodation for such a 
guest, with the exception of Plantation-house, the residence of the 
governor, which, however, was expressly prohibited from being 
assigned as the residence of the fallen emperor. Sir George 
Cockburn made choice of Longwood, a country-house occasionally 
occupied by the lieutenant-governor, as suitable from its particu- 
lar situation to be extended so as to afford such accommodation 
as was sufficient for a captive of the rank at which Napoleon was 
rated by the British government. This situation was also approved 
by Napoleon himself, and, until the necessary alterations could be 
made, he obtained accommodations at the residence of Mr. Bal- 
combe, a merchant of the island, whose estate was situated about 
two miles from James Town, and known by the name of "the 
Briars." Here, it is said, the days passed wearily, and the even- 
ings appeared long. His usual routine was to rise early; walk 
awhile before breakfast ; hear Las Cases read the matter he had 
dictated the day previous; again dictate till about five o'clock; 
and then walk till six, when he dined — passing the evening in 
conversation, relieved occasionally by a game of chess or picquet, 
or by reading aloud. Sometimes, for the sake of variety, he 
visited Mr. Balcombe's family in the evening; joining in conver- 
sation with the utmost ease and good-humour, playing whist, 
joking with the young ladies, and — at least, he did so on one 
occasion — uniting with them in a game at "blind-man's buff," to 
their great delight. The different individuals of his suite, except 
Las Cases and his son, who were accommodated with him, lodged 
in the town, but came round him daily, being allowed to pass and 
repass, accompanied by an English officer or by O'Meara. 

On the 10th of December, Longwood having been sufficiently 
extended and repaired for his reception. Napoleon and a portion 
of his household removed thither, accompanied by Admiral Cock- 

44 



518 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

burn, who arrived at the Briars about noon to escort him. _ They 
had not met before for some time ; the inconveniences experienced 
by the emperor, and the restraints put on the members of his 
suite, having occasioned some coolness between them. The 
admiral, however, was received with perfect courtesy, and all 
causes of complaint appeared to have been forgotten. ^ After a 
pleasant ride on horseback, each attended by several of his officers, 
they reached Longwood about four o'clock; and Napoleon — after 
all his wanderings — his life of intense action and strange turns of 
fortune — entered the abode in which all action was to be super- 
seded by passive endurance, and all glory by suffering, and which 
he was never again to change till " mortal put on immortality." 

By the regulations now adopted, a space of about twelve miles 
in circumference was traced off, within which he might take exer- 
cise without being attended by any one. Beyond that boundary a 
chain of sentinels was placed to prevent his passing, unless accom- 
panied by a British officer. He was also permitted to extend his 
excursions to any part of the island, providing the officer was in 
attendance, and near enough to observe his motions. Two mili- 
tary stations were placed within these limits — one at Deadwood, 
and the other at Hut's Gate, opposite to the residence assigned 
Count Bertrand. Sir George Cockburn, in conceding such an 
extensive space for the convenience of his prisoner, took every 
precaution which the peculiarity of the island presented to pre- 
vent the possibility of escape.* 

* Dr. O'Meara gives the following account of the precautions which were taken: 
" A subaltern's guard was posted at the entrance of Longwood, about six hundred 
paces from the houses, and a cordon of sentinels and picquets was placed round the 
limits. At nine o'clock the sentinels were drawn in, and stationed in communication 
with each other, surrounding the house in such positions, that no person could come in 
or go out without being seen and scrutinized by them. At the entrance of the house 
double sentinels were placed, and patroles were continually passing backward and for- 
ward. After nine, Napoleon was not at liberty to leave the house unless in company 
with a field-ofRcer ; and no person whatever was allowed to pass without the counter- 
sign. This state of affairs continued until day-light in the morning. Every landing- 
place in the island, and, indeed, every place which presented the semblance of one, 
was furnished with a picquet, and sentinels were even placed upon every goat-path 
leading to the sea ; though in truth the obstacles presented by nature, in almost all the 
paths in that direction, would, of themselves, have proved insurmountable to so unwieldy 
a person as Napoleon. 

"From the various signal-posts on the island, ships are frequently discovered at 
twenty-four leagues' distance, and always long before they can approach the shore. 
Two ships of war continually cruised, one to windward and the other to leeward, to 
whom signals were made as soon as a vessel was discovered from the posts on shore. 
Every ship, except a British man-of-war, was accompanied down to the road by one 
of the cruisers, who remained with her until she was either permitted to anchor, or 
was sent away. No foreign vessels were allowed to anchor, unless under circumstances 
of great distress; in which case, no person from them was permitted to land, and an 
officer with a party of men from one of the ships of war was sent on board to take 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 519 

On the 14th of April, 1816, Sir Hudson Lowe,* accompanied 
by his lady and a numerous staff, arrived at St. Helena, where 
he landed on the day following, and sent an abrupt intimation to 
Napoleon that he should visit him the next morning at ten o'clock. 
When he presented himself, however, accompanied by the admiral, 
and by the whole of his staff, in the midst of a pelting storm of 
wind and rain, he was informed- that Napoleon was indisposed, 
and could not receive him. Two o'clock of the following day 
was then fixed upon, when he arrived, attended as before, and an 
introduction took place. This visit does not seem to have pre- 
possessed Napoleon in favour of his keeper, whom he described as 
a man about forty-five years of age, of the common height, slender 
make, with red hair, ruddy, freckled complexion, and eyes that, 
glancing askance, seldom ventured to look the person he addressed 
full in the facei "He has," said the emperor, "a most villanous 
countenance; but we must not decide too hastily: the man's dis- 
position may make amends for the unfavourable impression created 
by his face." 

Notwithstanding the restrictions to which he became subjected, 
Napoleon maintained even a cheerfulness of manner, and portioned 
out his time so as to find employment for the various hours of the 
day. He arranged his household, allotting to each member of it 
a certain trust ; and preserving the etiquette and arrangements of 
a court as much as possible. To the minds and feelings of the 
faithful followers who surrounded him, he was still the emperor of 
half Europe, though his manners to them were simple, familiar, 
and frequently playful. All the conversations detailed by Las 
Cases and O'Meara are those of friends, talking on equal terms. 
He rode, drove, or walked out frequently ; visiting the residents 
within his limits, and frequently entering into familiar conversation 
with the labourers and poorer inhabitants. The officers of the fifty- 
third, and of the St. Helena regiment, with their wives, were intro- 

charge of'them as long as they remained, as well as in order to prevent any improper 
communication. Every fishing-boat belonging to the island was numbered, and 
anchored every evening at sunset, under the superintendence of a lieutenant in the 
navy. No boats, excepting guard-boats from the ships of war which pulled about the 
island all night, were allowed to be down after sunset. The orderly officer was also 
instructed to ascertain the actual presence of Napoleon twice in the twenty-four hours, 
which was done with as much dehcacy as possible. In fact, every human precaution 
to prevent escape, short of actually incarcerating or enchaining him, was adopted by 
Sir George Cockburn." 

* Hudson Lowe entered the army at an early age, but attained the rank of general 
and the honour of knighthood while serving in Italy in a foreign corps in the pay of 
England; and "first became known to history," says Colonel Napier, "by losing in a 
few days, at Caprse, a post that, without any pretensions to celebrity, might have been 
defended for as many years." It has been hinted that his defects as a general were 
his chief recommendations to his subsequent office of gaoler. 



520 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

duced to him, and he invited some of them to his table every week, 
together with some of the famiUes of the island. The officers of 
India ships, the passengers to or from India, came in numbers to 
Longwood, to request an interview with him, and were rarely 
disappointed. They generally went away highly pleased with 
their reception, and often expressed great surprise at finding 
Napoleon so unlike the idea they had formed of him. On one 
occasion, O'Meara told him of the great admiration his manners 
had excited in some ladies who had been presented to him. " Oh," 
replied he, laughing, "I suppose they imagined I was some fero- 
cious horned animal." 

Napoleon's health already began to decline, though there was 
no appearance of any decided disease. The representations of 
O'Meara, however, induced him to take more exercise, and towards 
the end of the year, and the commencement of 1816, he took fre- 
quent rides and walks, often very early in the morning. His 
favourite ride was through the deep ravine which separated Long- 
wood from Diana's Peak. He gave it the name of the "Valley 
of Silence," and in the midst of it he fixed on a regular resting- 
place. He read very much, especially when the files of newspa- 
pers arrived by the ships which came from Europe. He also 
continued his dictations. He generally invited one or more, some- 
times all the members of his suite, to dinner. The conversation 
then turned on the events of the day, which had been learned from 
the newspapers; or on old recollections; or on the discussion of 
works of literature, poetry, or romance. The reports of these 
conversations are highly interesting. Once, the emperor enter- 
tained his guests with a narrative of the expedition of La Perouse, 
which he professed to have found in a newspaper. He went on 
a long while, dictating the most romantic adventures, and strange 
turns of fate. At last, when they were all put into a state of 
excitement, he laughed, and they found he had been exerting his 
old talent of improvising. The evenings were spent in reading 
aloud — generally romances and novels — but frequently dramas. 
Once or twice the Bible became the subject; after reading the 
"Sermon on the Mount," and observing on its pure and exalted 
morality. Napoleon said, laughing, "It would be hard to make 
many people in Europe believe what I have been reading." In 
one of his rides with Las Cases, they dismounted to explore the 
bottom of a deep valley, and sunk in the mud up to their knees. 
It was with considerable difficulty that they extricated themselves. 
As Napoleon scrambled out, he said, "This is a dirty adventure. 
If we had sunk and been lost, it would certainly have been said 
that I was swallowed up for my crimes." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 521 

It is rather a singular fact, that among the numerous authors 
who have written in reference to the history and character of 
Napoleon, and of his treatment by the English government, not 
one has spoken of Sir Hudson Lowe in any other terms than those 
of unqualified reprobation. Even apologists for the treachery of 
the Enghsh government, are unsparing in their condemnations of 
the paltry acts of petty tyranny which disgraced the official con- 
duct of this superficial instrument of usurped authority. No won- 
der that Napoleon w^as unable or unwilling to disguise the contempt 
he conceived for Sir Hudson, at their very first interview: it 
would exhibit itself upon almost every occasion, until death closed 
the melancholy series of vexations to which he was continually 
subjected. It seems that this "governor," not satisfied with the 
general supervision of Napoleon and his attendants, felt authorized 
to make himself familiar with the ordinary details of his kitchen 
economy, and with the relative footing upon .which he stood in 
regard to his most abject menials. On his arrival at St. Helena, 
he was not satisfied with receiving a certificate signed by all the 
servants, that they remained voluntarily with Napoleon, but he 
determined on making all of them appear before him, that he 
might question each separately as to the sincerity of the pro- 
fessions set forth in their written declarations. After his interro- 
gatories were finished, he remarked, "I am now satisfied; I can 
inform the English government that they all signed it freely and 
'Voluntarily." His ^'instructions," to which he always adverted 
to screen his vexatious encroachments from deserved censure, did 
not require the adoption of this measure ; it was a gratuitous insult 
on his part, meanly insinuating that an undue influence had been 
exercised by the emperor over his domestics. It was the first of 
the pitiful interferences by which he embittered the few remaining 
years of his noble victim, and w.as sufficient of itself to prove his 
unfitness for the post which had been assigned him. 

To recapitulate all the obnoxious conduct of Sir Hudson Lowe, 
or to detail the innumerable sources of annoyance which he almost 
daily devised, would be to swell this volume to an unreasonable 
bulk, without giving any better idea of the persecutions which 
Napoleon endured, than the statement of a few simple facts will 
afibrd. On the 11th of May he invited ''General* Bonaparte" to 

* Sir Hudson well knew, as did every individual in his suite, that it was a principle 
with Napoleon not to acknowledge the right of the English government to pretend to 
sweep away, by a stroke of the pen, all the acts of the French people — by which he 
had been endowed with the titles of First Consul, Consul for Life, and Emperor. 
He therefore would never recognise the title of General Bonaparte, which the English 
government had conferred upon him. This did not proceed from personal vanity, as 
his detractors assert. He oiiered, both before his imprisonment and during its continu- 

44* 



522 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

meet Lady Moira at Plantation-house to dinner; but this being 
beyond the Hmits within which he could ride without a guard, was 
construed into an insult, and Napoleon would not even deign to 
return an answer. On the same day, as a set-off to his pretended 
invitation, he published a proclamation, "forbidding any person on 
the island to send to or receive letters from General Bonaparte or 
his suite, on pain of being immediately arrested, and dealt with 
accordingly." Henceforth the breach between the governor and 
his captives was decided, and the little intercourse which took 
place between them, served but to increase their mutual aversion. 
A violent altercation, which took place five days after, is thus 
described by Napoleon himself: 

"I received him," he said to Las Cases, "with a stormy countenance, 
my head inclined, and my ears pricked up. We looked furiously at 
each other. My anger must have been powerfully excited, for I felt a 
vibration in the calf of my left leg. This with me is always a sure 
indication ; and I have not felt it for a long time before. I told the gov- 
ernor, with warmth, that I asked him for nothing ; that I would receive 
nothing at his hands ; and that all I desired was to be left undisturbed. 
I added, that though I had much cause to complain of the admiral, I 
never had reason to think him wholly destitute of feeling ; and though I 
found fault with him, I could always receive him in perfe'ct confidence ; 
but that during the month Sir Hudson Lowe has been on the island, I 
have experienced more causes of irritation than during the six pre- 
ceding months," Sir Hudson replied, that he did not come to receive a 
lesson. " That," said the emperor, "is no proof that you do not need 
one. You tell me that your instructions are much more rigid than those 

ance, to assume a name, which he intended should be either Colonel Muiron or Duroc, 
but no notice was taken of his offer. The English government chose to treat him as 
an usurper, and to consider that Louis XVIII. had reigned for twenty years ; notwith- 
standing that they had made the peace of Amiens with him as First Consul, and had 
treated with him as Emperor on more than one occasion — the last instances being at 
the conferences of Chatillon-sur-Seine. "If the people had no right to make me 
emperor," said he, " they were equally incapable of making me general. The English 
called Washington a leader of rebels for a long time, and refused to acknowledge 
either him or the constitution of his country ; but his success ultimately obliged them 
to change their tone, and acknowledge both." 

" It was in fact no less whimsical than ridiculous to see the ministers of England 
attach such importance to giving only the title of General to one who had governed so 
large a portion of Europe, and made seven or eight kings, of whom several still retained 
this title of his creation ; who had been above ten years Emperor of the French, and 
been anointed as well as consecrated in that quality by the head of the church ; one 
who could boast two or three elections of the French people to the sovereignty ; who 
had been acknowledged as emperor by the whole of continental Europe ; had treated 
as such with all the sovereigns ; concluding every species of alUance both of blood and 
interest with them: so that he united in his person every title, civil, political, and reli- 
gious, existing among men : and which, by a singular though real comcidence, not one 
of the reigning princes of Europe could have shown accumulated in an equal degree, on 
the chief and founder of his dynasty." 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 523 

of the admiral. Do they direct that I should be taken off by poison or 
the sword? No act of atrocity on the part of your ministers would sur- 
prise me. If my death be determined on, execute your orders. I know 
not how you will administer the poison ; but you have a ready excuse 
for the sword. Should you attempt, as you have threatened, to violate 
the sanctuary of my abode, I give you fair warning that your soldiers 
shall effect their entrance only over my corpse. When I heard of your 
arrival, I congratulated myself that I should meet with a general who, 
having spent much time on the Continent, and borne a part in public 
affairs, would know how to act in a becoming manner; but I was 
grossly deceived." Here Sir Hudson interrupted, saying that his con- 
duct, as a soldier, was according to the fashion of his own country, to 
which his duty was owing, and not according to the fashion of foreign- 
ers. " Your country, your government, and yourself," resumed Napo- 
leon, "will be overwhelmed with disgrace for your conduct to me. A 
few days ago, you invited me to dinner as General Bonaparte, with the 
view of rendering me an object of ridicule or amusement to your guests. 
I am not General Bonaparte to you. If Lady Moira had been within 
my boundaries, I should undoubtedly have visited her, because I do not 
stand on strict etiquette with a woman ; but as I am not a prisoner of 
war, I cannot submit to regulations implying that I am so. I am placed 
in your power only by the most horrible breach of confidence." 

As an unmistakable illustration of littleness, which Sir Hudson 
often displayed, it may be mentioned that a few days after the 
interview which has just been so vividly described, he thought it 
not derogatory to his dignity to go in person to Longwood, for the 
purpose of seizing a domestic, who, having recently quitted the 
service of Deputy-governor Skelton, had, without permission, 
engaged in that of Count Montholon; and that, on the following 
day, a few sailors from the Northumberland, who had been allowed 
to officiate as servants to the persons composing Napoleon's suite, 
were removed to make room for a like number of soldiers — the 
governor affirming that the admiral wanted the men, and the 
admiral, when applied to on the subject, stating that the men might 
remain, if the governor would permit them. But the most heart- 
less, perhaps, of all the petty tyrannies inflicted, was the frequent 
detention and abstraction of letters and books which were sent out 
for the inmates of Longwood. It once happened that letters 
addressed by the post to Napoleon and his followers, notwithstand- 
ing their being forwarded without seals, were detained, and sent 
back to Europe, because they were not addressed officially to the 
governor ; the sole end of this arbitrary act being to prevent the 
exiles gaining intelligence of their friends and families. He refused 
to communicate even the names of the writers ; but left the parties 
in suspense till the correspondence was returned, through the sec- 



524 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

retary of state's office, from London. Nay, so rigorous was he 
respecting letters, that one from the Countess Bertrand, to some 
person in James' Town, on trifling business of the moment, was 
seized and sent back, with an official note, intimating that, for the 
future, not only all written, but all verbal communications between 
the captives and the inhabitants, would be prohibited, without 
special permission from Plantation-house. 

As it would be almost a repetition of events but little varying 
from each other, to dwell further upon this portion of Napoleon's 
history — at least, so far as relates to his intercourse with Sir Hud- 
son Lowe — we shall revert to more interesting topics, after briefly 
describing an interview which took place on the 18th of August, 
when the governor called at Longwood for the purpose of devising 
means for reducing the expenses of that establishment. This was 
in the presence of Sir Pultney Malcolm.* Napoleon would have 
avoided the scene ; but, being in the garden when Sir Hudson was 
announced, he was in a manner compelled to receive him. The 
conversation that ensued soon assumed a violent tone. The em- 
peror told his visiter that the details into which he desired to enter 
were painful to him. "They are mean," he said. "You might 
place me on the burning pile of Montezuma, without extracting 
from me gold, which I do not possess. Besides, who asks you for 
any thing ? Who entreats you to feed me ? When you discon- 
tinue your supply of provisions, the brave soldiers whom you see 
there" — pointing to the camp of the fifty-third — "will relieve my 
necessities. I shall place myself at their table; and they, I am 
confident, will not drive away the first, the oldest soldier of Europe." 
The admiral endeavoured to excuse the governor, and render 
favourable explanations of his conduct. " The faults of M. Lowe," 
replied Napoleon, "proceed from his habits of life. He has never 
had the command of any but foreign deserters — Piedmontese, Cor- 
sicans, Sicilians — all renegadoes and traitors to their country ; the 

* Rear-admiral Sir Pultney Malcolm, who had been appointed to the command of 
the naval forces on this station, arrived with his lady in the Newcastle in June, 
1816. He was soon after presented to Napoleon, when they conversed freely for about 
two hours, and were mutually pleased with each other. As he was going away, the 
admiral said to the French officers that he had been taking a very fine and valuable 
lesson on the history of France ; and Napoleon thus expressed himself concerning his 
visiter: "Ah! there is a man with a countenance really pleasing, open, intelligent, 
frank, and sincere. There is the face of an Englishman. His countenance bespeaks 
his heart, and I am sure he is a good man. I never yet beheld a man of whom I so 
immediately formed a good opinion as of that fine soldier-like old man." The admiral 
gave Napoleon some papers, in which the death of the Empress of Austria was 
announced, and also the sentence passed on several of the generals comprised in the 
proscription of the 24th of July. Cambronne had been acquitted, and Bertrand con- 
demned to death. He likewise received letters from his mother, his sister Pauline, and 
from his brother Lucien. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 525 

dregs and scum of Europe. I know the name of every English 
general who has distinguished himself; but I never heard of him 
except as a scrivano to Blucher. If he had commanded English- 
men, and were one himself, he would show respect to those who 
have a right to be honoured." The emperor added, that he was 
treated worse than a condemned criminal or a galley-slave, as they 
were permitted to receive printed books and newspapers. Sir 
Hudson contended that he was justified in detaining things sent to 
The Emperor. "And who," answered the latter, "gave you the 
right to dispute that title? In a few years, Lord Castlereagh, Lord 
Bathurst, and you who speak to me, will be buried in the dust of 
oblivion ; or, if your names be remembered, it will only be for the 
indignities with which you have treated me, while the Emperor 
will remain for ever, the subject and ornament of history and the 
star of civilized nations. You have, undoubtedly, power over my 
body, but none over ray mind ; that is as free, as lofty and inde- 
pendent, as when I was at the head of armies, or on my throne 
disposing of kingdoms. For you — you are a sbiro Siciliano, and 
not an Englishman. Do not present yourself before me again, 
until you come with orders to despatch me, and then every door 
shall be opened to admit you." This was certainly unbecoming 
violence; and such as nothing ought to have tempted Napoleon 
to use. He afterwards, indeed, reproached himself with it; and 
directed that Sir Hudson should not be again permitted to intrude 
upon his privacy. " It would have been more worthy of me," he 
said, " more consistent and more dignified, to have maintained per- 
fect composure ; but this governor makes me fly into a passion, 
and expressions escape me which would have been unpardonable 
at the Tuileries. If they are excusable even here, it is because I 
am powerless." Sir Hudson Lowe avenged himself, by declaring 
that "he considered Ali Pacha a more respectable scoundrel than 
General Bonaparte." 

About this time — as if to remind Sir Hudson that, whatever 
might have been his opinion and that of his employers, the emperor 
was not regarded as an outcast by all intelligent, high-minded, and 
even patriotic British subjects — a present of some books, and a 
newly-invented machine for making ice, with various other arti- 
cles, arrived on the island from Lord and Lady Holland, whose 
respect for the prisoner was derived from personal knowledge of 
the excellent qualities of his heart and mind, enhanced, probably, 
by the esteem in which he had been held by their illustrious rela- 
tive, Charles James Fox. They had originally been introduced to 
Napoleon when first Consul, and, at that time, had received from 
him abundant proofs of kindness and attention. During the Benin- 



526 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

sular war, they were again honoured with the most distinguished 
testimony of his regard. Having heard that his lordship and family 
were travelling, for the health of one of their children, in Spain, 
the emperor gave orders to his marshals and generals on no account 
to molest or make them prisoners.; but, in case they should fall into 
the hands of the French, to conduct them in safety wheresoever 
they might desire. The knowledge of this — confirmed subse- 
quently by Marshals Soult and Suchet — naturally begat a feeling 
of gratitude, which, when its object was overwhehned by misfor- 
tunes, grew into lively and enduring sympathy. This had been 
already evinced on several occasions ; first, when the emperor was 
at Elba, when Lady Holland, who happened to be at Florence, 
having learned that he experienced some difficulty in procuring 
English newspapers, immediately sent him her own set ; secondly, 
by her ladyship waiting on Sir Hudson Lowe, when appointed to 
the government of St. Helena, and desiring, as a personal favour, 
that every indulgence consistent with his duty should be extended 
to the captive committed to his charge; and, thirdly, by Lord 
Holland's earnest endeavours, at the time of passing the act for 
legalizing Napoleon's detention, to procure a dispassionate consid- 
eration of his case in the House of Peers. As to the value attached 
to the acts of kindness referred to, the emperor's own evidence is 
conclusive. Speaking of the contingent possibility of his restora- 
tion to the throne of France, he said, "I can fancy Lord Holland 
as prime minister of England, writing to me at Paris, " If you do 
such a thing, I shall be ruined.'. . . These words would arrest my 
career more eflfectually than armies." 

Among many important articles brought by the Newcastle, was 
a copy of the act passed by the British parliament, entitled "Bona- 
parte's Detention Bill,"* which exempted from punishment all 
offences committed against his person up to the date of passing 
the same. The necessity of this statute sufficiently explains the 
question of right upon which the emperor was originally trans- 
ported. With this act, and the treatyf upon which it was based, 

* The passage of this bill was strenuously resisted by the Duke of Sussex and Lord 
Holland, both of whom entered their solemn protests against the measure — the latter 
making use of the following forcible language: " To consign to distant exile and impris- 
onment a foreign and captive chief, who, after the abdication of his authority, relying 
on British generosity, had surrendered himself to us in preference to his other enemies, 
is unworthy of the magnanimity of a great country; and the treaties by which, after 
his captivity, we have bound ourselves to detain him in custody, at the will of sov- 
ereigns to whom he had never surrendered himself, appear to me repugnant to the 
principles of equity, and utterly uncalled for, by expedience or necessity." 

t This treaty, which was signed at Paris on the 20th of August, 1815, was to the 
following effect : After a preamble, which stated, that the sovereigns had agreed on the 
measures best calculated to preclude the possibility of Napoleon Bonaparte again dis- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 527 

also came three commissioners, who were appointed to superin- 
tend its execution, viz : Baron Sturmer, as representative from Aus- 
tria; Count Bahnaine, for Russia; and the Marquis de Montchenu, 
for France. Sir Pultney Malcolm mentioned their arrival at his 
first interview with the emperor, and stated that they were desirous 
of being presented to him; but he declined having any intercourse 
with them, especially in their official capacity. He laughingly 
complimented Prussia on having spared the expense of sending 
one, but evinced vexation at hearing that France was represented 
by an old emigrant — one of that "race of imbeciles," as he 
expressed it, "who had made all Europe believe that Frenchmen 
were all dancing-masters." In giving his reasons to the admiral 
for refusing to receive them, Napoleon broke forth in the follow- 
ing eloquent strain: "After all, sir, you and I are men. I appeal 
to you : is it possible that the Emperor of Austria, whose daughter 
I married — who implored that union on his knees — who keeps 
back my wife and my son — should send me his commissioner, 
without a line for myself — without the smallest scrap of a bulletin 
with respect to my son's health? Can I receive him with con- 
sistency? Can I have any thing to communicate to him? I may 
say the same thing of the commissioner sent by Alexander, who 
gloried in calling himself my friend ; with whom, indeed, I carried 
on political wars, but had no personal quarrel. It is a fine thing 
to be a sovereign, but we are not on that account the less entitled 
to be treated like men : I lay claim to no other character at pres- 
ent! The only one of those commissioners whom I might, perhaps, 
receive, would be that of Louis XVIII., who owes me nothing: 
that commissioner was a long time my subject ; he acts merely in 
conformity to circumstances, independent of his own option ; and I 
should accordingly receive him to-morrow, were I not apprehen- 
sive of the misrepresentations which would take place, and of the 
false colouring which would be given to the circumstance." The 
utter failure of this mission subsequently rendered its instruments 

turbing the peace of Europe, the document continued: " Napoleon Bonaparte is con- 
sidered, by the powers who signed the treaty of the 20th of March last, their prisoner. 
His safeguard is especially entrusted to the British government. The choice of the 
place, and the measures which may best ensure the object of the present stipulation, are 
recerved to his Britannic Majesty. The imperial courts of Austria and Russia, and the 
royal court of Prussia, shall appoint commissioners to reside in the place which his 
Britannic Majesty's government shall assign as the residence of Napoleon Bonaparte ; 
and who, without being responsible for his security, shall assure themselves of his 
presence. His Most Christian Majesty is also invited to send a French commissioner 
to the place of Napoleon's detention." M. de Chateaubriand well characterized the 
fear which had dictated this convention, when he said, in the Chamber of Peers, " The 
gray great-coat and well-known hat of Napoleon, mounted on a pole on the coast of 
Brest, would make all Europe fly to arms !" 



528 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

extremely ridiculous. Their principal object was from day to day 
to assure themselves of Napoleon's presence ; yet, in consequence 
of their refusal to be introduced as private individuals, and the 
emperor's determination not to admit them officially, they never 
obtained a sight of him during their residence on the island ; and 
were consequently useless to their governments, and insignificant 
in the eyes of the world. 

On the 23d of August, an official protest against the treaty, and 
the act of parliament founded thereupon, and also a recapitulation 
of the many grievances inflicted on the exiles, was addressed by 
Count Montholon, in the name of the emperor, to Sir Hudson 
Lowe. It is said that this document, for precision, eloquent rea- 
soning, energy, and dignity of style, added to the importance of 
its various details, was one of the most remarkable state papers 
of the age ; but it was productive of no visible effect in ameli- 
orating their condition.* 

Although £12,000 a-year (the sum originally allowed by the 
English towards supporting the establishment at Longvvood) had 
been found insufficient for that purpose. Lord Bathurst sent orders, 
about this time, for the reduction of the expenses to £8,000 a-year; 
and this gave a fresh impetus to Sir Hudson Lowe's vexatious 
activity. He examined into minute details: such as, whether 
common salt should not be substituted for basket salt; he com- 
plained of the fire-wood used ; of the frequency of the emperor's 
baths — which entailed expenses, as all the water had to be brought 
from a distance, there being none at Longwood ; and even found 
fault with so much linen being sent to the wash! At the same 
time, orders and counter-orders so confused the sentinels, that 
O'Meara was arrested forgoing into Bertrand's house; Gourgaud 
was repeatedly stopped; and no one knew from one day to 
another how to avoid these sources of irritation. The emperor, 

* Perhaps Napoleon dictated this paper to Montholon because he regretted the undig- 
nified scene which had occurred in his last interview with the governor. However, he 
seems to have soon dismissed the subject from his mind, and turned his attention into 
totally different channels. This power of banishing the recollection of any occurrence 
was one of his remarkable characteristics. He once explained it by saying that the 
different affairs were arranged in his head as in a closet. " When I wish to turn from 
any business," said he, " I close the drawer which contains it, and I open that which 
contains another. They do not mix together, and do not fatigue me or inconvenience 
me. If I wish to sleep, I shut up all the drawers, and I am soon asleep." He was, in 
fact, able to sleep at will — a peculiarity of which all his counsellors were well aware. 
Frequently, in his campaigns, he was suddenly aroused upon some emergency, when 
he would get up, give his decision, or dictate his answer, with his mind as clear and 
unembarrassed as at any other moment, and without having in his eyes the slightest 
appearance of sudden awaking. When the business was over, he immediately returned 
to rest. This has been known to happen ten times in one night, and he was always 
found to have fallen asleep again. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 529 

who would not expose himself to these insults, gave up his rides, 
and only drove out in his calash, or took short walks. One day he 
asked his groom how his horse was, and was answered that he 
was in good condition and high spirits. "At all events," rejoined 
the emperor, " I hope he does not complain of me ; for no horse 
ever led more the life of a canon than he does." Notwithstand- 
ing he talked thus lightly on the subject. Napoleon's health visibly 
suffered, and his friends observed with pain that his countenance 
altered. 

Materials for the erection of a new residence, together with 
some costly articles of furniture, were sent out about this period; 
and when the emperor was urged to come to some conclusion as 
to their disposition, he said, "It is so much money thrown into the 
sea. I would much rather they had sent me four or five hundred 
volumes of books, than all their furniture and houses. The com- 
pletion of the buildings would require some years, and before that 
time I shall be no more." In a conversation with O'Meara on this 
subject, he observed, " I cannot well comprehend the conduct of 
your ministers. They go to the expense of sixty or seventy 
thousand pounds in sending out furniture, wood, and building 
materials, for my use, and at the same time send out orders to 
put me nearly on rations! They will not furnish my followers 
with what they have been accustomed to, nor will they allow me 
to provide for them by sending sealed letters through a mercantile 
house, even of their own selection. No man in France would 
answer a letter of mine, when he knew that it would be read by 
the English ministers, and he denounced to the Bourbons. More- 
over, you ministers having seized the trifling sum of money that I 
had in the Bellerophon, gives reason to suppose that they would 
do the same again, if they knew where any of my property was 
placed. It must be to gull the English nation. John Bull, seeing 
all this furniture sent out, and so much parade and show in the 
preparations, thinks I am well treated here." 

Soon afterwards, the ministerial papers, in reply to Lord Hol- 
land's motion on the subject, commenced the cry that " Bonaparte 
must possess immense treasures, which he no doubt concealed." 
On reading these assertions. Napoleon gave utterance to one of 
the most noble denunciations of a mean insinuation that was ever 
recorded. He called for a secretary, and rapidly dictated the 
following, which was taken down without the alteration of a 
single word: 

" You wish to know the treasures of Napoleon ! They are immense, 
it is true, but they are all exposed to light. They are : The noble har- 
•hours of Antwerp and Flushing, which are capable of containing the 
I I 45 



630 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

largest fleets, and of protecting them from the ice from the sea; the 
naval works at Dunkirk, Havre, and Nice ; the great harbour of Cher- 
bourg ; the maritime works at Venice ; the fine roads from Antwerp to 
Amsterdam, from Mentz to Metz, from Bordeaux to Bayonne ; the passes 
of the Simplon, of Mont Cenis, of Mont Genevre, of La Corniche, which 
opens the Alps in four directions : — these passes exceed in grandeur, in 
boldness of skill and execution, all the works of the Romans ; in these 
alone you will find eight hundred millions of francs : — ^the roads from 
the Pyrenees to the Alps, from Parma to Spezzia, from Savona to Pied- 
mont ; the bridges of Jena, Austerlitz, Des Arts, Sevres, Tours, Rouen, 
of the Isere, of the Durance, &c. ; the canal which connects the Rhine 
with the Rhone by the Doubs, and thus unites the northern seas with the 
Mediterranean ; the canal which connects the Scheldt with the Somme, 
and thus joins Paris and Amsterdam ; the canal which unites the Ranee 
with the Vilaine ; the canals of Aries, of Pavia, of the Rhine ; the drain- 
ing of the marshes of Burgoing, of the Cotentin, of Rochefort; the 
rebuilding of the greater number of the churches destroyed during the 
revolution ; the building of others ; the institution of numerous estab- 
lishments of industry for the suppression of mendicity ; the works at the 
Louvre ; the public warehouses ; the bank ; the canal of the Ourcq ; 
the distribution of water in the city of Paris ; the numerous sewers ; the 
quays ; the embellishments and the monuments of that great capital : the 
works for the embellishment of Rome ; the reestablishment of the manu- 
factories of Lyons ; the creation of many hundreds of cotton manufacto- 
ries for spinning and weaving, which employ several millions of hands ; 
funds accumulated to establish four hundred manufactories of sugar from 
beet-root, for the consumption of France, and which would have fur- 
nished sugar at the same price as the West Indies, if they had continued 
to receive encouragement for only four years longer ; the substitution 
of woad for indigo, which would have been brought to equal in quality, 
and not to exceed in price, the indigo from the colonies ; numerous manu- 
factories of different descriptions ; fifty millions of francs expended in 
ijepairing and beautifying the palaces belonging to the crown ; the fur- 
itiiture of the palaces ; the crown diamonds, all purchased with Napo- 
leon's money ; the Regent (the only diamond that was left of those for- 
merly belonging to the crown) withdrawn from the hands of the Jews at 
Berlin, with whom it had been pledged for three millions of francs ; the 
Napoleon museum, valued at upwards of four hundred millions of francs, 
filled with objects legitimately acquired, either by money or treaties of 
peace known to the whole world, by virtue of which the master-pieces it 
contains were given in lieu of territory, or of contributions ; several 
millions amassed for the encouragement of agriculture, which is the par- 
amount consideration for the interest of France ; the introduction into 
France of merino sheep, &c., &c. These form a treasure of several 
thousand millions of francs, which will endure for ages ! These are the 
monuments which will confute calumny ! 

" History will say, that all these things were accomplished amid per- 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 531 

petual wars, without having recourse to any loan, and while the national 
debt was diminishing every day ; and that nearly fifty millions of taxes 
had been remitted ; while very large sums remained in the private 
treasury of Napoleon." 

History will also add to the mass of treasures left by Napoleon 
— as not the least valuable, though intangible — his great Code of 
simplified laws; his schools and universities; and his cadastre, or 
excellent system of registration, which, had he had time to com- 
plete it, would have proved one of the greatest boons ever con- 
ferred on a civilized nation. 

Towards the latter part of August, Napoleon sent for O'Meara,. 
to visit him in his bed-room, about nine o'clock in the morning. 
The following minute description, which the latter has given of this- 
apartment, will interest those to whom the power of association: 
makes such "little things" seem, in some cases, "great." 

"It was about four feet by twelve, and ten or eleven feet in heio-ht.. 
The walls were lined with brown nankeen, bordered and edged with- 
common green bordering paper, and destitute of surbace. Two small 
windows, without pulleys, looking towards the camp of the fifty-third'' 
regiment, one of which was thrown up and fastened by a piece of notched' 
wood. Window-curtains of white long-cloth, a small fire-place, a shabby^ 
grate, and fire-irons to match, with a paltry mantel-piece of wood, painted 
white, upon which stood a small marble bust of his son. Above the 
mantel-piece hung the portrait of Maria-Louisa, and four or five of 
young Napoleon, one of which was embroidered by the mother. A little- 
more to the right hung also a miniature picture of the Empress Josephine,, 
and to the left, the alarm chamber-watch of Frederick the Great, obtained! 
by Napoleon at Potsdam ; while, on the right, the consular watch, . 
engraved with the cypher 'B,' hung by a chain of plaited hair of Maria- 
Louisa from a pin stuck in the nankeen lining. The floor was covered' 
with a second-hand carpet, which had once decorated the dining-room. 
of a lieutenant of the St. Helena artillery. In the right-hand coj'ner- 
was placed the little, plain, iron camp- bedstead, with green silk curtains, 
upon which its master had reposed upon the fields of Marengo and' 
Austerlitz. Between the windows, there was a paltry second-hand- 
chest of drawers; and an old book-case, with green blinds, stood on 
the left of the door leading to the next apartment. Four or five cane- 
bottomed chairs, painted green, were standing here and there about 
the room. Before the back door there was a screen, covered with nan- 
keen, and, between that and the fire-place, an old-fashioned sofa, cov- 
ered with white long-cloth ; upon which reclined Napoleon, clothed in 
his white morning-gown, white trowsers and stockings all in one. A 
chequered red Madras upon his head, and his shirt-collar open, without 
a cravat. His air was melancholy and troubled. Before him stood a 
little round table, with some books, at the foot of which lay, in confusion 



532 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

upon the carpet, a heap of those which he had already perused ; and at 
the foot of the sota, facing him, was suspended a portrait of the Empress 
I\Iaria-Louisa, with her son in her arms. In front of the fire-place stood 
Las Cases, witli his arms folded over his breast, and some papers in one 
of his hands. Of all the former magnificence of the once mighty 
Emperor of France, nothing was present except a superb wash-hand 
stand, containing a silver basin, and water-jug of the same metal, in the 
left-hand corner." 

Napoleon had sent for O'lNIeara to ask him the following ques- 
tions: "You know that it was in consequence of my application 
that you were appointed to attend me. Now, I want to know from 
you precisely and truly, as a man of honour, in what situation you 
conceive yourself to be, whether as my surgeon, as M. Maingaud 
was, or the surgeon of a prison-ship and prisoners? Whether you 
have orders to report every trifling occurrence or illness, or what 
I say to you, to the governor? Answer me candidly: what situ- 
ation do' you conceive yourself to be in?" O'Meara replied, "As 
your surgeon, and to attend upon you and your suite;" and pro- 
ceeded to satisfy Napoleon on the subjects which had agitated 
him. The sequel and the ultimate expulsion of O'JMeara from the 
island show that he was justified in his declaration. The emperor 
proceeded to say, that the governor had in a manner forced him- 
self into his chamber, when he was ill and a prey to melancholy, 
and had pressed him to accept the visits of Mr. Baxter, his own 
physician; to which he would not consent. "I understand," said 
he, that he proposed an officer should enter my chamber to see 
me, if I did not stir out. Any one," continued he, with much 
emotion, "who endeavours to force his way into my apartment, 
shall be a corpse the moment he enters it." 

The menaced reductions at Longwood were commenced on the 
7th of September, by withdrawing eight English domestics ; and 
the supplies henceforth delivered were so scanty, that the attend- 
ants were compelled to purchase many necessaries for their own 
as well as the emperor's table. It is said that the governor pro- 
posed to augment the expenditure of Napoleon and his suite, pro- 
vided the surplus passed through his hands, and threatened to effect 
still further retrenchments, if his proposition was refused; which 
fact caused Las Cases to enter in his journal the memorable words, 
" They barter for our very existence." When the particulars of 
this proposition were mentioned to Napoleon, he merely observed, 
that Sir Hudson might do as he pleased : it would ill become iiim 
to become a participator in such business, and he wished the sub- 
ject might not be brought to his notice again. One day, after the 
emperor had dined in his own chamber, he siu-prised his officers at 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 533 

the general table with barely sufficient to eat; when he immedi- 
ately ordered that a part of his plate should be sold every month 
to make up for the recent retrenchments. But even this last 
measure was not allowed to proceed without the governor's inter- 
ference ; for, after the order was carried into eiffect, on learning 
that there was considerable competition in bidding for the impe- 
rial service, and that as much as a hundred guineas had been 
offered for a single plate, he directed that for the future no sale 
should take place except to persons previously sanctioned by him. 

In October, Piontkowski,* the Pole, and three inferior attendants 
of the emperor, were forcibly removed, in order to carry out the 
reductions already commenced ; and for the purpose of inducing 
others to render themselves liable to removal, a form of consent to 
a set of new restrictions was submitted to the household for signa- 
ture, with an intimation that all who refused implicit obedience to 
the authority of the governor, would be forthwith sent to. the Cape 
of Good Hope, without being furnished with the means of return- 
ing to Europe. One of these restrictions was particularly char- 
acteristic : — " Those persons who, with the consent of General 
Bonaparte, may receive the governor's permission to visit him, 
must not communicate with any individual of his suite, unless a 
permission to that effect be specially expressed." The enforcing 
of this regulation must, by excluding the emperor's followers when 
strangers visited him, have reduced him to the necessity of open- 
ing the doors himself; and if his guests were unable to speak 
French, no conversation could have ensued, as Napoleon did not 
understand English. 

The emperor desired his friends rather to quit him, and return 
to Europe, than voluntarily submit to the new vexations imposed 
on them. "I see," he said, "that it is determined to remove you 
in detail : I would rather see you removed altogether than subjected 
to insults which are daily multiplied." This, however, was felt 
to be too great a sacrifice; and all parties agreed to sign the 
required declarations, merely substituting the words " Emperor 
Napoleon" for "General Bonaparte." But on this point Sir 
Hudson Lowe was inflexible, and his pertinacity succeeded in 
humbling his opponents. After considerable discussion, the declar- 
ations, as originally dictated, were signed by all the exiles except 
Santini, who, in consequence of his obstinate refusal, was shortly 
afterwards sent to the Cape of Good Hope. It should be remem- 
bered that, seven or eight months previously to this, Napoleon, 
in order to obviate the difficulties which were constantly arising 

* PiontkowBki had rejoined the suite of the emperor, by permission of the English^ 
government, since his arrival at St. Helena, having originally been refused this privilega. 

45* 



534 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

from his retention of the imperial title, had oflered to take the 
name of Muiron or Dm'oc; and that Admiral Cockburn had 
written to the English government for instructions on the subject, 
hut no answer had ever been returned. He again now made the 
same otfer; but no notice was taken of it. In reference, however, 
to the devotion his followers had manifested in signing the 
declarations, he said, with evident satisfaction, •' They would have 
designated me 'Bonaparte the Tyrant,' in order to remain with 
me in my misery, rather than be compelled to return without me 
to Europe, where they might live in splendour." 

Santini was a Corsican by birth, and a man of warm feelings 
and imagination : he had previously become so disgusted with 
the vulgar tyranny exercised over his master, that at one period 
he resolved upon summary vengeance. He had for some time 
watched the declining health of the emperor with solicitude, and 
had grown moody and melancholy with retlecting on the means 
of remedying the evils he was compelled to witness. At last, as 
he was observed to do nothing in the house, but to employ him- 
self with a gun in the neighbourhood, under pretence of seeking 
game for the emperor's table, he was seriously questioned as to 
his intentions by his countryman Cipriani, when he confessed that 
he had formed a project to shoot Sir Hudson Lowe, whom he 
designated as a monster, and then to kill himself Cipriani, know- 
ing the valet's character, caused a communication to be made to 
the emperor, who was himself compelled to exert all his authority, 
and much persuasion, to procure a promise that all thoughts of 
assassination should be laid aside. "Observe for a moment," said 
Napoleon, '"the fatal consequences of your project; I should have 
been stigmatized as the murderer — the assassin of the governor; 
and it would have been ditHcult with most people to eradicate 
^such an impression." Santini subsequently returned to Europe, 
and published a rather detailed statement of what he considered 
the emperor's wrongs, but in language so violent and exaggerated, 
that it injured the cause. One great service, ho\vever, he had 
well and faithfully performed. He had, on his departure from 
Longwood, been entrusted with the otTicial remonstrances of 
Napoleon, before alluded to, as sent by Count Montholon to the 
governor. This docviment having been communicated to the 
emperor's family and others, gave occasion to a motion for inquiry 
in the House of Lords. Lord Holland introduced the subject on 
the ISth of March, 1817, and eloquently appealed to the legisla- 
ture to limit the bitterness of Napoleon's imprisonment to the 
alleged necessitv of the case, and not to add harsh treatment to a 
-confinement sufficiently severe in itself His lordship spoke of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 535 

the unhealthy situation of Longwood; of the restrictions placed 
on the exercise of the emperor; of the interdiction of his letters, 
even to his wife, his child, and his dearest relatives; the detention 
of books sent out to liim; the refusal to allow him to subscribe 
for newspapers and journals; the inadequacy of the sum allowed 
for his maintenance, and the want of j^enerosity, if not of justice, 
in making him contribute to the charges of his own maintenance. 
Lord Bathurst, the colonial secretary, dexterously, availed himself 
of the misrepresentations of Santini, in order to discredit the infor- 
mation upon which Lord Holland had grounded his motion; and by 
disproving in detail many of the statements which had been pub- 
lished, and confounding them vnth statements v)hich v)ere unde- 
niable, had the a];jpearance of answering the whole, and the Eng- 
lish ministry were for the time triumphant. 

Count Las Cases had been one of the strongest opponents of 
the restrictions of Sir Hudson; and, as it was known that he was 
in the habit of recording all that occurred relative to the treat- 
ment of the emperor, the governor entertained a violent prejudice 
against him, and seems to have long sought occasion to remove 
him from the island. He was charged with constantly declaim- 
ing against the government and tlie oppression of the exiles, with 
speaking to strangers who visited Longwood, in a way to excite 
a favourable interest for the emperor, and with endeavouring to 
establish means of transmitting clandestine correspondence to 
Europe. These allegations, however, being unsupported, a plan 
was thought of to obtain proofs against the accused. Las Cases 
had a free mulatto servant. Sir Hudson Lowe, in November, 
1816, expressed some doubts as to the propriety of a native of the 
island holding a situation at Longwood ; and, after several commu- 
nications on the subject, renrioved the lad — offering to send a 
person of his own selection in his stead. Las Cases, suspecting that 
it was intended to place a spy upon him, declined to receive any 
substitute; but the governor was not thus to be baffled. He 
suborned the mulatto, and sent him back to Longwood, under 
cover of night, to make an offer of conveying letters for his old 
master to London, without the knowledge of the authorities of 
St. Helena. The lad, who represented that he had been engaged 
as servant by a gentleman about to return to Europe, was unfortu- 
nately trusted ; and a letter for Prince Lucien, detailing some of the 
miseries endured by the captives, and another to a friend in Eng- 
land, written on satin, were sown up in his clothes. This was on 
the 24th of November ; on the 25th, a troop of soldiers siezed the 
unfortunate count, took possession of all his papers and effects, 
and made prisoner also of his son, who had copied part of the 



536 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

criminating letter. After a close confinement of about five weeks, 
during which Las Cases' journals and letters underwent a rigid 
examination, and he himself was subjected to a long interrogatory, 
he was sent to the Cape of Good Hope ; whence, after more than 
seven months' imprisonment, he was permitted to return to Europe ; 
but not allowed to land in England, until after the death of Napo- 
leon. The papers of the count were transmitted eventually to 
England, and detained by the colonial office for several years. 
It was only on the interference of Lord Holland, indeed, that 
their return was finally obtained; and to that nobleman, therefore, 
the world, in this as in other instances, is indebted for the revelations 
concerning the prison-house of St. Helena. 

The removal of Las Cases from St. Helena has been generally 
regretted as a loss, since he appears to have been most honoured 
with his sovereign's confidence, and to have recorded his opinions 
and acts with the strictest impartiality and most unwearied assiduity. 
It was to him that Napoleon had dictated the account of his cam- 
paigns in Italy, and to him we chiefly owe our knowledge of the 
memorable facts connected with the emperor's early career. 
Gourgaud, Montholon, and Bertrand, appear to have had no 
natural taste for literature, and to have occupied themselves with 
such pursuits merely in obedience to orders ; hence we obtain from 
them little information beyond what was dictated expressly for 
publication. The value Napoleon attached to the services of the 
good count, is best expressed in the language of his own farewell 
letter, of which the following is an extract : 

' "Your company was necessary to me. You are the only one that 
can read, speak, and understand English. How many nights have you 
watched over me in my illness! . . It will be a great source of consolation 
to me to know that you are on your way to more favoured climes. 
Endeavour to forget the evils you have been made to suffer, and boast 
of the fidelity you have shown towards me, and of all the affection I feel 
for you. If you should some day see my wife and son, embrace them 
for me. For the last two years, I have had no news from them, directly 
nor indirectly. In the mean time, be comforted, and console my friends. 
My person, it is true, is exposed to the hatred of my enemies, who omit 
nothing that can contribute to gratify their vengeance, and to make me 
suffer the protracted tortures of a slow death ; but Providence is too just 
to allow those sufferings to last much longer. The insalubrity of this 
dreadful climate, and the want of every thing that tends to support life, 
will soon, I feel, put an end to my existence — the last moments of which 
will be an opprobrium to the English name. . . Receive my embrace, 
and the assurance of my friendship. May you be happy !"* 

* This letter was detained by the governor, and only reached its destination after 
the death of Napoleon. 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 537 

Las Cases, besides his usefulness as an amanuensis, was of great 
service in cheering the desolation which the emperor could not 
but feel occasionally. Whenever he observed that his spirits 
were failing, he tried to amuse him with anecdotes of the emigrants 
and the gossip of the Fauxbourg St. Germain, which he was fond 
of hearing, because, as he once expressed it, "I was well acquainted 
with every thing that had relation to myself, but I never knew 
any thing of those affairs." Las Cases therefore went on with one 
story after another, and succeeded in making the emperor laugh 
heartily. His kind intention was fully understood. " At the con- 
clusion of one of my stories," says he, "the emperor pinched my 
ear, and said, in a tone of voice which delighted me — ' I read a 
story in your Atlas (the work published under the title of Le 
Sage's Atlas, but in reality by Las Cases), of a northern monarch 
who was immured in a prison, and one of his soldiers solicited and 
obtained permission to be imprisoned with him, in order that he 
might cheer his spirits, either by inducing him to converse, or by 
relating stories to him. My dear Las Cases, you are that soldier.' " 
Some of the "amusing stories" are related in the journal: the 
following is selected as a specimen : — It had been reported in Paris 
that Napoleon, irritated against the Emperor of Austria, exclaimed, 
within hearing of Maria-Louisa, that he was a blockhead {une 
ganache). Not understanding the term, the empress asked a 
courtier what it meant, who stammered out — "A clever man, a 
man of extraordinary talent." Shortly afterwards, she presided at 
a council of state, and on occasion of some stormy debate, she called 
on Cambaceres to set all right, for, said she, " I consider you the 
greatest ganache in the empire." At this story, Napoleon held 
his sides with laughter. " What a pity," said he, " it is not true ! 
Only imagine the scene! The offended dignity of Cambaceres, 
the merriment of the whole council, and the embarrassment of 
Maria-Louisa, alarmed at the success of her unconscious joke." 

The governor, after a vain attempt to tamper with O'Meara, and 
to induce him to act as a spy upon the inmates of Longwood, 
thought it necessary to put that gentleman, although a British 
officer, under the same regulations as the exiles, and to forbid his 
quitting the prison limits without permission. He went so far as 
to direct the officers of the sixty-sixth regiment, which had super- 
seded the fifty-third, to exclude the doctor from their mess-table ; 
and when O'Meara remonstrated, he was treated with the foulest 
abuse by Sir Hudson, who ordered him to be turned out of Plant- 
ation-house. Finding that he could neither be wheedled nor 
bullied into compliance with his wishes, the governor procured an 
order from Lord Bathurst, dated the 16th of May, 1818, to remove 



538 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

the refractory surgeon from the island. When sending the offen- 
sive notice to O'Meara, he enjoined him to discontinue all further 
communication with the inhabitants of Longwood; but this 
injunction the doctor determined at all risks to disobey — his 
patient's health being such as to require that a regimen should be 
prescribed for him, and, in the absence of a surgeon, that a quan- 
tity of medicines should be prepared. He accordingly waited on 
the emperor, and communicated the new vexation. " The crime 
will be the sooner consummated," said the latter; "I have lived too 
long for them." O'Meara took leave of Napoleon on the 25th of 
July, when he was honoured with introductions, and some mes- 
sages of affection, to the imperial family, and to Lady Holland. 
"Be," said he, "the interpreter of my love to my good Louisa, my 
excellent mother, and Pauline. If you should see my son, embrace 
him for me, and tell him never to forget that he was born a French 
prince. Assure Lady Holland of the feelings which I entertain of 
her kindness, and the esteem which I bear towards her. Try to 
send me authentic information concerning the manner in which 
my son is brought up." The emperor then embraced him, saying, 
"Adieu, O'Meara; we shall meet no more. May you be happy!" 
Whatever might be the irritable effects of his illness in his 
intercourse with the governor, it is, nevertheless, the unvarying 
declaration of all his friends and attendants, that Napoleon's 
equability towards them never deserted him, and that the patience 
and fortitude which he exhibited to the last were wonderful. To 
O'Meara, he was always kind, frequently playful, even when suf- 
fering much. On visiting him, one morning, O'Meara found him 
worse, and heard that he had been very ill in the night. "I was 
going to send for you early in the morning," said he; "but then 
I considered — this poor devil of a doctor has been up all night, 
at a ball, and has need of sleep. If I disturb him, he will have 
his eyes so heavy, and his intellects so confused, that he will not 
be able to form any correct opinion. Soon after this, I fell into 
a perspiration, and felt much relieved." Few patients show so 
much consideration for their medical attendants. He often amused 
himself with jokes upon O'Meara. Whenever he heard of an 
English dinner party, he would ask — " Well, how many bottles 
of wine did you drink? Have you a head-ache to-day? Ah! 
doctor, your eyes betray you!" And if he still met with a denial 
of the charge, he would ask — "How many of you got drunk? It 
must have been a very stupid party, surely, if none did." He 
had a great notion of English wine-drinking; and used to ani- 
madvert on the practice of sitting after dinner, and sending the 
ladies away. Once he asked O'Meara what was his Christian 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 539 

name, and who was his patron saint; — "For," said he, laughing, 
"you must have one to plead your cause for you. St. Napoleon," 
he went on, "ought to be very much obliged to me, and do every 
thing in his power for me in the next world. Poor fellow! nobody 
knew him before. He had not even a day in the calendar. I 
persuaded the pope to give him the 15th of August, my birthday!" 
Then he went on to tell the story of a poor sinner, as he had heard 
it told by a priest in Italy. This sinner died; and his soul saw 
all the good and evil he had done in his life thrown into the scales. 
The evil much preponderated, and the poor soul was condemned. 
"Already," said the preacher, "had the devouring element covered 
his feet and legs, and proceeded upwards, even unto his bowels; 
in his vitals, O brethren! he felt them. He sank; and only his 
head appeared above the waves of fire, when he cried out to his 
patron saint — 'O, patron! take compassion; and throw into the 
scale all the lime and stone which I gave to repair the convent 

of .' The saint took the hint, gathered together all the 

lime and stone, threw them into the scale of good, and the evil 
flew up to the beam, and the sinner's soul to Paradise, at the same 
moment. Now, you see by this, brethren, how useful it is to keep 
the convents in repair, &c." "You observe," said Napoleon, 
laughing, "those knaves wanted money to get a new convent 
built, and it poured in upon them after this expedient." 

For some months after the removal of O'Meara, Napoleon was 
attended by Dr. Stokoe, surgeon of the Conqueror; but that gentle- 
man, like his predecessor, was ultimately dismissed for refusing to 
dishonour himself and his profession by becoming the governor's 
spy. In a letter to the emperor, dated 21st January, 1819, con- 
taining some necessary professional directions, he communicated 
the fact of his removal also ; and it was afterwards ridiculously 
attempted to construa this letter into a felonious act ; it being, as 
the governor alleged, an illegal communication with the French I 
The doctor, however, had a gratifying triumph over the machina- 
tions of his enemies, and was promptly restored to his post on 
board the Conqueror. 

From January till September, 1819, the emperor was without 
any medical attendant; and during the latter part of that period, 
was subjected to a course of outrages almost surpassing the con- 
ception of the most brutal mind. Meanwhile, Madame Montholon 
and General Gourgaud had been compelled by ill-health to return 
to Europe, and Counts Bertrand and Montholon alone remained 
to assuage the sufferings of their revered emperor. Montholon, 
who had previously given the required report of Napoleon's health, 
was confined to his room by a severe illness in the month of 



540 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

August; when the governor, as if desirous to invent fresh vexations, 
refused to correspond with Count Bertrand, and endeavoured to 
insist on a direct correspondence with the emperor himself, either 
by the visit of one of his officers twice a-day, or by letters. 
The letters, addressed in the usual style, the emperor would not 
receive, and against the visits, his doors were bolted. During a 
whole week. Sir Thomas Reade* and another staff-officer con- 
tinued to violently enter Longwood, proceeding to the outer door 
of Napoleon's apartment, where they would continue knocking 
for some time, exclaiming, "Come out, Napoleon Bonaparte!" 
"We want Napoleon Bonaparte!" &c. ; concluding their atrocities 
by leaving packets of letters addressed to him. These disgusting 
proceedings were finally arrested by the following declaration 
from their victim : 

"On the 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 16th of August, 1819, attempts were made, 
for the first time, to violate the apartments inhabited by the Emperor Napoleon, which 
to this epoch had been constantly respected. He resisted this violence by shutting 
and locking the doors. In this situation, he reiterates the protestation which he has 
made, and caused to be made several times, that the right of his door shall not be vio- 
lated unless by walking over his corpse. He has for three years lived concentrated 
in the interior of six small rooms, in order to escape insults and outrages. If baseness 
is carried to the degree of envying him this refuge, it has been determined to leave him 
no other than the tomb. Labouring for two years under a chronic hepatitis, a disease 
endemic in this place, and for a year deprived of the assistance of his physicians by the 
removal of Dr. O'Meara in July, 1818, and of Dr. Stokoe in January, 1819, he has 
experienced several crises, during which he has been obliged to keep his bed, sometimes 
for fifteen or twenty successive days. At the present moment, in the midst of one of 
the most violent of the crises that he has yet experienced, confined to his bed for nine 
days, having only patience, diet, and the bath, to oppose to the disease ; for six days 
his tranquillity has been disturbed by threats of an attack, and of outrages which the 
Prince Regent, Lord Liverpool, and all Europe, well know he will never submit to. 
As the wish to debase and to insult him is daily manifested, he reiterates the declara- 
tion he has already made: that he has not taken, nor will he take any notice, nor has 
he ordered, nor will he order any answer to be given to any despatches or packets, the 
wording of which shall be done in a manner injurious to him, and contrary to the forms 
which liave been established for four years, to correspond with him through the inter- 
mediation of his officers ; that he has thrown and will throw into the fire or out of the 
window those insulting packets, not wishing to innovate any thing upon the state of 
affairs that has existed for some years. 

(Signed) " Napoleon. 

"Longwood, IGth August, 1819." 

The reports of the rapid decline of Napoleon's health, success- 
ively brought to Europe by Las Cases, O'Meara, and Gourgaud, 
excited the most lively apprehensions of all who still remembered 
him with affection. His mother addressed an affecting appeal to 
the congress of the allied sovereigns, for his removal to a more 
genial clime ; but, failing in this, she obtained from Lord Bathurst, 

* This individual seems to have been the most contemptible tool that was ever used 
in a despicable service. It was impossible to further degrade such a creature. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 541 

through the mediation of Cardinal Fesch, permission to send out a 
physician in whom he would probably feel confidence. Dr. Antom- 
marchi, a young Corsican, was selected, who took with him two 
priests — the Abb^s Vignali and Buonavita — Napoleon having 
expressed a wish that himself and his suite might have it in their 
power to perform the rites of the church according to the CathoUc 
mode of observance. As he had not been apprised of the engage- 
ment of this well-meant addition to the inmates of Longwood, he 
at first received them with some suspicion ; but this was soon dis- 
pelled by the doctor, who was introduced to his patient on the 
22d of September, 1819. Their two first interviews were entirely 
occupied by conversation concerning every member of the imperial 
family; and his mother, wife, and son, were objects of repeated 
and earnest inquiries : the doctor had brought a print of the latter, 
on which Napoleon gazed with a kind of rapture for some time. 
It was not until the third interview, that an opportunity was afforded 
for making the necessary examination, which produced evidence 
of the existence of extensive disease. The emperor had scarcely 
been out of doors for eighteen months ; the colour of the skin was 
unhealthy, the body excessively fat, the white of the eyes had 
become yellow, the ear hard, the tongue bad, the pulse low ; vio- 
lent sneezing and hard dry cough were frequent; the right side 
was hard, swelled, and painful on being touched. A vague pain 
existed there, and great uneasiness in the shoulder, with a fixed 
and deep-seated pain, which Napoleon described as appearing to 
be in the interior of the chest, and which never left him, proceed- 
ing doubtless from, the dreadful organic disease of the stomach, 
which was the principal cause of his death. The appetite was 
gone ; and frequent nausea, and rejection of the food taken, occur- 
red. "Well, doctor," said Napoleon, when this examination had 
concluded, "what do you think of it? Am I destined much longer 
to disturb the digestion of kings?" It is probable that the opinions 
of the physician and his patient were much alike on this matter, 
although the zeal of the former prevailed over the unwillingness of 
the latter to use remedies. He not only submitted to take medicine, 
but was actually induced once more to take exercise ; he walked 
out; he even mounted on horseback, and galloped a few miles; 
and took short drives in his calash. A decided, though temporary, 
' improvement was the result, interrupted, however, by very severe 
"attacks of illness. 

A new mode of inducing the continuance of a more active life 
occurred to Antommarchi, towards the end of the year; he proposed 
to the emperor to dig in the garden. The next morning. Napoleon 
was at work. He had named No varrez, who had been used to rural 

46 



542 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

occupations, his head gardener, and worked under his directions. 
"Well, doctor," he cried, as Antommarchi approached, "are you sat- 
isfied with your patient ? Is he obedient enough ? This is better 
than your pills, dottoraccio' (great doctor), he continued, laughing, 
and holding up his spade; "you shall not physic me any more!" 

The emperor became fond of his new employment. He pressed 
all Longwood into his service. The ladies alone escaped, though 
he tried by every means to persuade them also to begin to dig. 
They made alleys, grottoes, " cascades, miniature roads, basins or 
excavations; transplanted young trees; manured the ground, and 
sowed in it beans, peas, and every vegetable that grows in the 
island. The arid soil gave little hope of vegetation, but the object 
was attained for the time ; Napoleon enjoyed a month of compara- 
tive health. On these occasions, he wore a loose, light dress, and 
a large straw hat ; and he gave the same costume to a set of 
Chinese, who worked under his direction. 

His physician could now perceive, by certain indications, that 
a dread of the complaint of which his father died — a cancer in the 
stomach — had entered Napoleon's mind, but that he dared not 
avow his fears. He was observed consulting medical books and 
physiological plates to endeavour to gain information from them, 
and he sometimes recurred to the question of the existence of 
hereditary diseases. In one of these discussions, a striking proof 
appears of the acuteness of his mind. The conversation having 
turned on the causes of pestilence, and the diflTerence between pure 
and impure air. Napoleon exclaimed — " How ! is it not known what, 
in an aeriform fluid, wounds such or such an organ? Has no 
attempt been made to isolate that fatal principle ?" " The attempt 
has been made," rejoined Antommarchi, "but in vain; it is too 
subtile." "But," rejoined Napoleon, "the atmosphere that sur- 
rounds an individual infected with the plague, cannot offer the 
same elements of composition as that of a healthy individual." 
These curious remarks are rendered the more interesting, since 
modern science has succeeded in isolating the fatal principle, by 
condensing and separating from the air those minute particles of 
animal and vegetable matter in a state of decomposition, which have 
been found, by direct experiment on animals, to produce fever in its 
different degrees of intensity. 

Some rainy weather came, which stopped the operations in the 
garden, and Napoleon would not allow even the Chinese to pro- 
ceed. He was employing them to construct a basin, to which he 
meant to bring water by pipes. "It is useless," said he; "since 
there is no hurry for this basin, let them rest ; we will resume our 
task hereafter. I have, besides, some observations to make ; come, 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 543 

follow me : you will find them interesting." " I went," says Antom- 
marchi; "and found that the objects of his observations were 
some ants, whose manners he had been studying. These insects 
had appeared in great numbers in his bed-room, since he occupied 
it less, and had climbed on his table, on which there was usually 
some sugar. Allured by the bait, they had established a chain of 
communication, and taken possession of the sugar-basin. Napo- 
leon was anxious that they should not be disturbed in their plans ; 
he only now and then moved the sugar, following their manceu- 
vres, and admiring the activity and industry they displayed until 
they had found it again. 'This is not instinct,' said he; 'it is 
much more — it is sagacity, intelligence, and the ideal of civil 
association. But these little beings have not our passions, our 
cupidity ; they assist, but do not destroy each other. I have vainly 
endeavoured to defeat their purpose ; I have removed the sugar to 
every part of the room ; they have been one, two, or sometimes 
three days looking for it, but have always succeeded at last.'" 

The illness of Napoleon was still varied by intervals of ease, 
during which he took exercise, and occasionally mounted on horse- 
back. He one day even rode fast and far enough to alarm Sir 
Hudson Lowe, who instituted an inquiry into the mysterious cir- 
cumstance of a horseman having been seen galloping to the camp 
at Deadwood, disguised as a Chinese. This horseman was the 
emperor in his working-dress. " Is he afraid," inquired Napoleon, 
"that I should find wings, and fly away, and escape the grave?" 

In the month of October, his sufferings greatly increased, and he 
was subject to frequent fits of melancholy, during which he passed 
whole days without speaking to any one. At other times, he took 
much pleasure in talking with the children of his followers, and 
with the daughters of Mr. Balcombe, who visited Longwood as 
often as circumstances permitted. He used to make Tristan 
Montholon, who was between seven and eight years old, recite 
fables which he had learned by rote without understanding their 
meaning — -endeavouring, while he did so, to explain their object. 
In his comment upon " the Wolf and the Lamb," he said that the 
fable was defective in principle and moral: the wolf ought to have 
been strangled in devouring the lamb. Tristan, when questioned, 
confessed that he was sometimes idle at his studies. "But you 
eat every day?" said the emperor. — "Yes, sire." — "Then you 
should work daily : no one ought to eat who does not work." — 
"Oh, well! in that case, I will work every day." — "Such is the 
influence of the belly !" exclaimed Napoleon, tapping that of the 
child to whom he was speaking; "it is hunger that keeps the 
world moving." 



V 



544 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

He was so much affected by intelligence of the death of his sis- 
ter Eliza, which reached him about the end of December, that he 
continued in a state of stupor a long time, and the most gloomy 
forebodings were excited. "Ehza," he said, "has just shown us 
the way. Death, which seemed to have overlooked my family, 
has began to strike it. My turn cannot be far off. I have no 
longer strength, activity, nor energy remaining; I am no longer 
Napoleon; I bend beneath my yoke; I hardly exist. All is over: 
my days will soon close on this miserable rock." He then spoke 
of his son and of Maria- Louisa. His physician tried to divert 
his thoughts by starting other subjects. "I understand you," said 
the emperor; "let it be so: let us forget — if, indeed, the heart of 
a father can ever forget!" 

After the 17th of March, 1821, he was chiefly confined to his 
bed. About this period. Sir Hudson Lowe, on learning that the 
orderly officer, appointed to ascertain from day to day the presence 
of the emperor, was unable to see him on account of his confine- 
ment to his sick-chamber, went himself to Longwood, accompanied 
by his whole staff; he put authoritative questions to the domestics, 
paraded round the house, examined the outlets, and finally threat- 
ened to force an entrance, if Napoleon, by a certain date, were 
not rendered visible when he desired. Antommarchi and Mon- 
tholon remonstrated against this savage resolution ; the governor, 
nevertheless repeated his menace, and would doubtless have put 
it in execution, but that the emperor consented to Dr. Arnott's 
being called in for consultation on the disease under which he was 
dying ; upon which. Sir Hudson agreed to receive that gentleman's 
report instead of the military officer's, and the contemplated out- 
rage was avoided. 

On the 15th of April, Napoleon commenced dictating his will, 
which is an interesting and characteristic document, and on which 
he spent nearly the whole of four days, shut up with Count Mon- 
tholon and Marchand. On the 19th he seemed much better, was 
in good spirits, and able to sit up. His attendants generally 
expressed their satisfaction at his improvement: "You deceive 
yourselves, my friends," he said: "I feel that my end draws near. 
When I am dead, you will have the sweet consolation of returning 
to Europe. One will meet his relations, and another his friends; 
as for me — I shall rejoin my brave companions in arms in the 
Elysian Fields. Yes! Kleber, Desaix, Bessi^res, Duroc, Ney, 
Murat, Massena, Berthier, will all come to greet me, and talk to 
me of what we have done together. I shall recount to them the 
latest events of my life. On seeing me, they will rekindle with 
enthusiasm and glory. We will discourse of our wars with the 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 545 

Scipio's and the Hannibal's — with Caesar and with Frederic. There 
will be pleasure in that, unless," he added, laughing, " they should 
be alarmed below to see so many warriors assembled together!" 

Dr. Arnott at this moment arrived, and the emperor spoke to 
him for some time concerning the progress of his disorder; then 
in a solemn tone he addressed him (Bertrand acting as interpreter) 
on the wrongs and injuries which had been inflicted on himself 
by Sir Hudson Lowe ; and concluded by expressing his conviction 
that England would end like the proud republic of Venice. " For 
me," he exclaimed, "expiring on this frightful rock, torn from my 
family, and deprived of every thing, I bequeath the infamy and 
horror of my death to the reigning family of England!" 

On the 21st, he sent for the Abbe Vignali, and on his appearance 
the following colloquy ensued: "Do you know, abb^ what a 
chambre ardente is?'" — "Yes, sire." — "Have you ever officiated 
in one?" — "No, sire." — "Well, then, you must officiate in mine." 
He then explained minutely to the priest all the details of the 
ceremonies to be observed in a room in which a body lies in state ; 
and thus continued: I was born in the Catholic religion; I will ful- 
fil the duties it imposes, and receive the assistance it administers." 

Napoleon seemed fully aware that he was now on his death-bed. 
On the 28th, after giving Antommarchi particular directions in 
regard to a post-mortem examination of his remains, and exacting 
a promise that no English physicians should be employed in the 
operation unless it was absolutely necessary, he proceeded with 
perfect calmness and composure as follows : 

"I desire that you will take my heart, put it in spirits of wine, and 
carry it to Parma, to my dear Maria-Louisa. You will tell her that 1 
tenderly loved her — that I never ceased to love her; and you will 
relate to her all you have seen, and every particular respecting my 
situation and my death. I particularly recommend to you carefully 
to examine my stomach, and to make a precise and detailed report of 
the state in which you may find it ; which report you will give to my 
son. I am inclined to believe that it is attacked with the same disorder 
which killed my father — I mean a scirrhus in the pylorus. What is 
your opinion?" — "I hesitated to reply," says Antommarchi; and he 
continued : " I began to suspect that such was the case, as soon as I 
experienced the frequency and obstinate recurrence of the sickness. I 
beg you will be very particular in your examination, in order that, when 
you see my son, you may be able to communicate your observations to 
him, and point out to him the most proper medicines to use. When I 
am no more, you will go to Rome : you will see my mother and my 
family, and will relate to them all you may have observed concerning 
my situation, my disorder, and my death upon this miserable and dreary 
Kk 46* 



546 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

.rock. You will tell them that the great Napoleon expired in the most 
deplorable state, deprived of every thing, abandoned to himself and to his 
glory ; and that he bequeathed with his dying breath, to all the reigning 
families of Europe, the horror and opprobium of his last moments.' " 

Alternations of acute anguish and delirium were frequent for 
several days; during which, all his attendants redoubled their zeal 
and attention, anxious to give him a last mark of devotedness, 
which he seemed fully to appreciate. On the afternoon of the 3d 
of May, when the fever was less violent, he expressed a desire 
that the Abb6 Vignali might administer the last offices of the 
church. Every one left the room, except the priest, and Napo- 
leon received the extreme unction. Although the fever afterwards 
augmented, he still retained possession of his senses ; and towards 
evening called his officers around him, and addressed them in the 
following impressive words : 

" I am going to die, and you to return to Europe ; I must give you 
some advice as to the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have 
shared my exile ; you will be faithful to my memory, and will not do 
any thing that may injure it. I sanctioned great principles, and infused 
them into my laws and acts. Unfortunately, however, the circum- 
stances in which I was placed were arduous, and I was obliged to act 
with severity, and to postpone the execution of my plans. Our reverses 
occurred : I could not unbend the bow ; and France has been deprived 
of the liberal institutions I intended to give her. She judges me with 
indulgence ; she feels grateful to my intentions ; she cherishes my name 
and my victories. Imitate her example : be faithful to the opinions we 
have defended, and to the glory we have acquired ; any other course 
can only lead to shame and confusion." 

A hurricane howled round the rocks of St. Helena on the night 
of the 4th, which tore up by the roots the old willow under which 
Napoleon had been accustomed to enjoy the fresh air; and the 
young trees, which he had planted with his own hands, were broken 
and scattered by the tempest. This was regarded as a fitting 
precursor to the sad event about to take place, and it has been 
absurdly attempted from this coincidence to establish some resem- 
blance between Bonaparte and Oliver Cromwell. 

On the morning of the last day of Napoleon's existence, it was 
evident that the long agony was fast drawing to a close. There 
were fearful indications of physical pain ; but the mind appeared 
to have become unconscious of it ; and, except at intervals, sensa- 
tion was apparently abolished. A few scarcely-articulate words 
were still uttered; among which, the last that could be distin- 
guished, were, ''Tete ... Armee (head ... army; or, perhaps, 
armed ... head). Towards evening, the pulse became nearly 



MEMOIRS OF XAPOLEOV BOXAPARTE. 547 

imperceptible; there were deep sighs, piteous moans, ana convul- 
sive movements; the lips were spasmodically closed against all 
nourishment; and at eleven minutes before six, on the 5th of May, 
1821. he who had for years kept all Europe in a state of feveris'h 
excitement, terminated his earthly career. 

After the first burst of gi-ief had been indulged, his executors 
proceeded, according to the desire of the emperor, to open twO' 
codicils of his will. The first merely specified certain gratuities 
to be paid to the members of his household. The second contained 
the well-known direction which has since been complied with, viz: 
"It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the 
Seine, in the midst of the French people, whom I loved so well." 
— The governor having neither inclination nor authority to com- 
ply with this desire, expressed a wish that the officers of the 
deceased should select any place they might deem proper for the 
grave : and accordingly they fixed upon a spot called Slane's Val- 
ley, about three miles from Longwood, whence his Chinese domes- 
tics had been accustomed to bring him spring- water, and which: 
was surrounded by some weeping-willows. 

For the want of necessary materials, the body was not embalmed ;• 
but, after the examination so strenuously urged upon Dr. Antom- 
marchi, the heart and stomach were placed in a silver vase, 
and subsequently deposited in the coffin, as the governor would 
not allow them to be taken to Europe, to be disposed of according 
to the emperor's request. The examination disclosed the ravages 
of a complication of diseases. The lungs were inflamed, and 
organically diseased; the liver was seriously affected, and botb 
the lobes adhered — the one to the diaphragm and the other to the 
stomach. The latter circumstance had prolonged the sufferings 
and the life of the patient ; for the adhesion of the liver to a portion 
of the stomach, had occurred on the very spot where the dreadful 
disease, which had been the immediate cause of death, had per> 
forated a hole entirelv through the latter organ, which, had it not 
been so covered, would have caused death at the moment of its 
formation, by admitting the contents of the stomach into the cavity 
of the abdomen. Nearly the whole of the interior of the stomach 
was occupied by a cancerous ulcer. 

After being clad in the uniform of the Imperial Guard, girt 
with sword and spurs, and decorated with the cordons and crosses 
of the Legion of Honour and the Iron Crown, the body was 
removed to the small bed-room, which had been fitted up as a 
charnbre ardente, and there laid on a bed, covered with the blue 
cloth cloak which had been worn by the emperor at the battle of 
Marengo. Behind the head was the altar, at which the Abb4.- 



548 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

Vignali recited prayers ; lighted tapers were placed on either side, 
and on his chest a crucifix; all the persons of his suite, officers 
and servants, dressed in mourning, were standing on the left ; and 
Dr. Arnott watched over the corpse, which had been placed under 
his personal responsibility. Here the whole population of St. 
Helena thronged to take a last look at the lifeless remains; but, 
although the crowd was immense, they all maintaified the greatest 
order, and a feeling of religious awe caused the preservation of 
deep silence. After lying in state during the 6th and 7th, the 
body was deposited in the coffin, which was composed — first of tin, 
lined with white satin, which, having been soldered down, was 
enclosed in another of mahogany, a third of lead, and the whole 
in a fourth of mahogany, secured with iron screws. 

The meanness of Sir Hudson Lowe even followed the " Captive 
Conqueror" in death. — It was the wish of his attendants to place 
the following inscription upon his coffin : " Napoleon, N6 a Ajaccio, 
le 15 Aout, 1769; mort a Sainte Hel^ne, le 5 Mai, 1821." But 
this functionary, as if apprehensive that a mere inscription could 
tell the world more than it already knew, insisted that the plate 
should bear nothing but " General Bonaparte," and consequently 
it remained wholly uninscribed. 

The funeral was appointed to take place on the 8th, when the 
troops were ordered under arms, and in mourning, at day-break, 
although the procession did not form till after twelve o'clock. 
The members of his late household attended as mourners, and 
were followed by the governor, the admiral, and all the civil and 
military authorities of the island. As the road did not permit a 
near approach of the hearse to the place of sepulture, twelve Eng- 
lish grenadiers had the honour of bearing the coffin to the grave 
— Counts Bertrand and Montholon, with Marchand and young 
Napoleon Bertrand, holding the four corners of the pall. The 
coffin was deposited on the edge of the grave, and uncovered; 
when the Abb6 Vignali recited the usual prayers, and the body 
was consigned to its last rest. The artillery then fired three 
successive volleys of fifteen guns each. After these ceremonies 
were concluded, an enormous stone was lifted up by means of a 
ring fixed in it, and was lowered down over the body, resting on 
a strong stone wall on each side, so as not to touch the coffin. 
It was then fastened ; the ring was taken away, the hole it had 
left filled up, and the masonry covered with a layer of cement. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 549 



CHAPTER IV. 

Arrangements made for transporting the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena ; Communication 
from Lord Palmerston ; Prince de JoinvUle appointed to command the Expedition ; its Departure 
from France and ai-rival at St. Helena ; Exhumation and Reception of the Remains ; Report of the 
Commissioners ; Return to France ; Ceremonies along the Route to Paiis ; Final Disposition in the 
CSiapel of the Invalides. 

It has been thought that a memoir of Napoleon would not be 
complete without an account of the funeral honours paid to him by 
his country; and we therefore conclude our labours with such 
details of the last great event connected with his history as are 
considered of general interest. 

From the period when the dying wish of the exile, that "his 
ashes should repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the 
French people whom he had loved so well," became known, its 
accomplishment was sought from time to time by the French 
nation, especially by the military portion of it ; but as often dis- 
countenanced by parties in power. Shortly after the revolution 
of 1830, the slumbering question was again mooted, and with a 
louder voice ; but the son of Napoleon — he who had been recog- 
nised by all France as his heir, and even proclaimed emperor after 
his father's abdication — was still living, and it was considered that 
such honour to the dead might endanger the stability of the exist- 
ing dynasty, by reviving the old question of legitimacy. The 
disturbed state of Europe, looking on with a distrustful eye to the 
purposes of France, also discouraged the experiment. It was 
reserved for the French ministry of 1840, with M. Thiers at its 
head, to propose that the emperor's wish should be complied with, 
by consigning his ashes to their fitting resting-place. On the 5th 
of May, by direction of Louis-Philippe, an official correspondence 
took place between the cabinets of France and England concern- 
ing the removal of the remains. The British ministry responded 
frankly and generously, as is testified by the following communi- 
cation from Lord Palmerston : 

" The government of her Britannic Majesty hopes that the promptness of its answer 
may be considered in France as a proof of its desire to blot out the last trace of those 
national animosities which, during the life of the emperor, armed England and France 
against each other. The British government hopes that if such sentiments survive any 
where, they may be buried in the tomb about to receive the remains of Napoleon." 

On the 12th of May, the design so worthily entered upon was 
thus communicated to the Chamber of Deputies by M. de Remu- 
sat, Minister of the Interior : 



550 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

" The king has commanded his son, the Prince de Joinville, to proceed to St. Helena 
to receive the ashes of the Emperor Napoleon, in order to convey them to France. 
Our magnanimous ally has wished in this event to efface the last traces of past ani- 
mosity. The frigate bearing the remains will, on its return, repair to the mouth of the 
Seine, from whence another vessel will transport them to Paris, to be deposited in the 
H6tel des Invalides, when a solemn ceremony, worthy of the occasion and of the 
country, will take place. Napoleon was legitimate sovereign of France ; and as such, 
his mortal remains might repose at St. Denis; but the ordinary sepulture of kings 
would not be worthy of Napoleon : he should lie among the soldiers of the nation — his 
former companions in glory — in that silent and sacred asylum, to which those who 
henceforth may be called on to defend our country, may always repair to invoke suc- 
cess. Beneath the dome of the temple, a monument, durable as his memory, will be 
erected, for which, with the expenses of removal, and of the funeral ceremony, we 
require of the chambers the grant of a million of francs (£40,000). Henceforth, France 
alone will possess all that remains of Napoleon : his tomb, Uke his fame, will belong to 
none but his country." 

The chambers nobly responded to the appeal of the government 
and to the wishes of the country ; and the announcement speedily 
spread through France, eliciting a burst of enthusiasm. Prepara- 
tions for the expedition were immediately commenced. 
■ On the 2d of July, the Prince de Joinville quitted Paris to take 
command of the Belle Poule frigate, and the Favourite corvette, 
lying off Toulon. The quarter-deck of the frigate (on board of 
which the prince sailed) had been fitted up as a chapelle-ardente 
— an imperial cenotaph — bearing allegorical bassi-relievi — His- 
tory and Justice, with Religion, and the cross of the Legion of 
Honour at the sides ; eagles at the four angles ; and the crown on 
the summit. 

The prince was accompanied by four of the emperor's com- 
panions in exile — Count Bertrand, Baron Gourgaud, the younger 
Las Cases, and Marchand (the emperor's ancient valet-de-chambre) 
■ — and by Captain Hermoux, of the navy, his royal highness's aid- 
de-camp; Midshipman Touchard, his ordnance officer; the Count 
de Rohan-Chabot, the king's commissioner; the Abbe Coquereau, 
chaplain ; and four old servants of Napoleon : Denis and Novarrez, 
valets; Pi6ron, domestic officer; and Archambaud, his huntsman. 
Of Marchand, his testamentary executor, the emperor had said, 
" The services which he has rendered me have been those of a 
friend." 

The Belle Poule and Favourite put to sea on the 8th of July, 
1840, and anchored off St. Helena on the 8th of October. On the 
1st of December, the French government received the following 
despatch : 

« Cherbom'g Road, November 30th, 1840. 

" Monsieur le Ministee: As I had the honour of announcing to you, I left the Bay 

•of All Saints on the 14th of September. I sailed along the coast of Brazil with east- 

ei:ly winds, which enabled me to reach St. Helena by the parallel of twenty-eight degrees 

.south, and to arrive at this point after some delay. On the 8th of October, I cast anchor 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 551 

in the roads of James' Town. The brig Oreste, sent by Vice-admiral de Mackan to 
take a channel-pilot on board the Belle Poule, had arrived the evening before. As 
this vessel brought me no new instructions, I immediately attended to the orders pre- 
viously committed to me. My first care was to introduce M. de Chabot, the king's 
commissioner, to General Middlemore, governor of the island. These gentlemen had 
to regulate, according to their respective instructions, the manner in which the remains 
of the emperor should be exhumed and removed on board the Belle Poule. The exe- 
cution of the plans decided on was fixed for the 15th of October.* The governor under- 
took the exhumation, and all that was to be done on the English territory. As for 
myself, I regulated the honours that were to be paid on the 15lh and 16th, by the 
division placed under my orders : the French trading vessels, La Bonne Ami^e, Cap- 
tain Gallet, and L'Indien, Captain Truquetit, eagerly joined us. On the 15th, at mid- 
night, the operations were commenced in presence of the English and French commis- 
sioners, M. de Rohan-Chabot and Captain Alexander, R. E. ; the latter directed the 
works. As M. de Chabot will transmit to the government a circumstantial report of 
the operations he witnessed, it is unnecessary for me to detail ihe particulars ; I shall, 
therefore, only inform you that at ten in the morning the workmen reached the coffin. 
After having removed it from the grave uninjured, it was opened, and the body found 
in a state of unhoped-for preservation. At this solemn moment, on sight of the remains 
— so easily recognised — of him who had done so much for the glory of France, pro- 
found emotion seized the spectators. At half-past three, cannons from the forts 
announced that the funeral cortege was moving towards James' Town. The militia 
and the garrison preceded the car, which was covered with the pall borne by the Gen- 
erals Gourgaud and Bertrand, and by Messrs. Las Cases and Marchand ; the authori- 
ties and the inhabitants followed in crowds. The frigate in the roads responded by 
minute-guns to the cannon of the forts ; our flags were lowered half-mast high, and all 
the foreign vessels displayed the same signs of mourning. When the cortege appeared 
on the quay, the English troops formed an avenue, through which the car advanced 
slowly towards the beach. On the sea-shore, where the English lines terminated, I 
had assembled around me the officers of the French division : all in deep mourning, 
with heads uncovered, we awaited the approach of the coffin. It stopped at twenty 
paces from us, and the governor, advancing towards me, gave into my charge, in the 
name of the British government, the remains of the Emperor Napoleon. So soon as 
the coffin had been lowered into the frigate's long-boat, previously disposed to receive 
it, renewed emotions were manifested; the last wishes of the emperor were fulfilling; 
his body at length reposed under the national flag. 

" From that moment, all signs of mourning were abandoned ; honours that the em- 
peror would have received in life, were rendered to his mortal remains, and it was 
amid the salvos of the ships, with their flags hoisted and their yards manned, that the 
long-boat, escorted by the boats of all the vessels in the roads, was slowly towed 
towards the frigate. On its arrival on board, the coffin was received between two files 
of officers under arms, and borne to the temporary chapelle-ardente. According to 
your orders, the honours were yendered by a guard of sixty men, commanded by the 
senior lieutenant of the frigate. Though it was already late, the absolution was read, 
and the body remained thus exposed during the night, the chaplain and an officer 
keeping watch near the coffin. 

" On the 16th, at ten in the morning, the officers and the crews of the French ships 
of war, together with those of the merchantmen, having assembled on board the frigate, 
a solemn funeral service was celebrated. The body was then lowered between decks, 
where a new chapelle-ardente had been prepared to receive it. At noon, aU was 
ended, and the frigate ready to sail, but two days were required for the drawing up of 
the proces-verbal (authentic account), and it was not till the morning of the 18th, that 
the Belle Poule and Favourite were able to get under weigh. The Oreste left at the 
same time for its destination. After a quick and favourable voyage, I anchored in the 
Cherbourg roads at five o'clock this morning. (Signed) F. D'Orleans. 

" To the Minister of Marine." 

* The anaiversary of Napoleon's arrival ia the island, twenty-five years before. 



552 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 

The official report of the commissioners, referred to in the fore- 
going despatch, gives the following detail of the exhumation and 
delivery of Napoleon's remains : 

" We, the undersigned, Phillppe-Ferdinand-Auguste de Rohan-Chabot, in virtue of 
powers conferred on me by his majesty the King of the French, and Charles Corsan 
Alexander, deputed by his excellency General Middlemore, Governor of St. Helena, 
to preside on the part of her Britannic Majesty, having previously communicated to 
each other our respective powers, have repaired, this 15th day of the present month of 
October, of the year 1840, to the place of sepulture of the Emperor Napoleon, to super 
intend and direct personally all the operations of exhuming and removing his remains. 

" Having arrived at the Valley of Napoleon, we found the tomb guarded, according 
to the orders of the governor, by a detachment of the ninety-first regiment of British 
infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Barney, for the purpose of preserving order befit- 
ting the occasion. The members of council received directions to attend the disinter- 
ment : these were Lieutenant-colonel Trelawny, his honour the Chief-justice Wylde, 
and Colonel Hodson. There were also ordered to be present, Mr. Scale, the Colonial 
Secretary ; and Lieutenant Littlehales, commanding the Dolphin. On the French side 
were Generals Bertrand and Gourgaud ; Count Las Cases ; Marchand ; Arthur Ber- 
trand, the commander of the frigate ; the Abb€ ; and the Surgeon, with five or six of 
Napoleon's domestics. The persons appointed to execute the works having been 
admitted within the reserved space round the tomb at midnight, and in silence. Captain 
Alexander, of the Engineers, commenced his work by removing the railing, and the 
slabs that covered the grave. The earth was next excavated, and, after unwearied 
efforts, the workmen succeeded in making an impression on the cement which covered 
the first layer of masonry below. This being entirely removed, we next found a rec- 
tangular wall, forming, as we afterwards ascertained, the four sides of a vault, fourteen 
feet deep, six feet wide, and ten feet two inches long. Below the slabs already 
removed, this vault was entirely filled with earth, about nine inches deep. Beneath 
the earth appeared a layer of common cement, covering the whole space, and adhering 
to the walls, which having been completely cleared away, the undersigned commission- 
ers descended into the vault, and found it perfectly uninjured. The next covering, 
formed of stones thirteen inches in tliickness, bound together by iron cramps, resisting 
the labour of several hours, the undersigned English commissioner caused a tunnel to 
be excavated from the left side of the vault, in order to reach the coffin by this means, 
in case further efforts to perforate the solid mass should prove insufficient. The 
removal of the latter, however, having been at length effected, the digging of the lateral 
ditch was abandoned ; and below the demolished mass was found a slab, eight feet four 
inches long, four feet and an inch wide, and six feet thick, forming the covering of the 
inner sarcophagus (or sepulchre) of hewn stones, containing the coffin. This slab, in 
perfect preservation, was framed in Roman cement, and strongly fastened to the walls 
of the vault ; and this last masonry having been carefully raised by means of rings or 
pulleys affixed to it, at half-past nine o'clock in the morning every thing was ready for 
the opening of the sarcophagus. Then Dr. Guillard purified the tomb by besprinkling 
it with chlorine, the slab was drawn up and laid on the edge of the vault, exposing the 
coffin to view, at which moment all present uncovered their heads, and the Abb^ 
Coquereau, sprinkling holy water, repeated the De Profundis. The undersigned com- 
missioners then stepped down to inspect the coffin, which they found well preserved, 
excepting a small portion only of its base, which, although resting on a sound slab, sup- 
ported by hewn stones, was slightly impaired. Some sanatory precautions having been 
again taken by the surgeon, an express was sent to the governor, to inform him of the 
progress of the work. The coffin was then raised with hooks and straps, and removed 
with reverent care to a tent erected to receive it, the chaplain reading the while the 
service for the dead conformably to the rites of the Roman Catholic church. 

" The undersigned coinmissioners then descended into the tomb, which they found 
to be in perfect preservation, and agreeing entirely with the official description of the 
interment. 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 553 

"Towards eleven o'clock, the undersigned French commissioners, learning that his 
excellency the governor had authorized the opening of the coffins, caused the first to be 
taken off v^rith every requisite precaution, within which was found a leaden one, which, 
with its contents, was placed within that brought out from France. Then his excel- 
lency, accompanied by his staff. Lieutenant Middlemore, aid-de-camp and military 
secretary, and Captain Barnes, town-major, entered the tent, to be present at the open- 
ing of the inner coffins. The upper part of the leaden coffin was thereupon cut, and 
lifted off with the utmost care. In it was found another of wood, in excellent preserv- 
ation, and corresponding with the description and recollection of those who had been 
present at the depositing of the emperor's remains. 

" The lid of the third coffin having been removed, the lining of tin was v^rithdra^v^, 
and disclosed a sheet of white satin, which was carefully drawn aside by Doctor Guil- 
lard, and the body of Napoleon was exposed to view. The features had undergone so 
little alteration as to be instantly recognised. The contents of the coffin were found 
remaining in the exact position in which they had been placed ; the hands in remarka- 
ble preservation ; the uniform, the orders, the hat, very little injured ; and the whole 
person indicating a recent inhumation. But two minutes at most did the body remain 
exposed to the air, that short interval sufficing for the surgeon to take the measures 
prescribed to preserve it from further injury. The tin and mahogany coffins were then 
reclosed, over which the leaden one was careftilly resoldered, under the direction of 
Dr. Guillard, and securely fixed by wedges in the new leaden coffin sent from Paris. 
The whole were then placed in the splendid ebony sarcophagus, which was locked, and 
the key delivered to the undersigned French commissioner. 

" Then the undersigned English commissioner declared that, the exhumation being 
ended, he was authorized by his excellency the governor to inform the French commis- 
sioner that the coffins containing the mortal remains of Napoleon should be considered 
at the disposal of the French government from the moment they had reached the place 
of embarkation, whither they would be conveyed under the personal orders of his excel- 
lency the governor. 

" The coffin was then placed on a funeral car, covered with an imperial mantle pre- 
sented by the undersigned French commissioner, and at half-past three in the afternoon 
the cortege formed, under the command of his excellency the governor (who, in con- 
sequence of illness, had been unable to preside at the labours of the night), and advanced 
from the grave. 

" From the moment the procession began to move, minute-guns were fired from the 
battery at High Knoll, and continued from the lines. On its arrival at James' Town, 
the coriege passed slowly down the main street, through lines of the militia and of the 
ninety-first, resting on their arms reversed, to the quay, where stood the Prince de Join- 
ville, surrounded by French officers in waiting to receive the body. The prince then 
received from the governor the imperial coffin, which was immediately deposited in the 
long-boat prepared for its reception, and conveyed by the prince on board the Belle 
Poule, with all the honours due to sovereigns. 

"For the faithful record of which, we, the undersigned commissioners, have drawn 
up this proces-verhal, and have sealed it with our arms. 

" Made in duplicate between us, at St. Helena, this fifteenth day of October, in the 
year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and forty. 

(Approved) « Mibblemoke. -^^,^1^^/' "' 

Further details of the transfer of the body from the custody of 
the English governor to that of the French commissioners have 
been derived from an eye-vi^itness of the ceremony, vt^ho vi^rites to 
the following effect; — After two houts march, the cortege reached 
the end of the quay, where the Prince de Joinville had stationed 
himself, at the head of the officers of the three French ships of 

47 



554 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

war. The greatest official honours had been rendered by the 
English authorities to.the memory of the emperor, and every tes- 
timonial of respect had marked the adieu given by St. Helena to 
his remains. When the funeral car halted at the quay, the Prince 
de Joinville (who very considerately judging that in hTs character 
of commandant of the expedition, it would be proper to absent 
himself from the operations not under his immediate direction, had 
remained on board the frigate during the exhumation) advanced 
alone, and, in presence of all around, who stood with their heads 
uncovered, received in a solemn manner the imperial coffin from 
the hands of General Middlemore. His royal highness then thanked 
the governor, in the name of France, for all the marks of sympathy 
and respect testified by the authorities and inhabitants of St. 
Helena at the memorable ceremonial, and expressed his entire 
satisfaction with every thing which had been done. 

The sarcophagus, having been lowered from the quay to the 
French cutter, was covered with an imperial mantle, and borne 
towards the frigate amid salutes from the ships, dressed out in 
their colours, and having their yards manned. All indications of 
mourning which the French vessels and crews had hitherto 
assumed, now that the remains of Napoleon were in French cus- 
tody, were exchanged for manifestations of festivity and triumph. 
The magnificent flag which the ladies of James' Town had worked 
for the occasion was unfurled; and, amid the roar of artillery, 
the exulting cheers of the French crews, with their bands playing 
lively national airs, the remains of the gi*eat conqueror and cap- 
tive left the island, and were received on board the Belle Poule 
frigate, between two ranks of officers under arms, and carried to 
the quarter-deck, which had been arranged as a chapelle-ardente. 
A guard of sixty men, commanded by the senior-lieutenant of the 
frigate, did the honours. 

On Sunday, at nine o'clock, the three French vessels were under 
weigh, and were soon out of sight of the island. 

The Belle Poule having anchored in the roads of Cherbourg, of 
which event the prince's despatch conveyed immediate intelli- 
gence to Paris, preparations for the celebration of the obsequies, to 
take place in that city on the 15th of December, were commenced 
on the most extensive scale: and every town and village of the 
route by which the remains were to pass thither, manifested zealous 
eagerness to pay its tribute of respect to the memory of Napoleon. 
On the receipt of final instructions from the French government, 
the prince proceeded to execute them. At sunrise on Tuesday, 
the 8th, the sarcophagus containing the body was transferred from 
the frigate to the Normandie steamer, destined to carry it to Val 



MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 555 

de la Haie, a small village below Rouen, where other steamers in 
waiting were stationed. On Wednesday, at three o'clock, the 
prince and his suite reached Val de la Haie, amid such tokens of 
respect as the place could afford, and where the Dorade, a boat 
distinguished from the others stationed there by its state adorn- 
ments, was laid alongside the Normandie, and another removal of 
the coffin effected. The deck of this vessel represented a funeral 
temple, hung with drapery of violet-coloured velvet, embroidered 
with golden bees. The coffin was covered with a magnificent 
pall, surmounted by an imperial crown. The stern was decorated 
with flags, inscribed with the names of Napoleon's victories. On 
this occasion, the prince ordered away all ornaments from the 
deck, observing: ""This noble deposit from St. Helena needs no 
decoration." At Val de la Haie, the vessel anchored for the night, 
and arrived off Rouen the following morning. Here, at the earnest 
petition of the citizens, it halted a sufficient time to enable the 
authorities to visit the remains, and the archbishop and clergy to 
perform some religious rites. To detail the progress of the flotilla 
from Rouen to Corbevoie would be only to repeat similar demon- 
strations of honour, of triumph, or of mourning. All the wealth and 
beauty of France seemed congregated on the banks of the Seine ; 
the military swarmed as in a camp, and the veterans of the old 
armies all rallied round the remains of their chief Early on 
Saturday, the 12th, the steamers arrived at Mantes, and the same 
afternoon at Poissy. On the following day, the procession moved 
up from Poissy to Maisons, where it remained for the night ; and 
on Monday, the 14th, advanced to the bridge immediately below 
St. Germain's, through which the vessels passed amid every possi- 
ble manifestation of welcome from the assembled thousands who 
densely thronged every position from whence the spectacle could 
be seen. At Anniers, a small village two miles below^ Courbevoie, 
lay the massive and gorgeous vessel which had been built expressly 
to convey the remains from Val de la Haie. A receptacle for 
them had been raised on its deck, in the form of an Egyptian tem- 
ple, oblong in build, open at the sides, with plain square columns 
supporting a flat roof, but sustained in front by four statues, on the 
heads of which it appeared to rest ; the entrance to this temple 
was by several steps ; the vessel had an immense eagle (gilded) as 
a figure-head, and bronze shields suspended all round, with the 
names of victories, trophies of arms, and banners surmounted by 
the imperial eagle — the bulk-head being covered with laurels and 
immortelles. In the front and rear were four tripods, throwing 
out flames ; and round the tomb were engraved, on escutcheons, 
the names of the principal victories of the republic and the empire. 



556 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

This magnificent and expensive piece of craftsmanship was not 
used for the destined purpose, its great weight preventing the pos- 
sibiUty of towing it to Paris by any steamer on the river, in time 
for the translation to take place on the 15th. This vessel, how- 
ever, formed part of the convoy for Anniers to Courbevoie, and 
had a superb effect. At half-past three in the afternoon, the cor- 
tege reached Courbevoie (some four miles from Paris), where it 
was received with imperial honours. As each steamer came up, she 
fired a salute, and then took the station assigned to her for the night. 

At five o'clock, Marshal Soult, Admiral Duperre, and M. Duchatel, 
arrived at Courbevoie, and repaired on board the Dorade, to pay 
their respects to the Prince de Joinville. They were soon after 
joined by the Duke de Nemours, who spent part of the night with 
his brother. 

Very few of the sailors were allowed to land ; but one man went 
ashore by special leave, who no sooner set his foot on the quay 
than he was surrounded- and embraced by all the generals in the 
presence of all the troops. This man — Sergeant Hubert, who had 
never abandoned the emperor, dead or alive — had assigned to 
himself the pious mission of guarding his tomb, and had faithfully 
discharged the self-imposed office from the 8th of May, 1821. 
Hubert was dressed in the uniform of the grenadiers of the impe- 
rial guard, and wore the decoration of the Legion of Honour. 

Early in the morning of Tuesday, the 15th of December, the 
Durade steamer left her station in the centre of the river, and was 
moored near the landing-place. The twenty-four seamen of the 
Belle Poule, who were appointed to bear the coffin ashore, were 
ranged on each side of the sarcophagus. The funeral car shortly 
afterwards drew up under the portico of a Grecian temple, erected 
to receive the coffin. This structure, one hundred feet high, and 
of tasteful design, was decorated at its angles with branches of 
palm and tri-coloured flags; and an eagle, with displayed wings 
spanning sixteen feet, was placed over the front. At half-past 
nine, the clergy of Courbevoie went on board the Dorade, where 
prayers were read over the body. The Prince de Joinville then 
gave orders to land, when the twenty-four seamen raised the coffin 
on their shoulders; the artillery fired twenty-one rounds, and the 
remains of the emperor once more rested on French ground, amid 
every demonstration of welcome from the troops and people. 
After lying in state a short time in the temple, where the Abb6 
Coquereau and the clergy chanted prayers, the seamen raised again 
their precious load, and carried it to the funeral car destined to 
convey the remains to the chapel of the Invalides. 

By the time the cofiin was deposited upon the car, the numerous 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 557 

civil authorities of Paris and its districts had arrived at the bridge 
of Neuilly, to receive the body on the hmits of the department. 
At this spot, a number of veterans of the old army, dressed in the 
uniform of the various corps, passed through the crowd to await 
and join the procession. One of the most affecting associatons 
recalled by the scene was a colossal statue of the Empress 
Josephine, erected at the extremity of the bridge on the road lead- 
ing to Malmaison. It was eleven o'clock before the car left Cour- 
bevoie ; it paused awhile near the statue of Josephine ; after which 
the procession commenced its march towards the capital, and, 
crossing the bridge of Neuilly, debouched into the road leading to 
Paris, where thousands on thousands of persons were assembled. 
The first part of the cortege was allowed to pass in silence ; the 
multitude seemed fixed in breathless expectation; but the moment 
the car was perceived, every head was bare — hats, handkerchiefs, 
and banners, swayed to and fro ; while above the roar of artillery 
rose the swelling of those myriad voices in the incongruous 
acclaim, "Vive I'Empereur!" 

At length the cortege, slowdy advancing on its way, entered the 
city of Paris by the Barriere de Neuilly ; thence passing through 
the Champs Elys^es, which was densely thronged with spectators, 
it entered the fine open space of the Place de la Concorde. As 
the procession wound through this noble square, the effect was 
magnificent, though imparting less of the character of a funeral 
solemnity than perhaps became the occasion. It rather denoted a 
military triumph; martial sights and martial sounds met the eye 
and smote the ear, to the exclusion of sympathy, real or ideal — if 
we except the interest excited by the appearance of that body of 
men, whose aspect and countenances, even more than the distin- 
guished names borne upon their streamers, denoted them as sol- 
diers of the Republic — the last representatives of the old armies 
of the Empire. There, in all variety of uniform — some grotesque, 
others displaying the acm6 of costume en militaire — might be 
recognised the veterans of Hoche and Marceau — of Moreau and 
Massena — of Ney, Murat, Bernadotte, and others — covered with 
scars and cicatrices, and having an expression of countenance that 
betokened the memories of their battle-days. But if pageantry 
expressing the poverty of pomp might offend the mental vision, the 
effect was imposing enough to the bodily sense ; and to that our 
narrative is confined. 

One of the finest sights of the day was the Esplanade of the 
Invalides, as the car entered it. The central road filled with the 
procession and lined with troops; the numerous statues of great 
monarchs and military commanders on either side, commencing 



558 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

with Ney, Jourdain, and Hoche, with the colossal figure of the 
emperor at the edge of the quay; the immense estrades on each 
side, containing at least thirty thousand people, and behind them 
innumerable masts with tri-coloured streamers floating, presented 
as imposing an effect as could be conceived. The edifice of the 
Invalides is one of the most splendid monuments of the reign of 
Louis XIV. As its name indicates, it is a hospital for the recep- 
tion of old soldiers of all ranks, and now contains from four to five 
thousand. The approach had undergone an appropriate temporary 
transformation. Across the grand entrance by the esplanade was 
thrown a triumphal arch, surmounted by imperial emblems, and 
richly hung with mourning draperies. The Cour Royale, which 
is entered by the elegant peristyle reaching from this gate, had 
been fitted up with seats on each side for the public, on a gradual 
elevation reaching to the top of the lower arcade. This portion 
of the building was entirely masked with temporary fronts, richly 
emblazoned with military trophies, the armorial bearings and 
initials of Napoleon, intersected with funeral wreaths, and other 
ornaments characteristic of the ceremony of the day. The front 
of the church, on the south side, had been converted into the por- 
tico of a military temple, on which were seen seven statues of the 
most distinguished generals in the wars of the empire, among whom 
was Marshal Soult. Twelve immense banners, bearing warlike 
insignia, and each surmounted by the star of the Legion of Honour, 
completed the splendid decorations of this court. At half-past two, 
the increased rapidity of the artillery salutes gave notice to those 
within the building that the funeral cortege had arrived at the 
gates. The military immediately formed; and, preceded by depu- 
tations from the various grades in the army, the body of the late 
emperor was borne along. 

The general effect of the decorations within the church was at 
once gorgeous and solemn, suited to the mingled ideas of imperial 
greatness, and the nothingness of the remains in honour of which 
these preparations had been made. 

At eleven o'clock, the first cannon was heard, announcing that 
the remains of the emperor then touched French ground ; at the 
sound, an electric thrill seemed to pass through the vast assem- 
blage. Soon after, attention was for a moment attracted by the 
arrival of the venerable Marshal Moncey, whose long-cherished 
wish had been that he might live to see this day. He was wheeled 
into the church, and with some difficulty reached the choir, to 
await the remains of his beloved chief About one, the king and 
royal family arrived from the Tuileries ; and, at length, three hours 
after its departure from Courbevoie, the car stopped at the gates of 



MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 559 

the Invalides. Louis-Philippe, surrounded by his chief officers of 
state, stationed himself beneath the dome to receive the body. 
The Archbishop of Paris, attended by the bishops and clergy, 
advanced to perform the rites of absolution at the entrance of the 
church. The walls now reverberated the sounds of cannon — the 
muffled drums came solemnly up the aisle — and, presently, pre- 
ceded by the Prince de Joinville, was seen advancing up the nave 
the emperor's coffin, borne upon the shoulders of the non-commis- 
sioned officers appointed for the purpose, and accompanied by 
Generals Gourgaud and Bertrand, and the marshals of France. It 
was covered with the pall, and the imperial crown lay reposing 
above. The old invalides, who occupied the fo'st rank, were deeply 
moved — by pride and joy, perhaps, rather than by grief; while 
great emotion was apparent in individuals among the mass of mil- 
itary who were ranged on one side of the dome. Here the body 
was presented to the king by the prince, who had accompanied it 
to its final destination, with these words : " Sire, I present to you 
the body of the Emperor Napoleon." The king replied, raising 
his voice, "I receive it in the name of France." General Athalin 
carried the sword of the emperor upon a cushion, and gave it to 
Marshal Soult, who presented it to the king. His majesty then 
addressed General Bertrand, and said, "General, I charge you to 
place this glorious sword of the emperor upon his coffin." His 
majesty next said, "General Gourgaud, place on the coffin the hat 
of the emperor." The general did so, and the king returned to his 
seat, passing by the left of the catafalque, and bowing to the Cham- 
ber of Deputies. The coffin was then raised into the catafalque ; 
the mass commenced; and when the Requiem ceased, holy water 
was sprinkled upon the catafalque by the archbishop. The solemn 
march which was played by the orchestra, on the return of the 
clergy, and the entrance of the body, was magnificent. The 
Requiem of Mozart, the De Prafundis, and the Dies IrcB, were then 
performed with a solemnity profoundly enhanced by the occasion. 



Thus concluded the ceremony, which had commenced like the 
great emperor's career in all the pomp and circumstance of war, 
and which, fulfilling his last desire, closed, by leaving in silence, in 
solitude, and in peace with all, the remains of him whose monu- 
ment is the rock of St. Helena — whose memory can only perish 
with the records of the world. 

It is computed that one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers 
assisted on this great national occasion. The whole of the reign- 
ing family were present; not so that of the deceased emperon 



560 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

The brothers and nephews of him to whom these honours were 
paid, were at that period still proscribed — in exile, or in prisoH. 
Nor were the relatives alone excluded from a participation in 
these imposing ceremonies. Some of those who had shared in 
the bitterness of Napoleon's latter days — who were his fast friends 
in prosperity and adversity — were actually refused permission to 
enjoy the gratification of beholding this final disposition of his 
mortal remains. Among others, Count Montholon, whom mere 
forms had incarcerated as a prisoner of state, sent the following 
letter to Marshal Soult, earnestly expressing what was probably 
one of the dearest wishes of his life ; but his application was not 
only denied — it was treated with utter neglect, 

« Citadel of Ham, Dec. 1. 
" MoNsiEUK Le Marechal : * * * To accompany to their last abode the mortal 
remains of the emperor, is a right which I would claim if I were free, and which I 
implore as a grace, now that I am a prisoner. I entreat you to accede to my respectful 
and pressing prayer. Deign to allow me to fulfil that pious and fiUal duty, and I pledge 
myself by oath that the same sentiment of honour and fidelity which led me to St. 
Helena, and bound me there while the emperor lived, and which threw me on the coast 
cf Boulogne, will induce me to return to the walls of Ham immediately after the fune- 
ral ceremony." 

The streets of Paris continued thronged through the evening, 
but no attempt at disturbance was perceptible. The capital gen- 
erally wore an aspect of festivity and triumph, and the disposition 
of the populace seemed universally favourable to the preservation 
of order. 

During the week, the public were allowed to visit the cata- 
falque ; and eight days after the ceremony, the body was deposited 
in a rich chapdle ardente, in the small lateral dome. 



THS END. 



Li. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



019 644 487 7 



